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30 June 2018

Ethiopia: Fresh Steps to Implement an Old Decision

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Eritrea and Ethiopia relations.
editorial

I was a university student when the Ethio-Eritrean war broke out. The people of Ethiopia and Eritrea lived as a single nation for centuries. As most of the border conflicts around the world, the intrusion of Fascist Italy is the basis for the cession of Ethiopia's Northern province of Eritrea. Emperor Menelik's decision not to pursue the fleeing Italian army into Eritrea after the victory of Adwa is generally taken as the ground for Eritrean independence. After decades of struggle, Eritrea seceded from Ethiopia in 1993 following the triumph of the armed coalition Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) over the military regime in power.

The spirit of collaboration was strong between the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF) during the days of armed struggle against the military regime. When EPRDF assumed state power, it recognized the right of nations to self-administration up to secession. The Eritrean people are the only ethnic group that has used the right to secede from Ethiopia and become an independent country. Following their independence, Ethiopia became the first country in the world to recognize Eritrea as a legitimate state.

After independence, Ethiopia and Eritrea enjoyed a close relation for five years. During those days, Eritreans were treated with respect. However, the relation between the ruling elite of the two sides went sour over night. Although the people were dumbfounded by the sudden change of heart, the argument that the Eritrean government sought to economically exploit Ethiopia and moved its army into Ethiopian territory helped mobilize the support of the Ethiopian people. Then the bloody war that claimed the lives of over seventy thousand people raged from May 1998 to June 2000.

The war ended in June 2000 following a ceasefire brokered by the then Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), Abdelaziz Bouteflika. The Algerian President had the support of the United Nations and the United States. In December 2000 the two parties signed the Algiers agreement which established a commission to mark the border, exchange prisoners, return displaced people and hear compensation claims. The UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, the American Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, and the leaders of Nigeria and Togo were in Algiers to witness the agreement.

Very importantly, the agreement decreed in Article 4 sub-article 15: "The parties agree that the delimitation and demarcation determinations of the Commission shall be final and binding. Each party shall respect the border so determined, as well as territorial integrity and sovereignty of the other party." The commission's decision became official in April 2002. Seyoum Mesfin, Ethiopia's foreign minister and representative at the border commission, asked for Ethiopians to celebrate the decision passed by the commission as its decisions gave the main disputed areas to Ethiopia. Ethiopian drivers were asked to commemorate the day by blowing their horns and turning their head lights on.

However, when the dust settled down and people carefully looked into the decision, it became clear that most of the war front of Badme and the entire Tsorena along with its environs went to Eritrea. Zalambesa was judged to be Ethiopian. It turned out that the decision was not a cheerful one as the Ethiopian government officials had presented it to be.

Back tracking on that decision was not an option as Ethiopia obviously agreed to take the decision as final and binding when it signed the Algiers agreement. Therefore, it announced that it accepted the decision in principle. The restraint to implement that decision, however, created the 'no war, no peace' situation between the two countries that spanned the past sixteen years.

The executive committee of the EPRDF recently decided to implement the Algiers agreement. The move is viewed as one of the numerous efforts to stabilize the country and promote regional integration under the new leadership of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (Ph.D.). It is, however, important to note that the current government has not made any new decisions. The important decisions were all made between 2000 and 2002 when Ethiopia signed the Algiers agreement and presented its border claims to the commission.

Following the decision, Eritrea has sent a delegation to Ethiopia to 'gauge current developments directly' and plan for the future. The delegation was received by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (Ph.D.), government officials and Ethiopian athletes. This historic move is a great stride in efforts to normalize relations between the two countries and kill of the military tension that existed for so long. PM Abiy Ahmed (Ph.D.) called the 'no war, no peace' situation as 'the death less war' because of the high state of vigilance and readiness the army maintains at the border with Eritrea. He said that the morale and material cost of keeping up the tense situation has drawn considerable human and material resources.

There are positive expectations following the realization that the Eritreans are also on board the plan to diffuse the situation at the border. Improved relations between the two could make the two countries strong trading partners. Agricultural products could be exported to Eritrea while the latter could provide Ethiopia with an outlet to the sea through the ports of Massawa and Assab.

The improved relations between the two countries would also make the horn of Africa a more stable region with improved capabilities to draw in investment. The plans for improved regional integration and mutual development would also benefit a lot from the whole hearted involvement of Eritrea. Efforts to stabilize Somalia could also benefit a lot from a combined effort by Eritrea and Ethiopia. Therefore, the future seems bright not only for bilateral relations between the brotherly people of Ethiopia and Eritrea but also for the whole region at large.

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