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Gaza 2014 and Mizrahi Feminism - PoLAR 42(1):85-109

Profile image of Smadar LavieSmadar Lavie

2019, PoLar: Political and Legal Anthropology Review

https://doi.org/10.1111/PLAR.12284
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25 pages

Abstract

What is the relationship between Mizraḥi feminism and Israeli ultra-nationalism? What is the relevance of gender justice activism to Operation Protective Edge (the 2014 Gaza War) and Israel’s foreign policy? Mizraḥi protests dissipate and disappear when the Israel-Palestine conflict dominates the headlines. This essay connects intra-Jewish racial and gendered dynamics to the 2014 Gaza War. It tracks sequences that began with social protest and ended with elections that bolstered Israel’s political right wing. In between came bloodletting between the Israeli Defense Forces, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel’s neighboring Arab states. The 2014 Gaza War was a watershed not only for the Israel-Palestine conflict; under the smokescreen of war, Israel accelerated neoliberal economic reforms. The first victims of this restructuring were Mizraḥi single mothers. Palestinians, however, would pay the highest price for Israel’s Mizraḥi-Ashkenazi rift. Corrigendum: Please note the following reference was inadvertently omitted from Smadar Lavie’s “Gaza 2014 and Mizrahi Feminism” PoLar 22(1) 85-109. The reference that should have been 2014b is: Knesset of the State of Israel. 2014b. Plenum no. 157. Second Session Meetings 157-159 [in Hebrew]. no. 35: 14-16, July 14, 16:01. https://main.knesset.gov.il/Activity/plenum/Pages/SessionItem.aspx?itemID=555497 The omission impacted the sequence of references in the bibliography. The previous “Knesset of the State of Israel 2014b” is now “Knesset of Israel 2014c”: Knesset of the State of Israel. 2014c. “Ratification of Amendment to Ḥok HaHesderim” [in Hebrew] The Book of Laws 2461: 638, July 27. http://fs.knesset.gov.il//19/law/19_lsr_303825.PDF Page numbers are from the final PoLar printed version of the article.

Key takeaways
sparkles

AI

  1. Mizrahi feminism connects intra-Jewish dynamics to Israel's ultra-nationalism, especially during the 2014 Gaza War.
  2. Operation Protective Edge served as a distraction for neoliberal reforms harming Mizrahi single mothers.
  3. The 2014 Gaza War resulted in approximately 2,200 Palestinian deaths and massive infrastructure destruction.
  4. Mizrahi protests fade when the Israel-Palestine conflict dominates media narratives, revealing systemic racial dynamics.
  5. This work argues for integrating intra-Jewish racism with the Israel-Palestine conflict in socio-political discourse.

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FAQs

sparkles

AI

What explains the connection between Mizrah i feminism and Israeli ultranationalism?add

The research reveals Mizrah i feminists often support ultranationalism while protesting social injustices, complicating intra-Jewish dynamics. This contradiction stems from their desire for recognition within a predominantly Ashkenazi-controlled state.

How did the 2014 Gaza War affect social protests in Israel?add

The paper illustrates that during times of conflict, like the Gaza War, Mizrah i protests often lose visibility and momentum, overshadowed by the Israel-Palestine narrative. This phenomenon has historically recurrent patterns, as seen during the 2003 Knafo march.

What role does bureaucracy play in Mizrah i women's activism?add

The findings underscore how bureaucratic structures hinder Mizrah i single mothers, enforcing dependency and stifling their activism against neoliberal policies. These bureaucratic entanglements often lead to severe emotional and economic distress among targeted populations.

When did Mizrah i activism notably reduce in public engagement?add

The study indicates Mizrah i activism markedly diminished during significant military conflicts, such as the Gaza War in 2014, as public focus shifted. This pattern reflects a recurring cycle of disengagement during heightened tensions in the Israel-Palestine conflict.

What impact did Operation Protective Edge have on Israeli domestic policies?add

The article identifies that Operation Protective Edge facilitated the passage of neoliberal reforms, directly affecting social welfare programs for marginalized groups, particularly Mizrah i single mothers. These policy changes included cuts to essential welfare provisions under the cover of wartime.

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Erez Tzfadia

Peripheralities , 2022

What is the meaning of the concepts of ‘periphery’ and ‘peripherality’ in Israel? With this question in mind, we invite the readers to a critical inquiry into the interpretation of the concepts by Israeli officials. Their version suggests that peripherality is a correlation between remoteness and socioeconomic status, i.e. social and economic backwardness caused by geographic remoteness from the ‘center’. This interpretation finds its roots both in liberal and Marxist theories, thus is commonly accepted. Against this interpretation, we argue that it conceals the history and policy of humiliation, marginalization and discrimination that forced communities, mainly Jewish immigrants from Muslim countries to Development-Towns (Ayarot Pitu'ah) - new towns that built in Israel during the 1950s, and kept the immigrants away from material and cultural benefits. In our paper we present an example of such history through the commemoration of Israeli citizen - victims of Palestinian attacks near Gaza Strip in the 1950s. Supporting by a settler-colonial approach, our critical analysis of the commemoration reveals the juxtaposition of multi-variants of marginalized identities, with multi-dimensional histories of discriminations. We title this juxtaposition as intersectionality and suggest it as an analytical framework for studying and defining ‘peripheralities’ in plural.

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Israel: A Century of Political Involvement
Chen Friedberg

The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights, 2018

Itzkovitch-Malka and Friedberg provide an overview of women’s eligibility and political participation in Israel. The chapter begins with a description of Jewish women’s efforts to win suffrage and eligibility to run for office in the pre-state era. It then maps the patterns in the descriptive representation of women in the Israeli parliament since the establishment of the state until today. It also addresses the mechanisms and debates surrounding the use of gender quotas to increase the representation of women in parliament. Finally, it discusses the substantive representation of women in the Knesset, comparing the parliamentary activity of female Knesset members (MKs) to that of their male counterparts. The authors show that when engaging in most policy issues, there are no clear gender differences between the legislators except for two areas: women’s issues and national security. Women legislators contribute more to the volume of legislation on issues related to women and their st...

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"Supremacy Unleashed: The Ongoing Erosion of Palestinian Citizenship in Israel."
Shira Robinson

The Routledge Handbook of Citizenship in the Middle East and North Africa, 2021

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Leslie Stein, “The Making of Modern Israel 1948-1967” (Cambridge: Polity, 2009), Democracy and Security, Vol. 6, Issue 1 (2010), pp. 88–96.
Raphael Cohen-Almagor
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Israel’s Jewish and Democratic Balance: A Historian Reflects on the Nation-State Law.
Arie M Dubnov

Fathom, 2018

Few thoughts on dogs that do not bark, the difference between Jerusalem and Philadelphia, and why Meir Ariel got it right while Yehonatan Geffen didn’t. Ah yes, and about the problems I find in the nation-state Basic Law. For a more formal abstract (written by the editors of Fathom): In this long read Dubnov writes as ‘a Jewish citizen of Israel, and by this virtue – a member of the fortunate, favored group that is privileged by the new legislation passed in summer 2018 – namely, the Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People.’ Dubnov indicts the law because of what it lacks – ‘any promise of equality and democracy, a Bill of Rights of any kind, that takes into consideration the non-Jewish citizens of Israel’ – and because of the real-world political context in which it is being enacted and from which it derives its meaning: ‘populist campaigns against “politically correctness,” toleration of others and basic norms of civility, alongside increased attempts by state authorities to curtail the activities of NGOs and human rights activists, targeted as “radical” and the weakening commitment of the Israeli legislature to the democratic rules of the game.’ Dubnov identifies four reasons liberal democrats should be worried by the law: its treatment of ‘Jewish settlement’, Jerusalem, the Arabic language, and Israel-Diaspora relations. He also notes with alarm the place accorded to the Druze in the new law.

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Related topics

  • Social Movements
  • Peace and Conflict Studies
  • Critical Race Theory
  • Non-Governmental Organizations (...
  • Sephardi/Mizrahi Studies
  • Right-Wing Movements
  • Transnational Feminisms, Women o...
  • Israel Defense Forces
  • Gaza Strip
  • Ahoti for Women In Israel
  • Palestinian Liberation Organizat...

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    Soldiers and Scholars: Ritual Dilemmas among National Religious Combat Soldiers in the Israel Defense Forces
    Uzi Ben shalom

    Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 2020

    This article explores how the practice of Jewish rabbinic law within the combat ranks of the Israel Defense Forces can be used as an ethnographic medium through which anthropologists may better contextualize the social and political tensions that characterize Jewish religious nationalism in Israel. We argue that national religious combat soldiers rarely turn to rabbinic legal tracts, or to the overlapping levels of military and civilian rabbinic leadership in their immediate efforts to resolve the everyday ritual dilemmas of their service. Rather, these dilemmas are primarily addressed and (always imperfectly) resolved on the small-scale intra-unit level. Through this ethnographic window into the religious and ritual aspects of military life, this article ultimately argues that the experience of political piety in Israel (and perhaps the wider Middle East) hinges not so much upon the power play between opposing religious and secular institutions but rather in the daily ambivalences ...

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