KITAB MAHAL
HISTORY OF ORISSA
(HINDU PERIOD)
The book is an earnest endeavour by an
historian of national and international repute
to present an exhaustive and authenticated
account of the colourful history of orissa
upto 1568 A.D. All possible care has been
taken to examine the original source
materials for presenting the history in a
chroriological manner. This book will de-
‘finitely cater to the long standing needs of
students of history as well as it will provide
pleasurable reading material to all those
who are lovers of Indian art and culture.
_ The book has been divided into 19
chapters from which the introductory chapter
relates to pre-histuric periods and tcpogra-
phy, chapters 2 to 12 deal with dynastic
history and rest of the chapters ie. from
13 to 19 throw light on the cultural achieve-
ments of Orissa, especially the administra-
tive organisation, socio-economic condition,
religious traditions, art and architecture and
colonial expension. In six elaborate appen-
dices Dr. Panigrahi clarifies several old
theories on the date Of Kharavela, accownt
of the Arab travellers, historicity of the
Madala Panji and the research value of the
Oriya Mahabharata of Sarala Dasa. Each
chapter ends with a bibliography of selected
works of other scholars in the field. At the
end, a comprehensive index is provided for
ready reference. The illustrations, though
not exhaustive, will no doubt give an idea
about the rich heritage of archaeological
monuments of orissa. Inshort, it is a schola-
rly work marked by accuracy, precision
and sound judgement. it will certainly rank
among the most outstanding contributions
on the history and culture of Orissa.
Kitab Mahal, Cuttack, Orissa
The author (born 1909) has devoted
four decades of his illustrious career to
_ the study“of archgeology, history and
culture of the State of Orissa. In his
early career he was treined as am
archaeologist under the able guidance
of the late Rao Babadur K. N. Dikshit
ind Sir R. E. Mortimer Wheeler. He
has served as an archaeologist in the
Department of.’ Archacology, Govern-
metit of ladim, as a Superintendent, as
a Curator in the Orissa State Museum,
as Professor cf History in the Berham-
“pur University His outstanding contri-
butions suchers Archaeological-repuains
at Bhubaneswer, ClHronology of
Bhauma - Karas” and Somavmsis of
Orissa Sarala Das (The Maker of
India Literature Series), and many
other books in English and in his
native language, Oriya’ have brought
him national and interpaeional repute
iD rec »gnition of monumental contribu-
{iOns Goveroment ‘of India has
awardedshih ‘Padmasri’. After retire-
ment from active service, the author
was appointed for a few years as the
U GC Professor , Of History at
Ravenshaw College, Cuttack and at
present he ms 4¥eated as the doyen of
Orissan culture. He is extremely busy
in writing research papers, bundred
of such papers being Already published
in India and abroad
HISTORY OF ORISSA
[ HINDU PERIOD ]
Krishna Chandra Panigrahi, 4,4, o. put;
Retired Professor of History, Berhampuf University;
Ex-U.G.C. Professor, Ravenshaw College, Cuttack;
Ex-Superitttendent, Department of Archaeology,
Government of India.
KITAB MAHAL
COLLEGE SQUARE
CUTTACK-753003
First Published : 1981
Second Published : 1986
© Krishna Chandra Panigrahi
Rs. 140
Published by Kitab Mahal, College Square, Cuttack.
Printed at Surekha Printers, Alisha bazar, Cuttack.
PREFACE
Efforts were made in Orissa from time to time to write the History
of Orissa collectively, but all efforts proved futile. Scholars, general
readers and students continued to feel the need of a History of Orissa,
The students were particularly in need of such a history, especially of the
earlier period. In the present volume efforts have been made to carter to
their needs.
My main attempt here has been to write in a chronological manner
the histories of the ancient and mediaeval dynasties of Orissa. The
chronology of ancient and mediaeval dynasties dealt with here is, in the
ultimate analysis, a mathematical:problem, Any big error in any part of it
produces conflicts and contradictions and any attempt to siur over the
difficulties gesults in Pringing out more conflicts and contradictions, An
/ unbiased interpretation of the original sources providing chrenological data
and a strict adherence to a truthful course which alone can throw light to
clarify obscurities, arg therefore more necessary than learning in tackling
tne chronological problems. Accurate chronologies in respect of the
dynasties dealt with ig this volume, are precluded by the nature of
materials utilised in this volume, but the main purpose of this work will
bea fulfilled, if it has not fallen fram the ideals, and if the main frame-work
of the chronologies worked out here remains unassailed and unaltered by
future discoveries,
In its treatment this work follows the History of Bengal (Dacca
University) Vol. I, Edited by Dr. R. C. Mazumdar but it must be pointed out
here that the History of Bengal has been written by a number of eminent
scholars who are profficient in their lines of investigations, but this
History of Orissa is the work of a single person.
As soon as | completed this work with the help of a Steno-typist
provided to me by the Publisher, | was overtaken by a serious type of
illness. Consequently | have been unable to put it to further revison
which it needed.
While preparing this work I have received the help and co-opera-
tion of many’ scholars and well-wishers, but the following scholars have
deen particularly helpful to me :—
( ti)
Dr. Karuna Sagar Behera, Professor of History, Utkal University,
Dr. Ramesh Prasad Mohapatra, Curator, Orirsa State Museum,
Dr. Bijay Kumar Rath, Curator, Orissa State Archaeology.
f
Dr. Umakanta Subudhi, Deptt. of History, G, M. College,
Dr. Ramesh Prasad Mohapatra and Dr. Bijaya Kumar Rath has gone through
the proof and Dr. R. P. Mohapatra has prepared the index to this work.
Dr, D. N. Pathy, Divisional Manager, Orissa Tourism Development Corpora-
tion prepared the cover and lay out of this book.
| am extremely thankful to Sri Jagadish Chandra Khandai,
Proprietor, Kitab Mahal, Cuttack who has taken immense pains in bringing
out its timely publication.
Cuttack K. C. Panigrahi
November, 1985
Chapter
iV
introduction
Pre-historic Periods, Early Stone Age Culture-2, Middle
Stone Age Culture-2, Late Stone Age Culture-3, Pre-
historic Copper Implements-3, Pre-historic Sites-3, Topo-
graphy-4, Kalinga-4, Utkala-6, Tosali-6, Odra-6, Kosala-/,
Smaller Geographical Units-8, Literary References to
Kalinga and Odra-8, Select Bibliography-9.
Kalinga Under the Nanda and the Maurya Rule
The Nanda Rule in Kalinga-10, Asoka’s Invasion of
Kalinga-11, Causes of the Kalinga War-11, Effects of the
Kalinga War-12, Ashoka’s Administration in Kalinga-13,
His Missionary Activities in Kalinga-15, Glimpses obtained
from the Sisupalagarh Excavations-15, Maurya Rule in
Kalinga after Ashoka-17, Select Bibliography-18.
‘\ Appendix—I
Ashoka’s Special Edicts in his Inscriptions at Dhauli and
Jaugada.19. “
Kaiinga Under the Chedi Dynasty
Kharavela-z2, Hatigumpha Inscription, Events of his
thirteen Year’s reign-23, His religion-24, His achieve.
ments-25, Select Bibliography-26.
Appendix—l!
Date of Kharavela-27.
Kalinga After Kharavela
Kharavela’s empire after his death-39, the Dark Period
after the Cnedis-39, A period of Andhra Supremacy-39,
A period of Murrenda Supremacy-40, The Gupta Age in
Orissa-~-43, Matharas-46, Nalas-47, Manas-49, Select
Bibliography-50.
The Satlodbhavas
ry
Their genealogy-51, their achievements-51, Sasanka’s
oveflordship over Orissa-52 invasions of Harsha\urdhana
CONTENTS
Pages
1—9
10—21
22—38
39—50
91—65
‘Chapter
Vi
vil
end Pulakesian !|-53, War of Succession between Dhar-
maraja and Madhavaraja-53, Traditions about the
activities of Sasanka-54, Pulakesin I] and Bhaskaravarman
in Ortssa-58, Yuan Chwang’s Accounts-61, Select Biblio-
graphy-65.
The Bhauma- Karas
Their Origin-66, Chronology-69, Genealogy-74,
Kremankaradeva (736 A.D,)-75, Sevakaradeva | alias
Unmattasimha-76 (756 or 786 A.D.), Subhakaradeva 1-77
(790 A.D.), Sivakaradeva II-79 (809 A.D.?), Santikaradéva
(829 A.D.)-79, Tribhuvana Mahadevi | (846 A.D.)-80,
Prithvi Mahadevi (894 A.D.)-82, Other rulers of the
dynasty-85, The extent of the Bhaumd' Kingdom-86.
Appendix-IlI
Arab and Parsian Geographer’s Account of Orissa-87,
Select Bibliography-S4.
The Somavamsis °
Origin-96, Geneology of the Panduvamsis-96, Geneology
of the Somavamsis-97, Chronology-98, Janarmejaya I-101,
Kesarikula-103, Yayati |-104. Annexation of the Bhauma
Kingdom.105, his conflict with the Bhar.jas-105, Re-esta-
blishment of the Shrine of Jagannatha at Puri-105, Bhima:
ratha-106, Dharmaratha and Nahusa-106, Yayati 11-108,
Uddyotakesari-109, Janamejaya If and «Puranjaya-109,
Karnadeva-110. conquest of Orissa by Chodaganga-111,
Vice-regal families of Utkala and Kosala during the
Somavamsi Rule-111 Transfer of the Somavamsi Capital
to the coastal region-113, Kosala during Later Soma-
vamsi Period-114, The Bhanja, the Nagavamnsis and
Kalachuri rule in Kosala-116.
Appendix-!V
Authenticity of the Madalapanji, The Temple Chronicle
of Puri-122.
Appendix-V
Amended Readings of Some Inscriptions-130,
Page
66—95
96—133
Chapter
Vill
Xi
Xi
Minor Medieval Dynasties
A.The Bhanjas of Khinjali-134, B. The Bhanjas of
Khijjingakota-138, C. The Nandas of Jayapura-142,
D,. The Sulki Rules of Kodolaka Mandala-144, E. The
Tungas of Yamagartta-Nandala-145, F, Jayasimha of the
Unknown Family-146, G. The Varahas of Banai-146,
H. The Dhavalas-147, |, Rastorkular-147, J. Jayanam of
Uncertain Family-149, Select Bibliography-149.
The Gangas
The Early Gangas and the Greater Ganga-The Greater
Gangas-151, Chodaganga-154, 1. Kamarnava VII-158,
2. Raghava-159, 3. Rajaraja |1-159, 4. Aniyanka Bhima I!-
159, 5. Rajaraja Il-166, 6. Anangabhimadeva IIi-160,
7. Narasimhadeva |I-164, 8, Bhanudeva I-172, 9. Nara-
sinfhadeva I]-174, 10. Bhanudeva [I-175, 11. Narasimha-
deva III-176, 12. Bhanudeva I!I-176, 13 Narasimhadeva
IV-182, 14. Bhanudeva IV-183, The Usurpation of the
Ganga throne” by Kapilendradeva-184, Achievements of
the Gangas-186, Causes of the fall of the Dynasty-188,
Select Bibliography-188.
The Suryavamsis
Kapitendradeva-191, Purusottamadeva-208, Pratapa-
rudradeva-221, Sri Chaitanya in Orissa-230, Select Biblio-
graphy-232.
Appendix-Vl
Sarala Mahabharata and Kapilendra’s Conquest-234.
The Bhois
Govinda Vidyadhara-239, Chakrapratepadeva-240, Nara.
simha Jena-240, Raghurama Chottarai-240, Select Bibllo-
graphy-240.
The Chalukyas
Mukundadeva, the last Hindu King-241, The Muslim
Occupation of Orlssa-243, Causes of the Decline of
Orissa-245, Select Bibllography-249.
Page
134—180
151—183
180—238
239—240:
241—243:
Chapter
XH
XIV
XVI
Administration
Early Administration-250, Chedi Administration-251,
Mathara Administration-251, Bhauma Administration-
252, Somavamsi Administration-253, Ganga Admini-
stration-253, Suryavamsi Administration-255, Military
Administration-257, Early Military-257, Administration-
Ganga and Suryavamsi Military Organisation-257, The
Forts-260, The Size of the Gajapati Army-260, Gymnasia-
261, Select Bibliography-262.
Socio-Economic Condition
Socio-Economic Condition of the Early Period-262,
Socio-Economic Condition in the Gafiga and Suryavamsi
Periods-207, Select Bibliography-269.
Sanskrit L.terature
Sanskrit in the Early Periods of Orissa-270, Visnu Sarma-
271, Satananda-272, Murari Misra-273, Jayafeva-273,
Vidyadhara-278, Nilambara Acharya-279, Sankhadhara-
279, Sambhukara Vajapeyi-279, Kavi Visv&natha-279,
K&pilendradeva-279, Purusottamadeva-279, Prataparudra-
devd-279, Ramananda Ray-279, Ra& Champati-280,
Narasimha Misra Vajapeyi.280, Select Bibliography-280.
Oriya Language and Literature
Origin and Development of the Oriya Language-281,
Prachy Prakrita-281. Glimpses of the Oriya language
from the Hatigumpna Inscription-282, The Bhadrak
Inscription of Gana and Bhauma Inscriptien-263, Yuan
Chwang’s Accounts-284, Development of the Oriya
Language in the Somavamsi and Ganga Periods Madala-
panji.284, Charyapadas-285, Origin and Development of
the Oriya Literature-286, Sarala Dasa, the Originator of
the Oriya Literature-287, Reasons for the Rise of the
Oriya Literature-288, Kalasa Chautisa-289, Kesava
Koili-289, Rudra Sudhanidhi-289, Sisuveda-Dandi Vritha-
Sarala Dasa's life and works-290, Jagannatha Dasa.293,
Balarama Dasa-293, Yasovanta Dasa, Ananta Dasa-294
Page
250—263
264—269
270— 280
281—295
Chapter
XVI
XVI
Achyutananda Dasa-294, Arjuna Dasa-294, Select
Bibliography-294.
Religion
Jainism-296, Budhism-303, Saivism-31 3, Vaisnavism-320,
Saktism-330, Cult of Jagannatha-335, Other Cults-347,
Brahmanical Hinduism-349, Select Bibliography-352
Art and Architecture
Introduction—Menuments of the Asokan Age-356,
Monuments of Kharavela Age-364, Monuments of the
Dark Period-365, Railing Pillars-366, Yaksa Images-366,
Naga Images-367, Parnnadevati of Bhadrak-368, Mukha-
Lingam of Sitabhinji-368, Sculptures of Earlier Date at
Rhubeneswar-369, at Jajpur-370, Kalinga Type of temple
Architecture-371, Monuments of the Sailodbhava
Period-373, Monuments of the Bnauma Period-377,
Monuments of the Somavamsi Period-388, Monuments of
the Ganga Period-404, Monuments of the Suryavamsi
Period-420, Temple%sculptures-431. Major Centres of Art
and Architecture-437, Bhubaneswar-437, Puri, Konarka,
Jajpur-437, the Ratnugiri Area-439, Khiching-440,
Mukhalingam-442, Ranipur-Jharial-444, Vaidyanath-444.
Prachi Valley 445, Ayodhya-446, Other Centres-447,
Palia-447, Kupari-447, Mahantipada-448, Vaidakhia-448,
Khadi-pada-448, Remuna-448, The Bhadrakali Shrine-448,
Solanpura-449 Hatapada-449, Dharmasala Area-449,
Lower Brahmani Vally-450, Amaravati-450, Salipur
Areas-451, Kendrarara-451, The Jhankara Area-451,
Choudwar.452, .The Cuttack City-453, The village Niali-
453, Patia-454, The Chausathi Yogini Temple of Hirapur
-454, The Dhauli Hill-454 The Konarka Area-454, The
Khurda Area-455, The Banki Area-455, Banpur Area-455,
The Baudha Area-456, Nilamadhava of Kantilo-456,
Banswari Nasi-456, Talmul im Angul-456, Charddha-456,
Saintala.456, Belkhandi-456, Patnagarh-457, Narasimha.
nath.457, Naikpada-457, Purusottamapur-457, Budha-
khol-457, Krishnagiri hill-457, Palur-457, Mahendra.
Page
296—354
355—459
Chapter
XIX
giri-458, Nandapura-458, The Jaina Site at Subei-458.
Paintings-458 Select Bibliography-.459.
Colonial and Cultural-Expansion of Kalinga
Introduction.460, Factors Leading to Maritime Activi-
ties-461, Activities in Burma-462, Kalinga’s Activities
in Other Countries-463, The Sailendra Empire-464,
Society 464, ~The Art-465, Literature-465, Orissan
Traditions Relating to Maritime Activities-465, References
in Arab and Persian Geographies-467, Activities in
Ceylon-468, Select Bibliography-468.
Iustrations : Follow page 240.
INDEX—i—xxii
Page
460--468
1. Introduction
Pre-historic Periods :
Excepting the coastal strip, most parts of Orissa were and are
still covered with hills and forests and they provided ideal sites for the
habitation of primitive man. Food and water were the primary necessities
of the earliest man and these simple needs were satisfied by the hills,
forests, streams and the upper reaches of the big rivers that we find at
present in Orissa. Geographically the hills and the forests of western
Orissa, Chhatisagarh and south-east Bihar form a single unit even at
Present and they were more so in the pre-historic periods. Therefore,
ner is a gréat deal of ¢imilarity in the pre historic implements that have
"been recovered from Chakradharapur, Chaibasa, , Ranchi and Manbhum,
with those that have been found in the hilly regions of Orissa. Geologi-
cally speaking, the coastal plains of Orissa are of recent creations, formed
by the river deltas gradually elevated from the sea level. The lithic
industries of the pre-histdric periods that have been traced in the coastal
plains of Orissa, therefore, belon ed to the last phase of these industries.
The pre-historic implements foufd in - Orissa have been divided "by the
scholars proficient in pre-historic studies, into three broad categories,
Viz. Early Stone Age Culture, Middie Stone Age Culture and Late Stone
Age Culture.
Early Stone Age Culture: Speaking of the find spots of the
Early Stone Age tools, Dr. G. C. Mohapatra observes : ‘‘The tools of
this culture, occurring in the secondary laterite pits and cemented coarse
gravels of the river sections are generally made out of coarse grain
quartzite. The most popular raw material, which seems to have been
available in plenty to the Early Stone Age men, was perhaps the river-
worn quartzite pebbles. However, a fairly large number of tools have
also been made out of big chunks of rocks presumably quarried from
local out-crops.™ Speaking of the tool-types the same scholar says :
“Hand-axe, cleaver, scraper, point, discoid, irregularly flaked pebbles
and irregularly flaked bifaces are the main tool-types. Cores and flakes
also occur in Suitable proportions. Majority of the tools are made
bifacially.”” These earliest man-made tools were usect for digging,
2 HISTORY OF ORISSA
cutting, chopping, killing animals and scraping the skins. The lithic
implements of this age have been discovered in plenty from the gravel
pits of the secondary laterite at Kuliana, situated at a distance of nine
miles from Baripada, and have been studied by Mr. P. Acharya, Prof.
Nirmal Kumar Bose and Prof. D. Senalong with some foreign scholars.
In the Talcher areas the same tools of this age have also made their.
appearance.
Middle Stone Age Cultare : The lithic implements of this age
were formerly being considered as a phase of the Early Stone Age, but
modern scholars now consider them as belonging to a new age. Dr.
Mohapatra observes : ‘During the Early Stone Age hand-axes, cleavers, a
few scrapers and crude Points were all which man needed for his day-to-
day activities, In fact none of them was a specialised tool and they could
be used for any type of work. With a small population and _ plentiful
supply of game these unspecialised tools could have sufficed during the
Early Stone Age. But the tool-types which we come across in the Middle
Stone Age incustries, are generally meant for serving one purpose only.
which not only means that man had then developed his skill in tool-
making but also had Started specialising under pressure of his diverse
needs arising out of scarcity and competition.” The tools of this age have
been dug out of gravel pits at Banai.
Late Stone Age Calture : The tools of this age are not found
from the stratified areas. They mostly oceur on the top of the silt depostts
on the dried up river courses and streams and even in the cultivated fields.
These tools were made by man when he started to live an improved
Standard of life by taking to cultivation and .domesticating animals. The
‘Late Stone Age industries also included microliths which are of smaller
dimensions and were created for serving a variety Of purposes. The stone
celts of this age are polished and were intended for serving a variety of
Purposes. Swords and axes and celts of this @ge indicate a higher
Standard of specialisation and their shapes anticipated implements of the
COpper and iron ages. The tools of this age have been found at Baidipur,
Bahalda, Khiching and Dengaposi.
The tools of the Late Stone Age Culture include SCrapers, borers,
burins, points, lunates and blades, each of which was used for a special
Purpose. The shapes of these implements indicate *an edvanced
Standard of life !ed by man in this age. Some scholars believe that the
Microlithic ulture, Chalcolithic culture and the Polished Stone Celt
culture prevailed side by side in the various parts of India. The tools of
all these cultures also indicate an improved standard of living by man.
~ INTRODUCTION 3
Of the polished stone celts, particular mention should be made of the
finds at Baidipur in Mayurbhanj, situated at a distance of fourteen miles
from Baripada. The late Mr. P. Acharya who was an inhabitant of this
village, collected a very large number of these polished stone implements
from his village and brought them to the notice of scholars. One
peculiarity of these finds is that they were discovered in some cases in
association of ancient pottery. The age to which the polished stone celts
belong, also produced chisels, hammer-stores, fabricators, ring-stones
for weighing. digging sticks and mace-heads, indicating that man in this
age led an agricultural life. He was no more a nomad or savage in this
age.
Pre-historic Copper Implements : In the museum at Baripada
several pre-historic copper implements have been preserved, but unfortu-
nately their provenances are not available. One pre-historic copper imple.
ment was later utilised by the Gajspati Purushottamadeva for recording a
land grant to a Brahmin family. The Copper Age pre-historic sites are
reported to have existed at Dunria in the Palalahara subdivision of the
Dhenkaial district and at Khiching, Kshetra, Baghada, ‘etc. in the
‘Mayurbhanj district. Many of these implements are of the double-edged
battle-axe type. These,implements indicate a stage when man had a
knowledge of metal working in a crude form.
6
A list of pre-histotic sites of Orissa furnished by Dr. G.C. Moha-
patra, indicates that the main abodes of the Early Stone Age man Were
Mayurbhanj, Dhenkanal, Sundargarh and Keonjhar districts.
Some of the pre-historic sites of Orissa as mentioned by Dr. G, C.
Mohapatra in his list are given below :
District Mayarbhapj : Baripada, Bangiriposi, Kuliana, Kuchai,
Pratapapura, Sirsa, Baidipur, Chitrada, Haripur, Kaptipada, Khiching and
Manda,
District Dhenxanal : Dhenkanal, Bhimkund. Hindol Road, Pala-
lahara, Talcher, Harichandanpur and Dunria.
District Sundargarh : Jangra, Satkuta. Banaigarh,’ Bisra, Khadia-
kudar, Khuntagaon.
Dstrict Keonjhar : Champua, Jagannathpur, Ramla and Patna.
District furi : Bhubaneswar, Udayagiri hills, Ranpur, Sisupal-
garh.
District Cuttack : Mathurapura (Athagarh).
District Ganjam : Jaugada.
District Sambaipur : Kuclabaga and l.asa (Kuchinda)
5
4 LIISTORY OF ORISSA
Topography :
The region now known as Orissa, was known in ancient times
under various names, the most prominent of which were Kalinga, Utkala,
Odra and Kosala. To have an idea about the ancient geography of Orissa
it is necessary to have an idea aboutthe antiquity and extent of main
ancient geographical units. The names Kalinga, Utkala, Odra and Kosala
have found mentionin our ancient Sanskrit and Pali literature which
record the origin of these countrias in mythological stories, but these
legendary accounts do not enable us to have an exact idea about their
historical origin. They however seem to suggest that Kalinga, Utkala,
Odra and Kosala were inhabited by the different stocks of people, but in
course of time they gradually became amalgamated, though the distinct
nomencaltures of their territories conrinued to exist. It may be noted
that, except Kosala, the other three geographical names are still applied
to the whole of modern Orissa. Eachof them during its historical
existence found mention in different sources which provide interesting
accounts about it.
Kalinga : The name Kalinga occurs in the Puranas in association
with Anga, Vanga, Pundra and Sumha. Inthe Mahabharata there is an
indication about the location and the extent of Kalinga, Inthe Vana
Parva the sage Lomasa pointedly’ says, ‘This is the country of the.
Kalingas where flows the river Vaitarani.’’ This evidence clearly indicates
that the land now known as Orissa was ‘ncluded inthe Kalinga country,
but its extent in the Mahabharata age cannot be determined, Inthe
list of the sixteen Mahajanapadas of the sixth century B. C,, described
in the Pali literature. Kalinga does not appear as one, but this omission
.does not prove that, Kalinga did not exist as a Mahajanapada ora great
state. Megasthenes and Pliny referto Kalinga, but do not give us an
exact idea about its extent. Weare on asurer ground about the extent
of Kalinga when we come to the age of Asoka. His Special Edicts (also
known as Kalinga Edicts) at Dhauli near Bhubaneswar, are addressed to
the Mahamatras and the Kumayamatya (prince viceroy) of Tosali, while
his same edicts at Jaugada in the Ganjam district are addressed to only
the Mahamatras of Samapa. From these two inscriptions of Asoka now
to be found in Orissa, it becomes apparent that for the sake of admini-
stration he divided the Kalinga country into two broad divisions, northern
and southern. Inthe northerndivision the capital Tosali was situated,
while Samapa formed the secondary capital inthe southern division.
The evidencé furnished by Asoka’s Inscription thus clearly proves that
Kalinga in his time included the entire regionnow kiuown as_ Orissa,
INTRODUCTION 5
though its northern and southern boundaries cannot exactly be
determined. It seems, however, that its southern boundary extended
upto the river Godavari. The northern limits of Kalinga of Asoka’s time
canndt be determined.
During the second century B.C. the present state of Orissa was
certainly known as Kalinga as is evident by the fact that inthe Hatigumpha
Inscription at Udayagiri near Bhubaneswar Kharavela is described as
Kalingadhipati. During his reign Kalinga expanded into an empire, the
extent of whichis variously determined by scholars. We do not know
when his empire became dismembered, “but even after the fall of his
empire the land of Orissa continued to be called Kalinga. By the fourth
century A.D. when Kalidasa wrote his Raghuvamsam, Kalinga seems
to have been divided into two regions, of which the northern region was
known as Utkala. In the fourth canto of his work itis stated that the
people of Utkala showed Raghu the path to Kalinga. In the Allahabad
Inscription of Samudragupta it is stated that during his southern cam-
paigns Samudragupta conquered Kottura, Pishtapura, Erandapalle and
Devarashtra, which have been identified with Kothoor in the Ganjam district
Pithapuram in the Godavari district, Erandapalli and Yellamachili in the
Visakhapatanam district respectively. In one of the earliest copper plate
records of Orissa, known as Sumandala Copper Plates of Prithvivigraha,
Kalinga as a rashtra (kingdom) has found mention, but in the subsequent
medieval epigraphic records the name Kalinga does not appear. This does
not, however, mean that Kal'aga as a geographical name became’ extinct.
It continued to be applied to the territory between Ganjam and the river
Godavari in the subsequent ages downto the Ganga arid Suryavamsi
periods.
Dantapura. one of the early capitals of Kalinga, has not been
identified. Various suggestions made by scholars about its location and
its identity still rernain to be confirmed by archaeological evidences.
Kalinganagara which ‘was capital of Kharavela, has tentatively been
identified with Sisupalagarh near Bhubaneswar. The Early Eastern Gangas
established their capital at a place which was also known as Kalinganagara
and it has been identifled with Mukhalingam in the Srikakulam district
by Mr. R. Subbarao, though there are also other suggestions for its
identification. Kalinganagara ceased to be the capital of the Gangas
when Chodaganga conquered Orissa about A.D. 1110 and he chose
Kataka (Cuttack!, more centrally situated in his extended kingdom, as his
new capital.
6 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Utkala : Utkala appears in the Mahabharata in association with
the countries of Odras, Mekala, Kalingas and Andhrass This geographi-
cal name has also found mention in the Ramayana and is considered by
some scholars to be older than Kalinga. Utkala has found mentién in
Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsam as a neighbouring kingdom of Kalinga. This
geographical name also occurs in the copper plate grants upto the times
of the Gangas of Orissaand Palas of Bengal. During the reigns of
Ramapala of the Pala dynasty and Chodaganga of the Ganga dynasty the
whole territory now known as Orissa appears to have been designated as
Utkala. From the records of these kings it appears that Karnadeva, the
last Somavamsi king, was driven out from his throne by Jayasimha, a
lieutenant of Ramapala, but he was reinstated by Chodaganga. Even now
the name Utkala is applied to the whole of Orissa and the oldest university
of the state has been designated as Utkala University. The earliest capita!
of Utkala was Viraja as is evidenced by the Soro Copper Plates. This
place has been identified with Jajpur where the shrine of Viraja still
exists. Virajahas also been mentioned in the Bhauma copper plate
grants. Guhadeva Pataka or Guhesvara Pataka, mentioned as the capital
of the Bhaumas, was situated in its immediate neighbourhood.
Tosali : In Asoka’s inscription at Dhauli Tosali has found men-
tion as a city which has been identified by some scholars with modern
Sisupalagarh, but Tosali or Tosala as the name of a territory also occurs
in the subsequent literature and epigraphic records. In the Gandavyuha,
apart or the Buddhist Avatamsaka, there iz the mention of a country
named Amita Tosala, the chief city of which was Tosala. Tosalias a
territory has found mention in the copper plate records of Sambhuyasa
and Lokavigraha and it also occurs in the Bhauma copper plate grants.
From these references tt appears that Tosali was divided into two parts,
northern and southern. With regard to the extent of these divisions Dr.
N.K Sahu makes the following observation: ‘the extent of the territories
of both the Tosalis canbe tentatively known from the Soro, Patiakela,
Midnapore and Kanasa Copper Plates. The modern Midnapore, Mayurbhanj
and Balasore districts as well as the northern part of the Kataka (Cuttack)
district may be said to have formed the kingdom of Uttara Tosali, while
Daksina Tosali comprised roughly the modern Puri district and parts of
Cuttack and Ganjam districts upto the river Rishikulya and the river
Mahanadi appears to be the dividing line between the two territories.”’
Odra: Odra has found mentioninthe Manusamhita where it is
associated with the Paundrakas, Dravidas, Kambojs, Yavanas, Sakas
od
INTRODUCTION 7
Paradas, Palhavas, Chinas, Kiratas, Daradas and Khasas. The earliest
epigraphic records in which this geographical name appears as a Visaya
or district, are the Soro Copper Plates of Somadatta from which it
becomes apparent that it was apart of Uttara Tosali. Yuan Chwang
mentions Odra or Wy-cha not as a district, but asa kingdom, 7000 // in
circuit. From this description it appears that it was a big kingdom
occupying the coastal strip upto the Puri district from which the
kingdom of Kongoda began. In his accounts of Odra Yuan Chwang
mentions two important places, Che-lieta-lo and. Pueesie-po-hki-li, of
which the later place has been satisfactorily transcribed as Puspagiri.
Both these places have not yet been identified. Had they been identified,
they would have thrown light on the geographical extent of Odra. In the
inscriptions of the Somavamsis and of other contemporary dynasties Odra
as a kingdom has found frequept mention.
From the name Odra or Udra or Odraka the present name Orissa
has been derived. Iteappears as Urshin or Ursfin in the accounts of the
Muslim geographers of the ninth and tenth century A.D. These
geographers, who apparently collected information during the rule of the
Bhauma-Karas in Origsa, give the divisions of the Bhauma kingdom as
Urshin or Ursfin, Myas, Harkhand and Andras which have been identified
with Orissa proper, Mattishya or Midnapore, Jhadkhand (the hilly tracts
of Orissa) and Andhra. The name Orissa thus appears to have-existed
as early as the tenth century A.D. if not earlier, The Tibetan historian
Taranatha refers to Orissa as Odivisa which is apparently a Tibetan
corruption of Odisa. In the later Muslim accounts and in the early Oriya
literature the name Orissa finds frequent mention.
Kosala : Kosala as a country finds mention inthe Vang ee
of the Mahabharata ina way from which it becomes apparent that the
great epic refers to Dakshina Kosala and not to Uttara Kosala which
comprised the Ayodhya region. Dr. H.C. Raychaudhury locates
Dakshina Kosala in the territory now comprised in the modern districts
of Bilaspur, Raipur and Sambalpur. This territory was under the Pandu-
vamsis during the eighth and ninth century A.D. In the subsequent
period the Kalachuris of Tripuri drove out the Panduvamsis from this
region and occupied their Kingdom along with Sripura, the capital of the
Panduvamsis. A branch of Kalachuri dynasty then established itself in
this territory with Tummana (later Ratanapura) as their capital. Driven out
from their home-land the Panduvamsis. of which the Somavamsis were a
branch, established a kingdom which in its earlier existence occupied the
modern districts of Sambalpur and Bolangir, The kingdom established by
8 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the Somavmsis also came to be known as Kosala and theterritory occupied
by the Kalachuris became known as Dahala or Mahakosala. The earliest
capital of the Somavamsis was Vinitapura identified with Vinika, about
twenty miles from Sonepur. This capital later on became known as
Yayatinagara from the reign of Yayati 1.
Besides Kalinga, Utkal, Kosala and Odra, there are also smaller
geographical units known to us from the copper plate records which were
apparently occupied by the smaller kings or the feudatory chiefs. Of them,
Kongoda occupied the most prominent place. It was a kingdom of consi-
derable extent which was visited and described by Yuan Chwang in-
the seventh century A.D. It roughly comprised the modern districts of Puri
and Ganjam. Its capital was presumably Ganja, now pronounced as
Ganjam due to Telugu influance. Svetaka was another smaller kingdom
occupied by a branch of the Early Eastern Gangas. It has been iden-
tified with Chikiti, but in its extent it comprised a part of the Ganjam
district with Sanakhimedi dnd Badakhimedi Estates. Another smaller
kindom was Kodalaka which was situated in the modern district of
Dhenkanal. Khinjali mandala was occupied by the Bhanja rulers and was
divided Into two divisions known as Ubhaya-Khinidlis, which comprised
Baud-Phulbani and Ghumsara regions. Khijingakotta, identified with
Khiching in Mayurbhanj, was the capital of another branch of the Bhanjas
who probably ruled a kingdom comprising the parts of modern Keonjhar
and Mayurbhanj districts. Epigraphic evidences vouchsafe the existence
of asmall kingdom, known as Banaimandala which was ruled over by the
Varaha rulers of the tenth and eleventh century A.D. This geographical
name has come down tous. All these geographical units played their
parts in the political and cultural history of the Orissa.
Literary References to Kalinga and Odra :
Lf
In the vast Sanskrit and Pali literafures certain accounts of
Kalinga and Odra have sometimes found mention. These accounts cannot,
however, be termed as history or archaic history. We do not know the
chronology of these accounts, nor do we know whether they represent
true historical accounts or are the products of the imagination of the
poets and authors. The occurrence of the name Kalinga along with some
accounts about it in our ancient literatures, however, indicates that Kalinga
as a geographical unit made its name conspicuous in ancient India.
Inthe Afahabharatu the king of Kalinga appears as an ally of
Duryodhana, while the Odra king is represented to have sided with the
INTRODUCTION 9
Pandavas. In the accounts ofthe Digvijaya of the Pandavas Sahadeva is
stated to have defeaftd the king of Kalinga.
The Vedic and the early Brahminical works represent Kalinga as
an impure country and class it with Anga, Vanga and Sumha, This taboo
seems to have been due to the fact that Kalinga was not fully Aryanized.
The Puranas like the Vayu, Matsya and Brahmanda furnish us with
names of the main ruling dynasties of India and along with them mention
thirty-two Kshatriya kings who rule over Kalinga. But these sources do
not record the activities of tue Kalinga kings.
In the Pali literature some accounts of Kalinga are found,
but they are mostly of legendary character. In the Jataka stories and
other Pali works Karakandu, Mahakalinga and Chullakalinga appear
as the kings of Kalinga, but nothing of their historicity can be traced
from these works, The Buddhist work Dathavamsa however furnishes
us with certain traditions about Kalinga. which appear to have a substratum
of historical truth. These traditions will be discussed later on. As already
observed, the sixteen Mahajanapadas (the big states) of the Budha’s
time, mentioned in the Pali literature, do not include Kalinga as one.
We cannot therefore begin the dated history of Kalinga from the sixth
century B.C. due to the lack of chronology. accurate or appoximate.
The dated history of Kalinga starts from the reign of Asoka in the third
century B. C.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
-l.. GG. Mohapatra Chapter !, Prehistory, ‘
Utakal University History of Ortsst.
Vol, |.
2. R.D. Banerjee History of Orsssa Vol. 1
3. H.K. Mahtab Odisa Ithhasa. 1977.
4. N.K. Sahu History of Orissa, Vol. 1.
5. G.C. Mohapatra The Stone Age’ Cultures of Orfosa.
1962.
6. Mc Crindle Ancient India
7. D.R. Bhandarkar Asoka
8 H.C. Ray Chaudhuri Political History of Ancient India,
1950.
9 H.C. Ray Dynastic History of Northern Indta.
10. K.C. Panigrahi Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas
and Somavamsts of Orissa, 1961.
11. D.K. Ganguht Historical Geagraphy and Dynastre
History of Kalinga , 1975
2. Kalinga under the Nanda and the
Maurya rule
lt is generally assumed that there was a period of Nanda rulein
Orissa and that it was Mahapadma Nanda who conquered (Kalinga and
annexed it to the Nanda empire. The assumption is based on the Puranic
and legendary accounts. No authentic history of this period is available.
The term Nanda is found mentioned in the Hatigumpha-: Inscription
twice and in the same inscription it is stated that a Nanda king had exca-
vated a canal which was re-excavated and enlarged by Kharavela.
Leaving aside the legendary evidences, this is the sole epigraphic evi-
dence on which a period of Nanda rule in Kalinga has been postulated by
some scholars .Dr. B. M. Barua however identifies the Nanda Raja of the
Hatigumpha Inscription with Asoka. We have accepted this identi-
fication and have added that there is no contemporary or even early
evidence to show that the dynasty established by Chandragupta Maurya
Was ever known as the Maurya dynasty. The name Maurya appears to
have started from a legend, utilised in the drama Mudrarakshasa, that
the fame of Chandragupta’s mother wes Mura. The Mudraraashasa
composed by Bishakha Datta inthe 8th Century A.D. contains very late
traditions and on their evidence wehave been unable to conclude that
Chandragupta’s dynasty was ever known contemporaneously as the
Maurya dynasty. Onthe other hand in the late traditions the Mauryas
have been termed as Nandanvaya and Purva-Nanda sutas, indicating
that the so-caliled Maurya dynasty was originally known as_ the Nan«da
dynasty. Dr, N. K. Sahu has not, however, accepted this position and
has tried to show that there wasa period of. Nanda rule in Kalinga
lasting for about half a century. He has assigned some punch-marked
Coins to this period buthas notreferredto any other type of material
relic in Kalinga under the Nandarule, The punch-marked coins would
have been circulated in Orissa even without the supposed rule of the
Nandas. They would have continued to be current as a part of trade
commodities. For their currency in Orissathe rule of the Nandas was
not anecessity. The Nandas are not known to have undertaken any
irrigation work ir any part of India, but we know at least one instance
that Asoka executed a vast irrigation work in Junagarh of Gujrat. It
.
KALINGA UNDER THE NANDA AND THE MAURYA RULE 11
is therefore not impgssible that for the benefit of the newly conquered
people of Kalinga it is Asoka who had excavated acanal which was re-
excavated and enlarged by Kharavela.
We have thus no sure evidence to show that there was actually
a period of Nanda rule in Orissa. We cannot connect this rule with any
type of contemporary relic as wecan do with Asoka’s rule in Kalinga,
which has left several monuments in this country.
The dated history of Orissa thus starts from the reign of Asoka,
particularly from the time of the Kalinga Warin 261 B.C. There is no
unarimity among the scholars about the causes of the Kalinga War, but
one cause whlch is generally accepted by all scholars is that it was an act
of aygression. It is an accepted fact that Asoka was an aggressive prince
and that he eliminated all possible claimants to the Magadhan throne
through violence and blood-shed. After having secured his position in
Magadha through violence, heewould have thought of completing the
Magadhan empirein India. His father Bindusara and his grandfather
Chandragupta had conquered almost all parts of India, in conse-
quence of which the Magadhan empire had giown into a vast one, includ-
ing practically the whole of {India and excepting Kalinga and the
southernmost tip of the peninsula. This empire had also included such
outside territories as Afganistan and Beluchistan. {it had also within its
orbit Kashmir and Nepal. In the face of the vast development of the
Magadhan empire, the existence of Kalinga as anindependent country
*“would have beenan eyesoré to anambitious and war-like king like
Asoka. The prosperity of this counrry due to its maritime trade, would
have also excited his cupidity. Even though the Magadhan empire had
grown into a vast One, it still required good sea-ports for its naval supre-
macy and maritime trade. There were such sea.ports in Kalinga, which
Asoka would have tried to acquire by force.
The Kalinga War of 261 B.C. wasthus awar of aggression.
Kalinga’s independence leas become an eyesore to the Magadhan emperor
and this was the first and foremost cause of the Kalinga War. There is a
story prevalent in Orissa, particularly among the fishermen of the eastern
coast, that Asoka fellin love witha beautiful fisher-woman named
Karuvaki and wanted to marry her. In order to gain his object he wanted
to acquire the home land of this beautiful woman by force and this led
to the Kalinga War. This tradition is, however, very late and cannot be
relied upon.
The details of the Kalinga War are not known tg us. Asoka has
mada in his Rock Edicts abrief reference ¢o its results from which the
12 HISTORY OF ORISSA
details of the operations cannot be gleaned. He states that the Kalinga
War resulted in one hundred thousand people killed, one hundred
and fifty thousand carried away as captives, and many more. died of
starvation ard disease that followed in the wake of the terrible war. This
account presents an overall picture of the great devastations caused by
the Kalinga War. The figures given by Asoka about the number of the slain
and the captives indicate that the Kalingan army was a vast one and that
the country had a large population.
We do not know whether Kalinga was amonarchy or a republi-
can country at the time of Asoka’s invasion. There is no reference in
Asoka's inscriptions to the king of Kalinga whom he defeated. He has
always referred to the Kalinga country as Kalingas. Dr. R. K. Mukherjee
thinks that Kalinga was a republican country in Asoka’s time and that
it had a larger extent anda greater population, so that the casualities in
the Kalinga War were so great. This may betrue but we have no other
evidence to support it. That it had a very large population is however
apparent from the number of the soldiers killed‘and carried away as
captives in the Kalinga War.
The effects of the Kalinga War :
Generally a great victory leads a war-like monarch to greater
attempts for the greater victories, but Kalinga War produced a very different
effectron Asoka. He was struck with remosse and became horrified at the
immense blood-shed caused in the Kalinga War. He ended his war-like
career and sheathed his sword for ever. Asoka expressed his feelings in
one of his edicts as follows :
“In conquering, indeed, an Unconquered country, the slaying,
death and deporting that occur there are, considered extremely painful
and serious by the Devanampriya. Even more serious than this is that
those who live there whether the Brahmanas*or the Sramanas or the
other sects or house holders etc. to them occurs injury or death or depor-
tation of the beloved ones. And also to the people who are fortunate to
have escaped and whose affection is undiminished (by the brutalising
effect of \war) occur the injury as their friends, acquaintances, companions
and relatives also suffer from the same misfortune. This is shared by ali
men and is considered very deplorable by Devanampriya.’ He futher
adds, ‘‘even the one hundredth part or one thousandth part of all those
people who were slain, who died and who were deported at that time in
Kalinga would now be considered very deplorable by Devanampriya.”'
~.
KALINGA UNDER THE NANDA AND -THE MAURYA RULE 13
These are the genuine feelings of a noble monarch who after
having become remorse-stricken, put anend to his career of conquests.
Henceferward Dharmaghosha replaced Bherighosha in his empire. He
not only gave up war as a method of conquering the countries but also
wanted to win the hearts of the people through the methods of peace and
Dharma. He exhorted his sons and successors not to indulge in any war
for the purpose of conquest.
Asoka thus became a pacifist and ultimately became a Buddhist.
We do not definitely know the name of the person who converted him
into that religion. The Cylonese traditions represent Tissa as his preceptor,
but the northern traditions refer to Upagupta who is said to have converted
him into this new religion. At any rate, the one great result of the Kalinga
War was that Asoka became a Budhist and alsoa pacifist. In Asoka’s
time Buddhism was a small religious sect confined to Magadha and to
some northern parts of India. After his conversion Asoka became engaged
in the missionary activities for the spread of this obscure cult in India and
other parts of the world, as aresult of which Budhism was raised to the
status of a world religion. There cannot be a greater regult of any war
than this. Chandasoka became Dharmasoka and found a place in the
world history. °
Even though Asoka gave up warfare as a method of conquest,
he certainly meant to hold the conquests made by him and his predece-
ssors. Although he expressed repentance for the results of the Kalinga
"War, he did not make it a free country. Kalinga remained included in the
Magadhan empire and it became an integral part of it. Asoka took
measures to consolidate his position in Kalinga, but did not grant freedom
to its people who must have desired it. He adopted a conciltatary attitude
towards the Kalingan people by introducing a good administration in their
country, but there is no evidence to show that he granted them any
measure of self-government or independence.
We may be sure that Asoka introduced into the Kalinga
country the same type of administration which prevailed in other parts
of his empire, Kalinga became a major province and its capital Tosali
became one of the major provincial capitals like Takshasila, Ujjaini and
Suvarnagiri. It may be that for some time Asoka kept this newly-
conquered province under his direct control, but afterwards he appointed
a member of the royal family asthe Viceroy of Kalingato whom his
Special Rock Edicts at Dhauli have been addressed. His desire for the
good administration of Kalinga has been reflected in thgse Special Rock
Edicts which are otherwise known as Kalinga Edicts. He seems to have
14 HISTORY OFORISSA
appointed a council of officers to assist the Viceroy in his administration.
The details of the constitution of this council are not however available
from any source. He issued special instructions to his officers in
Kalinga to be specially careful in the administration and to be conciliatory
io the people. His desire for the good administration of this newly-
conquered country has been reflected in one of his special edicts, which
runs as follows :—
‘In affairs of Administration, there might be persons who would
suffer imprisonment or coercion. Inthat also might occur accidental
death in prison and many might also heavily suffer forthat. In that case
you must sirive to deal with al! of them impartially, the attributes which
are not conducive to impartial dealings are malignity, irascibility, harsh-
ness, hastiness, lack of practice, indolence and weariness. You all must
strive so that these attributes may not be in you. At the root of all
impartial dealings lie the absence of anger ard avoidance of hurry, The
judicial officer of the capital (Nagara t.e., Tosali) must strive at all times
for this and they should not inflict sudden imprisonment or sudden
coercion on people. For this purpose | would be sending on quinquennial
tours the Mahamatras who would not be harsh and irascible and would
be soft and gentle in dealings.” :
From these words Asoka’s desire for good administration is
apparent, but we do not know whether his desire was put into practice
by his officers. He must have appointed in Kalinga the same classes 0:
officers as were appointed in other provinces of his empire. The desig-
nations of the different classes of his officers as gleaned from his
numerous inscriptions, .are Pradesikas. Rajukas, Yuktes. Mahamatras
Stri-adaksha Mahamatra, Anta-mahainatra, Nagaraka or Nagara
Vyavaharaka etc. Besides, the Dharma-mahamatras, who formed a
special class of officers were meant fer the spread of Asoka’s Dhamma.
The duties ard the functions of these officers have been differently inter-
preted by different scholars. At any rate, these officers would have
also been appointed inthe bureaucratic government of Kalinga after its
conquest. The cities of Tosali and Samapa have respectively been
mentioned in the Dhauli and Jaugada inscriptions. Of the two, the former
was the capital city of Kalinga and the Jatter was the divisional head-
Quarter of the southern part of the province. Asoka’s officers would have
carried on the acministration from these two centres.
The Atavikas or the forest folk who lived in the adjoining
territories of Kalinga were not brought under the direct imperial admini-
KALINGA UNDER THE NANDA AND THE MAURYA RULE 15
stration, They with ethe rulers were left with their internal sovereignty,
but Asoka showed special solicitude for the welfare of these forest folk.
Inone of his Special Rock Edicts he says, ‘The King ( Asoka himself )
desires that they should not have any anxiety because of him, they
should be consoled by him and they should obtain happiness and not
sorrow from him.’’ Though he shows a paternal attitude towards them
at the beginning of this rock edict, he ends it by saying that, if they ( the
forest folk ) would rise in revolt against him, he had the sufficient powers
to put them down.
Of the missionary activities of Asoka in Kalinga very little is
known. But the relics of his age in this country, which we shall discuss
jater on, indicate that he carried on religious propaganda for the spread of
Buddhism here as he did in other parts of his empire.
The forepart of an eléphant figure carved on the top of the
boulder containing the inscription of Asoka at Dhauli and the
remnants of an Asokan pillar are the relics which can be directly
connected with the reign of Asoka. A few more relics that have been
brought to light by the excavations at Sisupalagarh may also be ascribed
to his age. Sisupalagarh was an ancient fort, the remains of which are
now to be found at a place of the same name situated about 2 miles from
Bhubaneswar on the Bhubaneswar-Puri road. The ramparts of the fort
now converted into high mounds stil] present an imposing sight and from
them it becomes apparent that if was a planned fort, square in shape, with
the sides three quarters of amile each. Each side had two elaborately
constructed gates and several exits. One of these gates on the westren
side was excavated by the Archaeological Survey of India in 1947 in
collaboration with the Orissa Government. It revealed the unique
features of the gate which had lofty watch towers on both sides besides
abroad entrance and one ancillary passage. Some scholars propose to
identify this ruined fort with Tosali mentioned in Asoka’s inscription at
Dhauli which had become the capital of Kalinga in Asoka’s time.
Unfortunately the excavations of Sisupalagarh which push back
the history of Kalinga prior to the reign of Asoka, do not throw any new
light on the political history of Orissa. The antiquities recovered do not
even enable us to identify the city. The excavations have however,
revealed the nature of the fortification of the city and have determined
the duration ofits life. According to the chronology fixed by Mr, B.B,
lal, the Superintendent in charge of the Excavations. ‘The initial clate of
the site goes back to about 300 B.C. with a margin, if any, on the earlier
16 WISTORY OF ORISSA
side. The uppermost limit of the site is determined by the presence of
the so-called Puri Kushana coins ( of copper ) in the latest levels of the
site’ and since these coins are generally assigned to the middle of the 4th
century A.D. ‘that date, derivatively, represents: the upper limit of
the site. The fact that it had existed during the reign of Asoka enables
us to conclude that it might have played some partin the Kalinga War
which proved tobe sucha turning point in his career and also of the
history of Buddhism. It is most likely that Sisupalagarh, whether it was
known as Tosali or by any other name, was occupied by the victor of the
Kalinga War, who turned it into the headquarter of this newly conquered
country. Barring some pottery specimens, no other relics that can be
specifically assigned to the Mauryan period has, however, been
unearthed by the excavation. But, the non-discovery of other Mauryan
relics do not preclude the possibility of its having been occupied by
Asoka. The excavations, it should be emphasised, were conducted merely
in the nature of soundings and deep digging was concentrated within the
area of a few square feet. So far as the early history of Kalinga is concerned
the excavations of Sisupalagarh do not thus advance our knowledge of the
Asokan age in Kalinga very much.
The earliest levels of Sisupalagarh revealed no structural remains
but, as the Superintendent of the Excavations has observed, “that should
not necessarily mean that the buildings in the period were made of some
perishable materials like timber.” Since, deep digging was confined to ar
area of afew square feet, it was not expected to strike any structural
remains in the sub-soil water which contained the earliest relics. lt was
also not expected to recover any other antiquities from a such a small area.
except the potteries of which some specimen have been reproduced in the
report on the excavation,
ltis to be noted in this connexion with them that a few types
show remarkable affinity with similar vessels recovered from the levels
assignable to the 4th and 3rd century B.C. ofthe various sites in
northern India. It is also to be further noted that the relics of the earliest
period of Sisupafagarh (c. 309—200 B.C.) show affinities with their
corresponding types of the north. while the same of the later periods,
with those of the south. While the potteries of the earliest period are
found inter-mingled with the types recovered fromthe various sites of
the north, the same antiquities of the Early Middle Period ( 200 B. C. to
1008B.C ) and the Late Middle Period ( A. D. 100—200 ) have their exact
prototypes in black-and-red and rouletted wares recovered from the
KALINGA UNDER THE NANDA AND THE MAURYA RULE 17
excavations at Brahmagiri amd Chandravalli in Karnataka state and. at
Arikamedu near Pondicherry. In respect of other antiquities recovered
from Sisupalgarh excavations, the same phenomenon is also noticeable.
The layers of the earliest period yielded nothing but pottery and so it is
not possible to say whether a northern culture influenced the other
material objects of the place in the third century B C., but other antiquities
of the later periods such as terracotta ornaments and clay bullae both in their
prototypes and frequency of occurrence indicate a culture more southern
than northern, it is true that same types of ear ornaments of Sisupalagarh
are represented in some sculptures of northern India and clay bullae are
reported to have been found in Rajaghat (near Benaras) and Kosam (near
Allahabad) but these objects have been recovered in greater profusion
from the southern sites. In another respect the ancient site of Sisupal>garh
showed a remarkable homogeneity with other ancient sites of the south..
It is the total absence of the terracotta toys which form the major part of
the excavator’s finds in the sites of northern India.
From the data provided by the Sisupalagarh excavations it may
be reasonable to conclude that in the earliest part of its dife the city had
intimate contact with a northern culture while in the subsequent periods
its culture had more affinites with the south. In 1949 some excavations
were also carried on by the Archaeological Survey of {ndia at Dhauli in
the site very close to the Asokan inscription. These excavations at
Dhauli, of which no report is available, also confirm this conclusion.
‘The writer was present at the excavations and he has seen that a trench
laid in the close vicinity of the Asokan inscription exposed a_ thick
wall, made of rubble and mud mortar, similar to the walls of new
Rajagriha at Rajgir. The trench also yielded some terracotta snakes
and multi-spouted vessels of which the prototypes had been recovered
from the excavations at Maniar Math at Rajgir.
Asoka’s insgriptions and a few material objects left to us
provide a light spot on‘the otherwise dark period of the Kalinga history,
but this light vanishes soon after his reign. We do not know the exact
period for which Kalinga remained included in the Mauryan empire.
Some scholars have suggested that Asoka’s empire was partitioned by
his two successors, Dasaratha and Samprati. The eastern part of the
empire fell into the share of Dasaratha and it may be that Kalinga was
ruled over by this prince. Our evidences about the political condition of
Kalinga after Asoka are meagre, and nothing can be said with certainty
about the duration of the occupation of Kalinga by the Mauryas. {t
seems, however, that in 185 B.C. when Pushyamitra Sunga usurped the
18 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Magadhan throne, the dissolution of the empire started. The change of
the dynasty signified this dissolution and the indepenuent kingdoms like
the Satavahana kingdom and Chedi kingdom came into existence. The
Mauryan rule in Kalinga appears to have ended in about 185 B.C.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY :
1. R. D. Banerjee
2. H. K. Mahtab
3. N. K. Sahu
» K. C. Panigrahi
5. R. C. Mazumdar (Ed.)
. D. R. Bhandarkar
. B. M. Barua
. E. Hultzsch
. H.C. Ray Chaudhuri
Oo own Om
10. V. A. Smith
1%. Archaeological
Survey of India
History of Orissa, Vol. 1,1930
History of Orissa, Part |, 1958
Utkal University History
of Orissa, Vol. |, 1964
Archaevlogical Remants at
Bhubaneswar, 1961
The Age of Imperial Unity,
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1951
Asoka, 1925
Asoka and his Inscriptions, 1918
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum
Political History of. Anctent India,
1953
Asoka, 1924
Ancient India, No. 5
APPENDIX-1
ASOKA’S SPECIAL EDICTS IN HIS INSCRIPTION AT
DHAULI AND JAUGADA
The major rock inscriptions of Asoka to be found at Shahabaz-
garhi, Mansehra in the north-western frontier of the present Pakistan,
at Girnar near Junagadain Kathiawad and at Kalsi near Dehra Dun con-
tain a series of fourteen edicts. The same number of edicts are also found
in Asoka’s inscriptions at Dhauli and Jaugada, but the edicts No.12 and
No. 13 to be found in all other inscriptions, have been omitted from the
Dhauli and Jaugada versions andin their stead two special Kalinga
edicts are to be found. The first of these Kalinga edicts is addressed to
the Mahamatras at Tosali in the case of Dhauli and tothe Mahamatras
of Samapa in the case of Jaugada. Thesecond Kalinga edict at Dhauli
has been addressed to Kumaramatya (the prince viceroy) as well as to
the Mahamatras at Tosali, butthe same edict at Jaugada has been
addressed only to the Mahamatras. We reproduce here the English
translations of these two special edicts (also known as Kalinga Edicts) as
made by Dr. Hultzsch in his Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Oxford,
1925.
The First Kalinga Edict : “At the word of Devanampriya, the
Mahamatras at Tosali (who age) the judicial officers of the city, have to
be told (thus). Whatever is recognized (to be right), that! strive to
carry out by deeds, and to accomplish by (various) means. And this is
considered by me the principal means for this object, v/z., (to give)
instruction to you. For, you are occupied with many thousands of men,
with the object of gaining the affection of men. All men are my
children. As on behalf of (my own) children! desire that they may be
provided with complete welfare and happines inthis world and in
the other world, the sare | desire also on behalf of (all) men. And you
do not learn how far this (my) object reaches. Some single person
only learns this, (and) even he (only) a portion, (but) not the whole.
Now you must pay attention to this, although you are well provided for.
It happens in the administration (of justice) that asingle person suffers
either imprisonment or harsh treatment. In this case (an order)
cancelling the imprisonment is (obtained) by him accidentally while
(many) other people continue to suffer. In this case you must strive
to deal (with ali of them) impartially. But one fails to act (thus)
en account of the following dispositions ; envy, anger, cruelty, hurry,
20 HISTORY OF ORISSA
want of practice, laziness (and) fatigue. (You) must strive for this, that
these dispositions may not arise to you. And the root of all this is the
absence of anger andthe avoidance of hurry. He whois fatigued tn the
administration (of justice), will not rise; but one ought to move, to walk,
and to advance. He who will pay attention to this, must tell you : See
that (you) discharge the debt (which you owe to the king) such and such
is the instruction of Devanampriya. The observance of this produces
great fruit, (but its) non-observance (becomes) a great evil. For if one
fails to observe this, there will be neither attainment of heaven nor satis-
faction of the king. For how (could) my mind be pleased if one badly
fulfills this duty ? Butif (you) observe this, you will attain heaven, and
you will discharge the debt (which you ove: to me and this edict must
be listened to (by all) on (every day of the constellation Tishya. And if
(you) act thus, youwill be able to fulfil (this duty). For the following
purpose has this rescript been written heve, (viz.) in order that the judi-
cial officers of the city may strive at all times (for this), (that) neither
undeserved fettering nor undeserved harsh treatment are happening to
(men). And for the following purpose! shall send out every five years
(a Mahamatra) who will be neither harsh nor fierce, (but of gentle action)
viz. in order to ascertain whether (the judicial officers) paying attention
to this object...are acting thus, as my instruction (implies). But for
Ujjayini also the prince (governor) will send out for the same purpose
...a person of the same description and he will not allow (more than) three
years to pass (without such a deputation). Inthe same way (an officer,
will be deputed) from Takshasila also. When:..these Mahamatras will set
out on tour, then, without neglecting theirown duties they will ascer—
tain well, (viz.) whether (the judicial officers) are carrying out this also
thus, as the instruction of the king (implies).”’
The Second Kalinga Edict : “Devanampriya speaks thus. The
Mahamatras at Samapa have to be told (this) at the word of the king.
Whatever I recognize (to be right) that I strive' to carry out by deeds
and to accomplish by (various) means. And this is considered by me the
principal means for this object 24z., (to give) instruction to you. Atl men
are my children. Ason behalf of (my own: children | desire that they
may be provided by me with complete welfare and happiness in this
world and inthe other world, evenso is my desire on behalf of all men.
It might occur to (my) unconquered borderers (to ask)—‘What does the
king desire with reference to us.’ This alone is my wish with reference to
the borderers (tRat) they may learn (that) the king desires this (that)
they may not be afraid of me but may have confidence in me; (that) they
APPENDIX-I 21
may obtain only happiness from me, not misery; (that) they may learn
this (that) the King will forgive them what can be forgiven; that they may
(be induced) by me, (to) practise morality; (and that) they may attain
(happiness) both (in) this world and (in) the other world. And for the
following purpose | am instructing you (viz.. that) | may discharge the
debt (which | owe to them) by this that! instruct you and inform (you)
of (my) will, i.e. (of) my unshakable resolution and vow. Therefore,
acting thus (you) must fulfil (your) duty and must inspire them with
confidence in order that they may learn that the king is to them like a
father (that) he loves them as he loves himself (and that) they are to the
king like (his own) children. Having instructed you and having informed
(you) of (my) will, i.e, (of) my unshakable resolution and vow, | shall
have (ie. maintained) officers in all provinces for this object. For you
are able to inspire those (borderers) with confidence and (to secure their)
welfare and happiness in this warld, and in the other world. And if (you)
act thus you will attain heaven, and you will discharge the debt (which
you owe) tome. And for the following purpose has this rescript been
written here (1iz.) in order that the Mahamatras may strive at all times to
inspire (my) borderers with confidence and (to induce them), to parctise
morality. And this rescript must be listened to (by all) every four
months on(the day of) Tishya. And it may be listened to also between
(the days of Tishya). It may be listened to even by a single (person)
when an occasion offers. Andif (you) act thus, you will be able to carry
out (my orders.)” :
3. Kalinga under the Chedi Dynasty :
Kharavela
As already stated, the history of Kalinga after the Maurya rule is
obscure and it is not known exactly when this country regained its inde.
pendence. We have suggested that the Maurya rule in Kalinga probably
ended with the overthrow of the Maurya dynasty by Pushyamitra Sunga
in about 185 B.c. The next light spot is provided by a long but very
badly damaged inscription occurring on the overhanging brow of the Hati-
gumpha in the Udayagiri hill near Bhubaneswar, It records the achieve-
ments of a mighty ruler of Kalinga named Kharavela. Had this inscription
been fully preserved, it would have thrown considerable light not only on
the history of Kalinga, but also of India of this time, but unfortunately it
is so badly mutilated that it can never be fully read and restored by any
scholar. This unsatisfactory condition of the epigraph has provided ample
field for conjectural readings and restorations. Consequently there has
been no unanimity among the scholars wko deciphered it and commented
upon it, even about the crucial points of its contents. Inthe circumstances
the controversies regarding the date of Kharavela and his achievements
will continue to exist so long some other corroborative evidences are not
forthcoming. We are giving here only such facts of this epigraph as have
generally been accepted by eminent sholars.
The inscription gives out that Kharavela belonged to the
Mahameghavahana family of the Chedi clan. The ‘Chedis were Originally
ruling in Madhyadesa or Magadha and it has been suggested that a
branch of this royal family of the hoary antiguity, came to Kalinga and
established its sway over it. We donot know when they migrated to
Kalinga, but from the Hatigumpha inscription it becomes apparent that
Kharavela was the third member of the Kalingan Chedis. It is not however
clear whether Kharavela or any one of his predecessors threw off the
Magadhan yoke. The description given in the Hatigumpha inscription of the
early life of Kharavela gives an idea that he was a successor of an indepen.
dent king.
KALINGA UNDER THE CHEDI DYNASTY : KHARAVELA 23
The inscription Opens’ with a salute to the Jaina saints and then
gives us some ideas about the childhood and the boyhood of Kharavela.
It is stated that he was endowed with the noble and auspicious bodily
marks, He was handsome and possessed a ruddy body. By the age of
15 he became proficient in sports and games and then he learnt royal
correspondence, currency, finance and administrative and religious laws.
At the age of 24 he was crowned king. After giving a descripi-
tion of his early life upto the 24th year, the Hatigumpha inscription
records the events of his 13 years’ reign chronologically. It is
stated that in his first regnal year he arranged the repairs of the gates and
buildings of his capital Kalinganagara, which had been destroyed'by a
storm. These repairs and some other public works in the same year cost
him thirty-five hundred thousand coins.
In the second year of his reign he undertook an expedition with
the forces, consisting of cavalry, elephants, infantry and chariots, towards
the west without caring for Satakarni who was evidently a Satavahana
king, and reached the river Krishna and threatened the city of Mushik-
nagara or Rishikanagara, situated on that river. There is no- evidence to
show that Kharavela ever came into aconflict with the Satavahana king
Satakarni and therefore Dr. D.C. Sircar suggests that friendly relations
existed between the two kings, so that Kharavela was allowed to pass
unopposed with an army through the Satavahana territories.
Inthe third year he entertained the people of his capital with
dancing, singing, instrumental music and feasts. A reference has been
made to the holding of Samajas which included anima! fights, heavy
drinking and feasting with meat.
In the fourth year he occupied the capital of a prince named
Bidyadhara and subdued the Rashtrikas and Bhojakas of Berar and
Maharastra regions.
In the fifth year he brought into his capital a branch of the canal
which had been dug 103 or 300 years ago by a Nanda king. After this act
he appears to have performed a Rajasuya sacrifice and remitted the taxes
of his subjects.
The events of the next three years of his reign are not clear from
the inscription. During these years he appears to have been engaged in
the public activities and during this period a son was probably born to
him.
In the eighth year he undertook his first expedition to the north
and destroyed Gorathagiri which has been identified with a fortof the
24 HISTORY OF ORISSA
same name in the Barabar hill of the Gaya _ dbstrict. Next he caused con-
sternation in the city of Rajagriha, identified with Rajgir in the Nalanda
district of Bihar, which was the earliest capital of the Magadhan empire.
For the reasons unknown to us, Kharavela did not however proceed to
Pataliputra, the then capital of Magadha. His exploits in Magadha were
so great that they frightened and forced a Yavana king advancing
towards Pataliputra, to retreat to Mathura. It is not clear from the
epigraph whether the Chedi monarch followed the Yavana king to
Mathura. Some scholars think that he went to Mathura and defeated the
Yavana king.
In the ninth year he built a great palace called Mahavijaya
Prasada at his capital town at a cost of thirty-eight hundred thousand.
The events of his tenth and eleventh years are again not clear
from the epigraph, but some scholars suggest that during these years he
remained engaged in public activities and perhaps undertook an expedi-
tion to the Pandya country in the south, broke upa_ southern
confederacy and forced the Pandya king to pay him tribute in pearls.
During this period he also conquered a city named Pithunda and got it
ploughed with asses.
The twelfth year witnessed another expedition of the king to
the north. This time he proceeded to Pataliputra, attacked the city and
forced the Magadhan king Bahasatimita to submit to him. After this
victory he brought back from Magadha the seat of Jina which had been
formerly taken to Magadha by a Nanda king. His victory over Magadha
was the crowning act of his military career.
In the last year of his reign he engaged himself in religious acti-
vities, excavated caves in the Kumari Parvata (Udayagiri hill) for the
abode of the Jaina ascetics and distributed white garments among
them.
It is not known whether Kharavela continued to live after his
thirteenth regnal year, but there is nothing to show that the Hatigumpha
inscription was a posthumous prasasti. The Chedi king might have fived
for long, though the subsequent events of his reign remain unknown to
us. His prasasti shows that he was not Only a great military general but
also a good administrator. He undertook public works forthe benefit of
his people and in order to please them he
them with the occasions for merrymakings.
| Kharavela’s religion and religious views arereflected jn the
Hatigumpha inscription. He was a staunch Jaina asis evident from
remitted taxes and provided
KALINGA UNDER THE CHEDI DYNASTY : KHARAVELA 25
several references in the epigraph which opens with a salute to the Jaina
saints and contains the engraved symbols of Nandipada, Svastika and
Vaddhamagnala which were sacred to the Jainas. He brought back
from Magadha the seat of Jina which appears to have hada great
religious singnificance on the national life of Kalinga. The return of this
sacred symbol from Magadha to Kalinga not only indicated Kharavela’s
victory over Magadha but also his love for his own religion Jainism
which was no doubt the State religion of Kalinga under the Chedi rule.
His excavation of the cave temples for the abode of Jaina asceticsin the
Udayagiri hill also indicates that he was a devoted lay follower of his
religion. Kharavela was thus a staunch Jaina, but he was tolerant of all
religious sects and respected the Brahmins andthe Ajivakas. Though a
Staunch follower of Jainism, he was not a pacificist nor did he lay
emphasis on the principle of Ahimsa or non-violence which was a
cardinal principle of Jainism. His numerous conquests must have caused
immense blood-shed and rendered people homeless and destitute. There
is areference inthe epigraph to a Rajasuya sacrifice which Kharavela
performed. The Rajasuya sacrifice is a Brahmanical ritual: and itis not
clear how Kharavela as a staunch follower of Jainism cou!d perform it.
\
Though the liberation of Kalinga might have been achieved
before Kharavela, it was left to him to complete the work of his predece-
ssors by waging a successful struggle against Magadha and by getting
back the sacred seat of Jina which seems to have had a great significance
on the religious life of the people. It is also significant that for recording
the events of his reign and for constructing his monuments Kharavela
chose the Udayagiri hill which is not far from the Dhauligiri
bearing Asoka’s Rock Edicts. In the former hill we find the inscription
of the victor of Magadha and in the latter that of the victor of Kalinga.
Kharavelas’ inscription seems to have been intended to counter-affect
Asoka’se inscription. Kharewela’s monuments of the Udayagiri marked
the height of the glory of his dynasty. when freedom had been won,
defeat fron. Magadha avenged, the sacred seat of Jina recovered and
revival of Jainism wasin full force. What happened after Kharavela we
can only conjecture. Kamdapasiri who hasstyled himself as Aira
Maharaja Kalingadhipati in the Manchapuri cave isscription, was
probably one of his successors but nothing is known of him. Nothing is,
also known of the prince Vadrekha mentioned in another inscription of
the same cave. After Kharavela a pall of darkness descends on the
history of Orissa, which becomes obscure again for centuries.
26
HISTORY OF ORISSA
SELECT BIBLIOGAPHY :
10.
ee
R. D. Banerjee
H. K. Mahatab
N. K. Sahu
K. C. Panigrahi
B. M. Barua
D.C. Sircar
R. C. Mazumdar
H.C. Ray Chaudhuri
A.C, Mittal
D. Das
R. P. Mohapatra
History of Orissa, Vol. 1, 1930
Odisa Itthasa, Part |, 1977.
Uthal University History of
Orissa, Vol. 1, 1964.
Archaeological Remains
at Bhubaneswar, 1961.
Old Brahmi Inscriptions
Select Inscriptions, I.
The Age of Imperial Unity.
(Bharativa Vidya Bhavan).
Political History of Ancient
India, 1963.
An Early History of Orissa.
The Early History of Kalinga.
Udayagiri and Khandagiri
Caves, Delhi, 1981.
APPENDIX-II
DATE OF KHARAVELA
The date of Kharavela is a highly controversial one. Some scho-
lars place him in the second century g. c., Some in the first century B.C.
and others drag him down to the second quarter of the first century
A.D. So much, however, has been said about the controversial date of
this Chedi prince that one can hardly propose to launch upona full
discussion. Nevertheless, an attempt is being made here to discuss the
main points of the date of Kharavela and put his reign within a chronologi-
cal framework.
The Hatigumpha inscription having been badly damaged, we
should, in the first instance, pick out such references in the epigraph as
are likely to provide us with clues regarding the age of Kharavela: but
in doing so we shall confine our observations tothe readings in which
there is a substantial agreement among the later scholars who, profiting by
the mistakes of the earlier epigraphists, have finally deciphered it. These
references are as follows!;
1. Inthe third line there is a reference to a Satakarni (Dutiya
ca vase achttayata Satakarnim), whom “not bringing into (his) thought’
Kharavela is said to have ‘caused a multitudinous troop of horses, eleph-
hants, footmen and chariots to move on to the western quarter.®”’
2. The thirteenth line refers to Bahasatimita, pointedly spoken
of as the king of Magadna (Magadham ca rajanam Bahasatimitam),
whom Kharavela is said to have compelled to bow at his feet. In the same
line Kharavela is credited with having ‘‘caused the honoured seat of Jina
belonging to Kalinga, which was taken away by king Nanda, to be
brought back from Anga afid Magadha to Kalinga.”
3. Inline 6, the epigraph refers to a canal that was ‘opened out
by king Nanda, a hundred and three years back (ti-vasa-sata)” and
which was caused to be brought into his capital from the Tanasuli road by
king Kharavela.
A a bE ea ne ee ee nr ee
1. B.M. Barua, Old Brahmi Inscription, p. 7—30.
We have adopted here the reading and translation of Dr. B.M. Barua, Hts
numbering of the linesof the cpigraph has also been adopted.
Ibid, p. 40—7.
tw
23 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Since there is substantial agreement about the reading of
Satakarani, Bahasatimita and Nandaraja, the correct identification of any
one of them will go along way in fixing the date of Kharavela. To us
Dr.B. M. Barua’s identification of Nandaraja of the epigraph with
Asoka® seems to be most probable, although we donot agree with
any of his other conclusions made on the basis of this identification.
There is more than one reason why Nandaraja of Kharavela’s inscription
should be identified with Asoka. Inthe first place, as Dr. Barua has
observed, “it is almost conclusive fromthe statements of Asoka’s
R.€. Xill that Asoka was the first among the Indian kings reigning
after Budha’s demise, to conquer the theretofore unconquered land of the
Kalinga (amjitam vijinitum) and annex the same to his own kingdom‘*”’
Secondly, among the known !ndian kings of the pre-Christian era the
Maurya emperors were known to have undertaken the construction of
large irrigation works. Pushyagupta, Chandragupta’s governor in the
western provinces, began a large Irrigation work at Girinagara (Girnar)
in Saurashtra (Kathiawar), and it was Asoka who completed it under the
superintendence of his viceroy Tushaspha*. The name Tushaspha
indicates that he was a foreigner, possibly a Persian, and it seems most
likely that Asoka undertook the construction of several irrigation works
under the superintendence of the skilled engineers imported from other
countries of Asia. If he could undertake a vast irrigation project
in a distant western province of his empire, there is nothing to prevent us
from thinking that he would have constructed a canal in Kalinga, 4
newly conquered province, for which he has shown special solicitude in
his separate Kalinga edicts. There is no evidence to show that the
Nanda kings of whom Mahapadma Nanda was the most prominent, ever
undertook the construction of irrigation works for the benefit of their
subjects; on the other hand, we have it onthe authority of the Puranas
and the Greek sources that they were greedy, oppressive and most
unpopular among their subjects. Asoka would thts appear to be the
Nandaraja of Kharavela’s inscription, who had constructed a canal in
Kalinga and who had taken away the honoured seat of Jina from the same
country as a war trophy that was recovered by Kharavela. If this identi-
fication is considered sound, the epithet Nandaraja applied to Asoka
need not frighten us, because there is no evidence yet discovered, which
can prove that during the age of Kharavela Asoka was known as a
Maurya king or that he was not known as a Nanda king. On the contrary,
a
3. fbid. p. 281
4. Ibid. p.279. ‘ |
- 5, V.A.Smith, The Larly History of India, (4th Ed.), p. 139.
APPENDIX-TI 29
his grandfather Chandragupta has been represented as Nandanvaya,
Purva-nanda-suta and. Maurya-putra in the Brahmanica! works, and it
is only in the Buddhist works that his family members have been known
as Moriya Kshtriyas.°
Since Asoka conqured Kalinga in about 261 B.C. and engraved
his rock edicts at Dhauli and Jaugadain about 2578B.C., the date of the
construction of the canal referred to in the Hatigumpha inscription, should
fall somewhere in the ::eighbourhood of these dates. Most probably the
construction of the canal and the engraving of the inscription took place
simultaneously. Now, since the interval between the construction of the
canal by Nandaraja and the fifth year of Kharavela’s reign has been
given as ti-vasa-sata, the correct interpretation of this compound will
enable us to fix the date of Kharavela. But, unfortunately, there is a
difference of opinion among the scholars about its interpretation. Some
interpret it as 300 years and others, as 103 years. Even Dr. B. M, Barua
who has been the last scholar to take great pains to decipher the
Hatigumpha Inscription, has not made up his mind whether ti-vasa-sata
would mean 103 or 300 years'. He has not noticed aclue in Kharavela’s
Inscription itself which may lead to the correct interpretation of this
compound, There can beno difference of opinion that the compound
ti-vasa-sata of the line 6 and satadasa-lena-sata of the line 14, are
similar grammatical constructions, and must have therefore followed the
same grammatical rules. But while interpreting satadasa-lena-sata as
meaning one hundred and seventeen caves, he should not entertain any
doubt whether ti-vasa-sata stands for 103 or 300 years. The compound
satadasa-lena-sata admits of only one interpretation »iz. one hundred
and seventeen caves but not seventeen-hundred caves, because the
later interpretation will land us in an absurd proposition that Kharavela
and his relatives excavated 1, 700 caves inthe Kumari Parvata which is
identified with the tiny hillock of Udayagiri. Similarly the compound
ti-vasa-sata can admit. of only one interpretation iz. 103 years,
but not 300 years. Therefore, the fifth year of Kharavela’s reign will be
(257-103) c. 154 B. C, and the beginning of his reign has to be placed in
C.159B.C. |
The reign period of Kharavela thus falls within the rule of
Pushyamitra Sunga (C. 184 B.C.-148 B.C.), But the Magadhan_ king referred
to in the Hatigumpha inscription is not Pushyamitra but Bahasatimita,
v0.
H.C. Raychaudhurt,
and fn. Sot p. 216.
7. Old Brahmi lnscriptions, p. 281.
Political History of Ancient india (4th Edition)-pp, 216-17
30 HISTORY:OF ORISSA
apparently a Prakrit form of Brihaspatimitra, Thelate K. P. Jayaswal
tried to solve the difficulty by identifying Brihaspatimitra with Pushyamitra
‘on the ground that Bahasati or Brihaspati finds mention in the
Sankhyayana Grihya Sutra as the presiding deity of the Pushya
constellation of stars. This identification may be a rare example of
scholarly ingenuity, but it will be acceptable to none. As a matter of fact,
although the name Bahasatimita or Brihaspatimitra occurs on some
inscriptions and coins of northern India, the King Bahasatimita of
Magadha, the contemporary of Kharavela, still remains unidentified. Much
of the difficulty will perhaps disappear, if he is identified with Brihaspati
whom the Divyavadana represents as the son of Samprati, the grandson
of Asoka’. The objections that are likely to be raised against this identifi-
cation are that the name of Brihaspati of the Divyavadana does not end
with ‘mitra’, that he is known from a single source and that it will be
difficult to suppose the existence of a scion of the Maurya dynasty as the
king of Magadha after the usurpation of the Magadhan throne by
Pushyamitra Sunga.
Such difficulties are however inherent in the’ nature of the
materials with which we are trying to reconstruct the history of a dim
past. It will be too much to expect that the Divyavadana which has
preserved some historical traditions, could have accurately preserved the
name of a Magadhan king. In fact such inaccuracies of the Puranas have
not prevented scholars froin utilizing them as a source of history or
identifying the discrepant names found in them with the accurate ones
of the coins and inscriptions. Udaka, Bhagabhadra and Simuka of the
inscriptions have respectively been identified with Odraka (Andhraka,
Bhadraka etc. )?°, Bhaga ( Bhagavata etc.) and Simuka_ ( Sindhuka,
Chismaka etc.)"!, of the Puranas and Jethamitra and Indramitra of the
coins with Vasujyestha (Sujyestha) and Vajramitra of the Puranas.™
The contemporary Hatigumpha inscription has correctty given the name
of the Magadhan king as Bahasatimita or Brihaspatimitra which has been
preserved in the tradition in the abbreviated form of Brihaspati. The
suffix mita (mitra) in Bahasatimita of Kharavela’s inscription cannot
also be taken as a sure indication of his Sunga origin, for, amorg the ten
Sunga kings mentioned in the Puranas, only four names are found with
8. Ibid. p.274
9. J, sere RS, Voll. p. 96 in. (108) and Cambridge History of India, Vol. |,
p. ;
10. Cambridge History of India, Vol.1, p. 521
Il, Proceedings of the Indian History C ongress, 1949, 1.63,
12, J.B.O.R.S., Vol. ih. Part lv, p, 479.
APPENDIX-I] 31
that suffix.!® The name Brikaspatimtra being a common name among the
contemporaries ofthe later Mauryas and early Sungas, it will be
unreasonable to think that it was ‘monopolized by any particular dynasty.
The fact that Brihaspati has been mentioned as a successor of
Asoka onlyin the Divyavadana and in no other source, may not go
against the proposed identification, if other evidences do not conflict
with it. On the other hand, if other evidences support such an identi-
fication, the traditions preserved inthe Buddhist literature about the
successor of Asoka should be taken as more reliable. The existence of
only a single successor of Asoka, viz. Dasaratha has so far been proved
by the inscriptions,** while about nine other successors metioned in the
Puranas and one mentioned in the Rajatarangini, no corrobora-
tive evidence is available. Under the circumstances, it will be unwise to
perfer any of the sources of our information to the exclusion of others. It
is Obvious that the accounts that have come down tous from the
Buddhist and the Brahmanical sources about the successors of Asoka,
are fragmentary and, in some cases, fictitious and might have even been
tinged with a sectarian bias. Each of these sources seems to have preserved
a part or parts of the truth, but not the whole of it. The validity of their
accounts can be tested only by corroborative evidences. When a contem-
porary inscription vouchsafes the existence of a Magadhan king named
Brihaspatimitra, we should take Brihaspati of the Divyavadana as one
of the successors of Asoka. The word Brihaspati, by itself could not have
stood for the name of any’king of this period, because the names of the
deities, who were supposed to be patrons or protectors, invariably occur
in conjunction with gupta or mitra to constitute the names of the kings
and other high dignitaries of this epoch, e. g. Chandragupta, Pushyagupta,
Jyesthamitra, Phalgunimitra, Brihaspatimitra, Agnimitra, Bhumimitra,
Indramitra, etc. There is therefore all the more reason to think that the
name of Brihaspalimitra, a successor of Asoka, has merely been abbre-
viated in the Divyavadana, into Brihaspati.
The existence of ascion of the Maurya dynasty even after the
coup d’ e’ tat staged by Pushyamitra Sunga will not appear inconsistent
with the known facts of Indian history. Pushyamitra Sunga has never
been styled as king buthas always been given the appellation of
Senapati or commander.-in.chief in all the records from which we know
him. This clearly indicates that he never assumed the title of king, nor did
a eee
13. Cambridge History of India Vol. 1, po SLB.
14. [bid p. 512.
15, bid. p.S21.
32 HISTORY OF ORISSA
accept him as such. The natural inference is that there was in Magadha
a king, though Senapati Pushyamitra was its virtual ruler. It seems most
likely that after murdering Brihadratha, Pushyamitra set up on the throne
of Magadha a scion of the Maurya dynasty as a titular king and although
he was the kingmaker, he satisfied himself with his former title sexapati.
Had he ever become king, Dhanadeva of the Ayodhya inscription,7® who
wanted to take pride in his connexion with Pushyamitra Sunga, would
not have referred to him simply as senapati. The tradition recorded in
the Divyavadana has created a confusion and has_ represented
Pushyamitra as the successor of Brihaspati, while according to the above
discussion he appears to be the commander-in-cnief of Brihaspatimitra
who was the titular king. Pushyamitra Sunga was indeed more thana
king and was free to control the religious and foreign policy of the State.
This type of political situation is not unfamiliar in Indian history: the
latest examples are the Brahmin Peshwas of the Mahratta empire and
the prime ministers of Nepal. Therefore it seems most probable that
Brihaspati of the Divyavadana was the king of Magadha when Kharavela
attacked it and has been referred to as Bahasatimita in the latter’s inscrip-
tion. It will be useless to attempt to establish his exact relationship with
Asoka or his grandson when our sources of information furnish us with
such varying accounts, some recensions of the Puranic list giving the
number of Asoka’s successors as ten, some of them, as only six. the
Divyavadana as six, Taranatha, as three aiid the Rajatarangini, as one.
The name of a governor of Chandragupta Maurya was Pushyagupta and
therefore so far as name endings are concerned, it is not inconsistent
or improbable that the name of the commander.in-chief of Brihaspatimitra
Maurya was Pushyamitra.
It appears, therefore, that Brihaspatimitra was the king of Magadha
when Kharavela attacked Magadhain_ the twelfth year of his reign.
According to the chronology adopted by us here, this second attack on
Magadha by Kharavela would’ have taken placein 147 B.C. when
Pushyamitra Sunga’s virtual rule had just ended. It seems that so long as
Pushyamitra Sunga was alive it was not possible for Kharavela to humi-
liate the Magadhan power. Indeed such a position can be inferred from
the events of the eight year of his reign, when Kharavela is spoken of as
having crossed or killed Gorathagiri?* and as causing “terrible pressure
16. Ep. Ind. Vol XX. p87 -
17. Cambridge History of India. Vol. 3. p. 511.
1%. Dr. BN. Barua takes Gorathagiri to be the name of a king, while Mr. R. D.
Banerjee thinks that it was the ancient name of the modern Barabar hills in
the Gaya district. History of Orissa. Vol. 1. p. 79,
SS SS ee, i — eee
——
A PPENDIX-lI 33
to be brought upon the peopte of Rajagriha’’ and then as retreating to
Mathura. This appears unusual when one considers the fact that his
natural target of attack was the capital city of Magadha, i.e., Pataliputra.
It seems that Kharavela received strong opposition from the great general
at Rajagriha, which checked his advance upon Pataliputra and so he had
to create a diversion by attacking Mathura which was probably included
in the Magadhan empire. He had to choose an opportune time for his
second attack on Magadha and that opportune time seems to have been
provided by the death of Pushyamitra Sunga. With the weak king
Brihaspatimitra on the throne of Magadha it would have been compara.
tively easy for Kharavela to attack Pataliputra and compel the reigning
king to bow at his feet and to part with the honoured seat of Jina,
formerely carried away to Magadha from Kalinga by one of his prede-
cessors.
The political situation of Magadha and of Pataliputra after
Pushyamitra Sunga is extremely obscure. He was the dominating person-
ality of his age, who eclipsed all others and who has therefore loomed
large in the Brahmanical and Budhist traditions because of his performance
of two Asvamedha sacrifices and also for his anti-Buddhist activities.
Although the Puranas speak of a number of his successors, their
connexion with Magadha and Pataliputra has not yet been attested to by
the discovery of any archaeological evidence. The mitra coins, issuers of
some of which have been sought to be identified with the Sungas, have
been found abundantly in the north particularly in Kausambi (Kosam
near Allahabad) and Ahichchhatra (Bareilly district), but they have
been conspicuous by their absence in Magadha proper, [ndramitra whose
coins were discovered at Kumrahar, the site ‘of ancient Pataliputra,*®
does not appear in the Puranic list of the Sunga-Kanvayana kings. It
seems that after the death of Pushyamitra Sunga, several branches of his
family established themselves in different parts of India, while Pataliputra
with its surrounding area remained in the possession of a scion of the
Maurya dynasty. The existence of a Maurya ruling family at Pataliputra
as late as the seventh century A.D. is attested to by the testimony of
Yuan Chwang.??
The hostility that existed between Kalinga and Magadha during
the time of Pushyamitra Sunga seems to have been reflected ina gramma-
tical example given in the Mahabhasya of Patanjali, who is generally taken
to be a contemporary of Pushyamitra Sunga. Patanjali, while explaining a
19. Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 1949. p. 58.
20. Watters, On Yuan Chwang, Vol.H, p. 115.
34 HISTORY OF ORISSA
vartika connected with the conjuction Lit, which is used in the sense of
paroksha when outright denial is intended, illustrates the rule by making
somebody say ‘Verily I did not visit the Khandika country, nor did |
visit the Kalinga country.”"*2 As Dr. V.S. Agrawala rightly points out,
Patanjali seems to have put this example in the mouth of aspy of Kalinga
who, caught by the imperial officers of Magadhe, wants to evade the
situation by making a downright denial of his knowledge of the Kalinga
and Khandika countries.
Apart from the synchronism of Kharavela with Pushyamitra
Sunga, as discussd above, another synchronism is furnished by the
reference to Satakarni in the Hatigumpha inscription of Kharavela. This
Satakarni is described as the lord of the west and has apparently to be
identified with a king of the Satavahana dynasty of the Deccan. There
are several kings of the name of Satakarni in that dynasty and a definite
indentification of the Satakarani of the Hatigumpha inscription will rest as
much on the evidence of the palaeography of this inscription of
Kharavela and the early Satavahana inscriptions as onthe determination
of the Satavahana chronology. According to Buhler, the palaeographical
indications are that the Hatigumpha inscription of Kharavela, the
Nanaghat inscription of Naganika, queen of Satakarni, and those
belonging to the period of the last Mauryas andthe early Sungas are all
contemporary and that they all belong to the second century B.C.” The
opinions of the Indian epigraphists about the age of Kharavela’s
inscription are at variance, but nevertheless, they all, except Dr. B. M.
Barua, agree in placing it in the second or first century B.C.2* Dr. B. N.
Barua, as already noted, places Kharavelain the first century A.D.?*
His conclusions about the dates or Kharavela and Sri Satakarni ofthe
Sanchi Stupa inscription, whom he identifies as Satakarni of the Hati-
gumpha inscription, are based on an over estimation of the value of the
Puranas as a source of history, whereas their limitations and defects as
such have been obvious to all. The Puranas place the rise of the Andhras
(Satavahanas) afterthe Sungas and the Kanvas and in spite of the
limitations of the Puranas, this statement has been given much emphasis
and other evidences have been made subservient to it. The evidence of
palaeography is a very variable factor at this time and scholars are aware
that no definite conclusion can be drawn within acentury. The inscrip-
21. Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Vol. 1, No. 3, p. 241-2.
22. Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1, p. 530 and 535.
23. Old Brahmi Inscriptions, p. 145-53; D.C. Sircar.
Select Inscriptions, p. 207 {n. 7.
24. Ibid, p. 277.
APPENDIX-I¥ 35
tions of Kharavela and those of the early Satavahanas can well be placed
in the second century B.C, as several scholars have shown and it may
not be thought reasonable to lay too much stress on a Statement of the
Puranas, the value of which as a source of history is doubtful. It will be
best to quote a few lines from the Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1
(p. 522), which expose the nature of chronology that the Puranas have
preserved for the reconstruction of the history of this period.
“The Puranas have been edited, and, in the process, much of
value as records has been destroyed. Certain incidental statements,
their however, have escaped the editor: and these seem to show that the
Kanvas and the Sungas were contemporary. The K-nvas, who are
expressly Called ‘ministers of the Sungas’ are, in some versions, said to
have become kings ‘among the Sungas’, and, as has been observed
already, the Andhras are credited with sweeping away not only the
Kanvas, but also ‘what was left of the “Sungas’ power”. With regard to
the Andhras, the more certain evidence of inscriptions assigns them toa
period which is in flagrant contradiction to the position which they
occupy in the Puranas”,
It is possible thus that the dynasty of Kharavela in Kalinga and
that of the Satavahana in the Deccan rose simultaneously as a result of
the decline of the Maurya power after Asoka. It is not unreasonable to
assume that the murder of Brihadratha by his general served as the
signal for the disintegration of central authority, and might have
emboldened the provinces to break loose. The rise of these two dynasties
may be placed at about the same time. Apparently, Satakarni, the rival
of Kharavela in the west, has to be identified with a Satavahana king of
that time. Of Satakarnis mentioned in the Puranas, the first two closely
follow eachother. Apart from the reference in the Hatigumpha
inscription, the name Satakarni has also been mentioned in a Nanaghat
inscription and in a Sanchi epigraph, and apparently alluded toin a long
inscription from Nanaghat. Satakarni mentioned in the Hatigumpha
inscription, has usually been identifed with Satakarni, husband of queen
Naganika of the Nanaghat inscriptions?’, though scholars differentiate
the two and identify Satakarni of Hatigumpha inscription with Satakarni
mentioned in a Sanchi inscription.*© There are scholars again, who
identify all these three. Satakarni of the Nanaghat inscriptions has
— en
25. The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 213.
26. Old Bralini Inscriptions, p. 145-53.
36 HISTORY OF ORISSA
usually been identified with Satakarnil of the Puranas.2’ From the
Nanaghat inscriptions he appears to bea powerful and ambitious ruler.
Kharavela was an equally powerful and ambitious king as the Hatigumpha
inscription indicates, and it is possible that in his designs he found an
adversary in Satakarni | who has been described as the lord of the west
in this epigraph. Satakarni of the Sanchi epigraph, which is placed
palaeographically later than the Nanaghat inscriptions, was probably
Satakarni ll of the Puranas.
This identification is also borne out by the recent archaeological
discoveries at Bhubaneswar. The three Yaksha images that were recently
discovered by the present writer from Dumduma, a village situated
near the Khandagiri and the Udayagiri, are strikingly similarin their
manner of standing, dress and ornaments, to the Yakshas carved on
the western gate of the Sanchi Stupa. A close comparison of the
Yakshas of Dumduma and those of Sanchi clearly bears out their affinities
and represents the two as belonging to the same artistic evolution. It is
noteworthy that, while the miniature Yakshas of the Sanchi and
Dumduma type occur in the Ranigumpha and the Ganesagumpha of the
Udayagiri and inthe Anantagumpha_ of the Khandagiri, they are
conspicuous by their absence inthe caves that bear the inscriptions of
Kharavela, his chief queen andthe Aira Maharaja Kalingadhipati
Kamdapa-siri and Kumara Vadrekha. It is to be further noted that, on
stylistic considerations. Sir John Marshall atid Dr. Stella Kramarisch have
placed those caves, which bear the Yaksha images just mentioned above,
at the lower end of the evolution of the earlier group of the cave temples
at Udayagiri and Khandagiri.2* The conclusions should therefore be
that the Yaksha images of the Sanchi type were later than the dates of
Kharavela and his probable immediate successors Kamdapa-siri and
Vedrekha. It is possible that these Yaksha images of the Rani, Ganesa and
Ananta gumphas and those discovered from the village Dumduma were
the results of a contact between Bhubaneswar and Sanchi which, as the
inscription there proves, was in the occupation of the Andhra-Satavahanas
under Satakarni I1. The excavations and clearance of ancient sites
at Sisupalagarh (Bhubaneswar),?”?. Salihudam, Ramatirtham and
27. Prof.G. V. Rao has tried to identify Satakarnis of the Hatigumpha, Nanaghat,
and Sanchi inscriptions as one and the same king. Proceedings of Ind. Hist.
Congress, 1949, pp. 62-5, But his observations are mainly based on hypothetical
inferences and have not vet been accepted by other scholars.
28. B.M. Barua, Old Brahmi Inscriptions, pp. 303-14.
29. Ancient India, Ne. 5, p. 97.
APPENDIX-II 37
Sangharama®® have brought to light a number of coins of the later
oatavahanas. which indicate that there was a period of Andhra-
Satavahana contact in Kalinga. The conflict of Kalinga with the
Satavahanas dates from the reigns of Kharavela and Satakarni|. The
history of Kalinga after Kharavela is obscure and it is possible that this
conflict ended with the fall of Kharavela’s dynasty and his empire in the
time of Satakarni II.
Some scholars would read a passage in the Hatigumpha_ inscrip-
tion as Yavana-raja Dimita. The reading Dimitais, however, doubtful
and Dr. B. M. Barua rejects it altogether.*4 Fromthe chronology of
Kharavela, as we have tried to ascertain above, it appears that the
Yavana raja mentioned inthe inscription might possiblly refer to the
Bactro-Greek king Demetrios, son of Euthydemos, who was possibly the
Yavana invader of Saketa and Madhyamika referred to in the Mahabhasya
of Patanjali.*?
It is not impossible that Kharavela of Kalinga also took a con-
Spicuous part in repelling the Yavana menace. It may be noted that the
Yugapurana section of the Gargi-samhita speaks about a Yavana expedi-
tion to Mathura, and itis significant that the Hatigumpha_ inscription
mentions Yavana-raja ajong with Mathura.
Our above view about the date of Kharavela has been criticised
by several scholars. One criticism is that the Hatigumpha inscription on
palaeographical grounds seems to belong to the first century B.C and
not the second century B. C’ We have however given the view of the
eminent epigraphists like Buhler and others that the eplgraph can be
assigned to the second century B. C. on palaeographical grounds. Palaeo-
graphy is a variable factor and dates given to the epigraphs or the rulers
on its sole evidence admit of wide divergence. With palaeography as the
sole basis of the date, the date of the great Kushana ruler Kanishka | has
been allowed to vary,from the first century B.C. to the third century
A. D. It has been maintained by some scholars that the use of the kavya
style in the Hatigumpha prasasti is an indication of its late date. It is
however to be remembered that only the Asokan inscriptions are earlier
to Kharavela’s prasasti. Asoka’s inscriptions have been couched in
30. Proceedings ofthe Indian History Congress, 1949, p. 51.
31. Old Brahmi Inscriptions, pp.18, fns, 16 and 17
Dr, Barua also says that the fifth letter of the reading Yavana-raja is distinctly
da and not ja. Dr, D.C. Sircur, however, maintains that the reading Javana-raja
isclear but Dimita or Dimitais doubtful, Select Inscriptions, Vol, I, p, 208, tn.
32, R.C. Mazumdar, History and Culture ef the Indian people: The Age of
Imperial Unity, Voi UW, pp, 106-7.
38 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the words of the emperor himself and the use of kavya style in them
was precluded by this fact. We have thus no evidence to show that the
kavya style was not in use in the prasastis ofthe monarchs earlier than
Kharavela. Dr. N. K. Sahu, has criticised the present writer for his
having adopted the reading ti-vasa-sata which, he says, was conjectural
reading of Dr.B. M.Barua. Dr, Sahu himself has made a number of
conjectural readings. Brushing aside the earlier readings of the great
scholars, epigraphists and experts in the Pali language who have worked
On it for over a century, Dr. Sahu through his numerous conjectural
readings and restorations has thoroughly changed the contents of the
Hatigumpha inscription. What is surprising is that he has given his new
readings in a text published in a work of general history and not in any
antiquarian journal. The reading ti-vasa-sata has been interpreted by
several scholars as meaning 103 and not 300. So,evenif Dr. Barua’s
reading satadasa-lena-sata is not accepted, the validity of the inter-
pretation of ti-vasa-sata aS 103 cannot be questioned. Another point
which has been objected to by some scholars is that, we following Dr,
B. M. Barua, have identified Nanda Raja of the Hatigumpha inscription
with Asoka. No scholar has however shown that in the contemporary
or the earlier records the dynasty established by Chandragupta was
known as the Maurya dynasty. The fact seems to be that the so _ called
Maurya dynasty was a continuation of the Nanda dynasty. Scholars
objecting to our identification of Brihagpati of the Divyavadana with
Bahasatimita have not explained why Pushyamitra Sunga has been styled
as senapati in all records from which we know him.
We have presented our view about date of Kharavela but have
claimed no finality init. As we have observed earlier, the date of this
Chedi monarch will continue to be controversial so long any other corro-
borative evidence has not been discovered,
4. Kalinga after Kharavela
The history of Kalinga after Kharavela is obscure and we do not
know what happened to his dynasty or his empire. It is however very
unlikely that a vast empire built by the genius of Kharavela would have
lost its existence all on a sudden. We have given the names of two of his
probable successors who might have ruled after him a part of his empire,
though not the whole of it. Recently an inscription discovered at
Guntupally in the West Godavari district, has been edited by Dr. R.
Subrahmanyam and published by Andhra Pradesh Government in_ its
epigraphical series No. 3, Hyderabad, 1968. It records the gift of a
mandapa by the recorder of the royal messages of Maharaja Kalingadhi-
pati Mahamekhavahana (t.e. Mahameghavahana) who was also the lord of
Mahishaka. Dr. Subrahmanyam identifies this monarch with Kharavela but
Dr. D.C. Sircar amends his reading and says that the inscription
records the gift of amandapa by one Chula-Goma, the scribe of one
Mahameghavahana Maharaja Sada, the lord of Kalinga and Mahishaka
(The Early History of Kalinga by Dr. D. Das, pp. 79-80). Dr. Sircar’s
reading seems to be correct and,it indicates the extension of the Chedi
power to the Andhra country even after the death of Kharavela. !n all
probability the empire built by him did not break up after his death, but
we cannot say when exactly it came to an end.
With regard to the dark period that followed the end of
Kharavela’s dynasty, Prof. R. D. Banerjee has observed that no history,
political or cultural, is available for 800 years till we come to the seventh
century A.D. With materials that have recently been discovered we shall
however try to have a glimpse into this dark period of Orissan history.
A PERIOD OF ANDHRA SUPREMACY
We have stated earlier that later Andhra Satavahana coins have
been discovered at Sisupalagarh, Salihundam, Ramatirtham and
Sangharama. The yaksha immages of the Sanchi type, as has already been
observed, are to be found on the sculptures of the Udayagiri, Since
Sanchi- was under the Andhra Satavahana rule during the reign of
Satakarni Il, wemay conclude that there was a period of Andhra
40 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Satavahana contact with Orissa, which was verhaps one of the political
type. Since the mount Mahendra situated in Kalinga, has found place in
the list of the mountains of which Gautamiputra Satakarni is stated to
have been the lord, it may not be unreasonable to infer that there was a
period of Andhra Satavahana supremacy in. Orissa and this supremacy
begun with the fall of Kharavela’s dynasty and ended in about third
century A.D.
A PERIOD OF MURUNDA SUPREMACY
The period intervening between the end of the Imperial Kushana
dynasty and therise of the Imperial Guptas, is the darkest period of
Indian history. The same darkness also envelopes the history ‘of Orissa.
From the last occupation levels of Sisupalagarh (c. A.D. 200—A.D. 300)
some so called Puri Kushana coins were discovered?, which have also
been found froma number of places in Orissa. The crude human
figures that appear on them are certainly the imitations of the figures of
kings found on the imperial Kushana coins, but they have been assigned
to a period when the Kushana empire had become a thing of the past. A
gold coin found from the Sisupalagarh excavation also clearly imitates a
coin-type of Vasudeva | on the obverse and bears a Roman head on the
reverse.2? The legend onthe coin has been read and restored by Dr,
Altekar as Maharajadhasa Dharmadamadharasa which was intended to
stand for Maharaja-rajadhiraja Dharmadamadharasya. Dr. Altekar
assigns it to the third century A.D. and thinks that the king Dharmada-
madhara Of the coin was aMurunda kfag ruling apart of Bihar and
Orissa with his capital at Pataliputra. Such an inference has been based
by him both onthe literary evidence andthe evidence supplied by the
coin itself. The Murundas, like the Kushanas, were forgigners hailing
from the north-west and would have liked to imitate Kushana coin-types
and the impertal Kushana title Maharaja-rajadhiraja. The existence ofa
Murunda ruling family at Pataliputra is suggested by the Brikatkalpavriti
1. These coins have been found from Puri, Ganjam, Balassoré; Mayutbhania and.
Keonjhar districts of Orissa and from Singhbum district of Bihar. See Mr. R.D.
Banerji's History of Orissa, Vol. J, p, M1 and T. N. Ramachandran’s Find of
Tempera Painting in Sitabhiniji, District Keonjhar, Orissa. in Artibus Asiae,
Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, Vol. XIV, 1-2, pp. 22 ff, Plate VII,
Pep eer to the fourth or the fifth century A. D., Catalogue of
té india USCUIMN : = ’ : :
tanka@ in the characters of the kana
originated in the fourth or the fifth century, it continued to be used up to r
Very Jate date. History of Orissa, Vol, 1, pp. lil-12.
2. Ancient India, No.5, p. 97.
KALINGA AFTER KHARAVELA 41
of the Jainas, quoted in the Abhidhana-rajendra,* which refers toa
widow of a Murunda king of Pataliputra as having accepted the Jaina
gospel, The Jaina tradition Is further supported by the Puranas which
vaguely refer to thirteen Murunda kings as ruling in the post-Andhra
and pre-Gupta period.
Dr. Altekar’s inference is somewhat corroborated by a Buddhist
tradition recordedin the Dathavamsa, edited and translated by
Dr.B.C. Law. The work professes to deal with the history of the
tooth relic of the Buddha, which can be summarized as follows :
After the division of the remains of the Buddha'‘s dead body,
the left tooth relic was taken by Khema and was given to Brahmadatta,
King of Kalinga, who erected a chaitya over it. Brahmadatta’s son
Kasiraja, his grandson Sunanda and his great grandson Guhasiva who
successively ruled after him, each erected a chaitya and worshipped the
same relic. The last successor, Guhasiva, drove out all Niganthas (the
Jainas) from his kingdom, who appealed to king Pandu of Pataliputra
who was then a very powerful king of Jambudvipa. Since Guhasiva was
a subordinate ruler, he was summoned by king Pandu to appear before
him with the tooth relic, which he did. After having seen many a
miracle performed by the tooth relic, the king of Pataliputra, advised
by his minister Chaitanya, gave up the false belief and received the
tooth relic with great pomp. ,King Guhasiva also became his great
friencl. The remaining part of the story relates how Dantakumara,
prince of Ujjain, after having married the daughter of Guhasiva,
ultimately took the tooth relic to Ceylon.
Since the story of the tooth relic is represented to have been
Originally written in ancient Ceylonese in about A.D. 310 before it was
rendered into Pali in the thirteenth century, the tradition recorded in it
could not have referred to events later than the third century A.D,
That all the persons connected with the tradition are not fictitious, is
proved by the tastimony of the Puranas which mention Guha or Guhas
as ruling over Kalinga and Mahishya, The name Guha or Guhasiva also
seems to have been connected witha place mentioned as Guhadeva
Pataka or Guhesvara Patakain the Bhauma copper plate grants. The
Jaina tradition represents the widow of a Murunda king of Pataliputra
as having accepted the Jaina gospel; the Budhist tradition recorded in
the Dathavamsa also represents king Pandu of Pataliputra as a Jaina, or
else the Jainas oppressed by Guhasiva would not have goneto him for
cedrees of their grievanre or the tooth relic carried to Pataliputra would
42 HISTORY OF ORISSA
not have been put to tests. Dr. Altekar suggests that Dharmadamadhara
of the gold coin might have been a Murunda king ruling over a portion
of Bihar and Orissa. Piecing these bits of facts together, we may
conclude that Orissa was perhaps under the supremacy of tha Murundas
who were responsible for the currency in Orissa of the coins that have
distinctly imitated the Kushana coin types.
To this period belonas the Bhadrakh Inscription which was first
edited by Dr. D.C. Sircar, in Epigranhia Indica, Vol. XXIX, p. 169 ff,
and next by the present writer in Indian Historical Quarterly,
Vol. XXXV, p. 327. The purport of the inscription is that, in the 8th
regnal year of Maharaja Surasarma a pious lady named Ranghali donated
some objects to the goddess Parnadevadi (Parnnadevati) by a special
arrangement with Mahakulapati Agisarma (Agnisarma). The inscription
on palaeographical grounds has been assigned to the 3rd century A. D.
and it throws some sidelight on the darkest period of the Orissa history.
This record is, in point of antiquity, only next to the inscriptions of
Kharavela and of his supposed successors in the Udayagiri caves.
Surasarma, as his title indicates, appears to have been a local ruler hold-
ing a subordinate rank under a sovereign power. The Murundas of
Pataliputra appear to have been his overlord.
The continued use of the imitated Kushana coins in all parts of ‘
Orissa during the period from the 4th contury A.D. to the 8th century
A. D. has led the scholars to suppose ® period of the Kushana or the
Murunda rule in Orissa, or else there is hardly any definite evidence to
prove such a period of foreign supremacy in this country. The imitated
Kushana coins were first discovered in Puri, andso they were conveni-
ently termed as the Puri Kushana coins, but their subsequent discovery
from all parts of Orissa has now changed this term. Prof. R. D. Banerji
postulates a period of the Kushana supremacy in Orissa on the besis of
these coins, and connects their invasion with the so-called Raktavahu
invasion recorded in the Madala Panji, the chronicle of the temple of
Jagannatha at Puri. But this tradition appears to be very late, as in the
Panji there is hardly any tradition which takes us back to a period
earlier than the Bhauma supremacy in Orissa in the 8th century A. D.
The so-called Raktavahu invasion cannot therefore be connected with the
Kushana invasion, for which we do not find any historical data. As has
been observed earlier, the imitated Kushana coins came tobe used in
Orissa when the Kushana empire was a thing of the past. If a foreign
rule in Orissa at the stage of her history is to be inferred from these
coins, it should be connected with the Murundas who were an allied tribe.
KALENGA AFTER KHARAVELA 43
of the Kushanas. Nothing can however be said with certainty when this
foreign rule in Orissa was started and when it ended.
The Gupta Age in Orissa:
Samudragupta during his southern campaigns conquered south
Kosala (the upper Mahanadi valley), and Mahakantara and vanquished
several southern kings, of whom the territories of Svamidatta of Kottura,
Damana of Erandapalle and Kuvera of Devarashtra most likely lay in
Kalinga. Kottura, Erandapalle and Devarashtra have been identified with
the places in the Ganjam district and the adjoining Telugu-speaking tract.
This means that Samudragupta’s conquests affected only the southern
fringe of Orissa, It is not known why Samudragupta for his southern
campaigns did not proceed through the comparatively easy tracts ot the
present Balasore, Cuttack and Puri districts, but choseto lead his army
through the difficult forest-clad routes of Mahakosala and Mahakantara.
Mahakosala represented at this time the vast hilly and forest-clad tracts
of the upper Mahanadi valley and the Chhatisgarh region. Mahakantara
was an ill-defined area literally meaning the great forest country, which
has been identified by some scholars with the modern Kalahandi, Kotaput
and Bastar districts. Samudragupta ultimately reached the coastal strip
of Orissa through these difficult routes and vanquished the above men-
tioned kings along with other southern monarchs who probably formed a
confederacy with Vishnugopa vf Kanchi as their leader. The advance of
the Gupta emperor appears to have stopped on the bank of the river
Krishna. The Allahabad prasasti of Samudragupta states in no uncertain
terms that the Gupta emperor, after receiving presents from the vanqui-
shed kings, liberated them and restored their kingdoms to them. The
emperor thus did not bring these territories under his direct rule.
Samudragupta’s invasion was a passing show and it did not affect the
political condition of Kalinga, though it appears to have brought this
country into the cultural orbit of the Gupta empire.
After the death of Samudragupta about A.D. 380 there is hardly
any direct evidence to show the relation of Orissa with the Gupta empire,
We however find the use of the Gupta era in several Orissan copper
plate grants. The Sumandala copper plate grant of Prithivi-vigraha is
dated in the Gupta year 250 (A.D. 569—70) and its donor} Maharaja
Dharmaraja who was apparently a subordinate chief under Prithivi-
vigraha ruled from Padmakholi near Khallikote, The.second, grant dated
in 200 Gupta era, is that of Lokavigraha and the third grantis that of
Madhavaraja I! of the Sailodbhava dynasty dated inthe Gupta.year 300
44 HISTORY OF ORISSA
A.D. 619. The Gupta era appears to have been used in the copper plate
grants of Sambhuyasa, which have been dated in the years 260 and 283 of
an unspecified era. The unspecified era used in the Soro copper plates has
also been referred to the Gupta era by some scholars. The use of the Gupta
era inthe Orissan inscriptions has led scholars like Dr. D, C. Sjrcar to
think that Orissa was within the orbit of the Gupta empire. Since
Prithivivigraha and Lokavigraha appear as overlords in the first two charters,
mentioned above, it is just likely that they were the Viceroys of the Gupta
emperors, who were virtually independent, but still acknowledging the
supremacy of the Gupta empire, then crumbling to pieces. Dr. N. K. Sahu,
does not however accept this position and thinks that Orissa never
acknowledged the supremacy of the Gupta empire. His main argument is
that the Mathara dynasty of Kalinga was, at this period, very powerful
and in their copper plate grants the Mathara kings have not acknowledged
the supremacy of the Guptas. The dates of the Mathara kings and the
extent of their supremacy in Orissa are as uncertain as the Gupta rule in
Orissa, and they will continue to be so till further discoveries.
The Orissan sculptures which bear Gupta and post-Gupta charac.
teristics will be discussed in a subsequent chapter. The epigraphic records
which can be assigned to this age, are rare in their occurrence in Orissa,
but scholars have assigned a few such records to be found at Sitabhinji
in the Keonjhar district to this age. Dengaposi and Sitabhinji, the two ‘
neighbouring village, contain anumber of natural rock shelters in the
hills, which attracted the Saiva ascetics. That these shelters were the
abodes of the ascetics inthe 4th orthe Sth century A.D. is proved by
several rock inscriptions, one of which reads as Purudhasa Chhichha
Maruta i. e., Maruta the disciple of Purudha. The rock containing this
inscription was taken to the palace of Raja of Keonjhar and it is probably
still there. In 1938 the late Pandit Binayak Mishra and the present writer
first published an account of the archaeological remains of these places
inthe Modern Review. March, 1938. Subsequently Mr. T.N. Rama-
chandran made a systematic study of them and published an illuminating
article entitled Find of Tempera Painting in Sitabhinji, District Keonjhar
Orissa, in Artibus Asiae, Institute of Fine Arts. New York University,
Vol. XIV, 1-2, pp. 5-25.
The main antiquities of these places area tempera painting on the
ceiling of arock known as Ravanachhaya, a Mukhalingam and a number
of short rock inscriptions, The tempera painting represents a royab
KALINGA AFTER KHARAVELA 45.
»
procession in which a royal figure, «seated on elephant with a goad in his.
hand, is preceded by a batch of footmen, one horseman and a dancing
woman, and followed by an attendant woman. There is a line of painted’
writing below the scene which gives the name of the king as ‘‘Maharaja
Sri Disabhanja.,’ With regard to the age of this writing Dr. R.C.
Majumdar makes the following observation :
“Mr. T. Ramachandran, from whose account the above description
is quoted, refers the inscription to the fourth century A.D. and says that
this date is ‘corroborated by an ersemble of evidence furnished by other
associative antiquities.”
“Dr. D.C. Sircar, on the other hand, ‘thinks that the characters of
the epigraph belong to a much later date, between the eighth and eleventh
centuries A. D.
“There is no doubt that the Orissan inscriptions, even of the
same king, employ a variety of scripts. so that palaeography is a very
uncertain factor ‘in determining chronology. Thi« ‘s émply illustrated by
the widely differing views aboutthe dates of Kara, Sailodbhava and
Bhanja kings. Nevertheless, it has to be admitted that the characters of
the short record at Sitabhinji can by no means be regaided as later than
those of the characters of the early kings of Kalinga who have been
unanimously referred to the fifth century A.D. Dr. D.C. Sircar’s proposed
identification of Disabhahja of the Sitabhinji record with the king
Digbhanja-Disabhanja (No. Vil) mentioned above, cannot therefore be
upheld, and until more definite evidence is available. Disabhanja of Sita-
bhinji may justly be regarded as the earliest Bhanja king who flourished in
the fourth or fifth century A.D. The painted scene and the locality seem to
indicate that he was a powerful ruler whose kingdom included the
Keonjhar State. If we accept this view’ we may well believe that the
Bhanjas had been ruling in Orissa almost continuously since the fourth or
fifth century A.D.. though their power and status must have Varied in
different ages. The territory called Bhanjabhumi or Bhanjbhum, which
includes the present Mayurbhanj, was evidently named after the Bhanjas”’.
We accept the views of Mr. T.N. Ramachandran and Dr. R.C.
Majumdar about the age of the painting which was certainly a creation of
the Imperial Gupta age. The other notable antiquity of the place, the
Mukhlaingam, which is still to be found there, bears the characterstics of
the early Gupta age. The palaeography of the short rock inscriptions and
Some terracotta objects published by Mr. Ramachandran, also point
46 HISTORY OF ORISSA :
to rhe same conclusion. Therefore, the archaeological! remains of the places
were no doubt the creations of the Imperial Gupta age, though they
do not furnish us with any evidence that keonjhar or any part of Orissa
was under the Gupta rule.
A line of inscription to be found onthe forepart of a colossal
lion figure discovered by the present writer from near the Bhaskaresvara
temple at Bhubaneswar, canalso be palaeographically assigned to the
Gupta age when there was aconflict between the Buddhists and the
Saivas as result of which the Asokan pillar was converted into a Siva
lingam. The late Mr. R. Chanda discovered a fragmentary stone inscription
from the Ratnagiri in the Cuttack district, which is in cursive Gupta script
assigned by the discoverer to the fifth-sixth century A.D. These are the
only objects which can be connected with the Gupta age in Orissa.
MATHARAS
Some copper plate records vouchsafe the existence of two or three
royal dynasties ruling in Kalinga while the Guptas were ruling in the
north as an imperial po.ver. They are known as Matharas, Pitribhaktas and
Vasishthas. Dr. D. C. Sircar thinks that they were three distinct dynasties,
while Dr. N.K. Sahu and Dr. D. Das reduce them into two vy,iz. the
Matharas and Vasishthas. They think that the term pitribhakta was merely
a qualifying term of the rulars. Mr.s.N. Rajaguru amalgamates them all into
one dynasty. We acc2pt the latest view of Dr. Sahu and Dr. Das and come
to the conclusion that they belonged to only two dynasties, yviz. the
Matharas and the Vasishthas.
The palaeography of their inscriptions is the sole evidence of
their chronology and palaeography, as illustrated in the case of Maharaja
Disabhanja of the Sitabhinji epigraph, admits of wide divergence of
Opinions, involving not afew years, but several centuries. The chrono-
logy of the Matharas -cannot be accurately determinec. We give below
their tentative genealogy and chronology as worked out by Dr. Sahu.
1. Visakhavarman (cir.A.D. 350—360)
|
2. Umavarman (cir. A.D. 360-395) 3. [Sankaravarman (cir. A.D. 395-400)
4. Saktivarman (cir. A.D. (400-20 )
Se a Se
5. Ananta Saktivarman 7. Prabhanjanavarman
(cir. A.D. 420-450 ) (cir. A.D. 460-30 )
6. Chandravarman 8, Nanda Prabhanjana varman
(cir. A.D, 450-460 ) (cir. A.D.480-498 )
KALINGA AFTER KHARAVELA 47
The Matharas changed their capital from time to time and we
know from their records the names of five such capitals situated at
Sripura, Sunagara, Vardhamanapura, Singhpura and Pishtapur, all situated
in the present Ganjam, Srikakulam and Vaizagapatanam districts. In one of
the epigraphic records of this dynasty itis claimed that Saktivarman
extended his territories from the Mahanadi inthe north to the rivers
Krishna in the south, and this appears tobe greatest extent of their
kingdom. It is however to be roted that ro other evidence or monument
has yet been discovered which can prove a period of Mathararule in
Orissa proper. Their power mostly remained confined between the
southern part of Orissa and the river Godavari. Of late too much impor-
tance has been attached to this dynasty by some lccal historians, though
the achievements of the individual rulers of this dynasty have not been
shown by ary one of them, The mere mention of their copper plates and
coins and discussions of the controversies connected with them, cannot
constitute their history.
Inthe Allahabad prasastiof Samudracgupta who carried his
victorious arms at least upto the river Krishna, no mention is made of any
of the Mathara kings Known from the copper plate records. This indicates
that the dynasty had not come into existence before Samudragupta’s
southern campaigns. The Matharas have not acknowledged the overlord-
ship of the Gupta power or any other power. Apparently they were all
independent kings. The dynasty appears to have been put to an end by
the Vishnukundins of the south and the Gangas of Svetaka in the Ganjam
district. A hoard of copper coins discovered at the village Narduru near
Gandibedha in the Balasore district, bear on them the legend Sunandasya.
Mr. S. N. Rajaguru thinks that Sunanda was a Mathara king and Dr. N. K.
Sahu takes the name to be that of a Mana- king. Since the king Sunanda
does not appear in the epigraphic records of the Matharas or the Manas,
his identification with a king of any of these dynasties is untenable. As
we have stated earlier, a period of Mathara rule in Orissa proper has yet
to be placed on surer evidences. The Mathara rule affected only a portion
of south Orissa.
THE NALAS
Dr. N. K. Sahu has worked out the following tentative chronology
and the genealogy of this dynasty :
48 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Brishadhvaja (cir. A.D. 400)
Varaharaja (upto cir. A.D. 440 )
shay latiuaanal (cir. A.D. 440 to 465 )
tha ainals (cir. A.D. 465 to 475 )
sian avanan (cir. A.D. 475 to 500 ) .
Prithviraja e°
Viruparaja
Vilasatunga (cir. A.D. 700 )
The Nalas originally ruled over a territory now represented by the
Koraput district of Orissa and the Bastar district of Madhya Pradesh with
their capital at Pushkari identified with Podagadh in the old Jeypore
State (Koraput district). At tha height of their power their kingdom
included a vast tract apparently stretching from the river Wain Ganga in
the west to the Indravati rivar in the south and from the Eastern Ghats in
the east to the Mukhalingam region inthe north. Their inscriptions and
coins indicate that they were an Independent power, occasionally coming
into conflict with the Chalukyas of Vengi and the Vakatakas of modern
Madhya Pradesh. !tis not known how their power declined, but their
latest existence can bea traced from a few inscriptions from which it appears
that they ruled over a small territory in the Chhati3garh and Raitpur-Bilaspur
region of modern Madhya Pradesh. The achievements of the individual
rulers of the dynasty cannot be ascertained from their records, but this
does not mean that they had no achievements.
THE EARLY GANGAS OF KALINGA
The Classical Age (Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan) gives the following
genealogy of the Eastern Gangas :—
Indravarman |
Hastivarman, Rajasimha, Ranabhita
Indravarman I!, Rajasimha
Indravarman lil
Danarnava
PWN>
Indravarman-1!1V
on
Gunarnava
6, Devendravarman
7. Anantavarman
8. Nandavarman (Indravarman) 9. Devendravarman il
KALINGA AFTER KHARAVELA 49
In the numerous copper plate records of these kings the Ganga
era has been used, but there is still a dispute among the scholars about
the exact date of the Christian year from which the era started. A.D.
496 has however been generally accepted as its initial year. The dates that
have been found from the various inscriptions of this dynasty commence
from A.D. 496 and endin the middle of the eighth century A.D. Their
Capital was Kalinganagara identified with modern Mukhalingam in
Srikakulam district and they had probably a secondary capital at
Dantapura identified by some scholars with Dantavaktra near Srikakulam
in the same district. They are found intheir inscriptions with the title
Trikalingadhipati, but the identification of Trikalinga is still a matter of
controversy. Dr. D.C. Sircar suggests that ‘‘Trikalinga was a country of
forest between the domains of the later Chalukyas of Vengi and those of
the Gangas of Kalinganagara, probably lying to the south of Dekshina
Kosala and not very far from Mahendragiri. The fact that some powerful
rulers of Kalinganagara and of south Kosala preferred to call themselves
Trikalingadhipati suggests that the expression often indicated lordship
over wide regions of ancient Kalinga or several countries in the Kalinga
region.’”? Though some of these kings appears to have been very powerful
ruling over an extensive kingdom, their achievements are not clear from
their records.
The Gangas of Svetaka appear to have been a branch of Early
Gangas of Kalinga and they too were the worshippers of Gok«rnnesvara
enshrined on the top of the Mahendra mountain. Their exact relationship
with the Gangas of Kalinga is not known, but some scholars hold that
they enjoyed a semi-independent status under the main dynasty. Their
capital Svetaka has been identified with modern Chikiti in the Ganjam
district. The earliest king of the dynasty was Maharaja Jayavarman. The
Svetaka branch of the Gangas continued to rule in the Ganjam area up to
a late date.
THE MANAS
A king named Sambhuyasas bearing the full sovereign titles
Paramamahesvara Paramabhattaraka Paramadevatadhidaivata appears in
two of the copper plate records discovered in Orissa and claims his
origin from the Mana dynasty. These copper plates bear the dates 260 and
283 which have been referred to various eras by scholars but the latest
view is that they have been recorded in the Gupta era commencing from
A.D. 319. We thus find that between A.D. 580 and 603 this powerful
Mana king was ruling over a vast territory stretching from Balasore
50 HISTORY OF ORISSA
to Puri district. His feudatory was Maharaja Sivaraja, the donor of the
above mentioned charters.
The existence of a Mana dynasty to which Sambhuyasas claims
to have belonged, is proved by an inscription discovered in the Hazaribag
district of Bihar. The family was originally a merchant family, ruling
Over a small principality in the hilly region between Gaya and Midnapur
districts. It is stated inthe above inscription that Udayamana became
the first ruler of the dynasty through the favour of king Adisimha of
Magadha. It may be that king Sambhuyasas belonged to the Mana
ruling family of Gaya, but his exact relationship with this family is not
known.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. R. D. Banerji History of Orissa, Vol. |
2. H.K. Mahtab Odisa Itihasa, Part !, 1977
3. N. K. Sahu Utkal University History of
Orissa, Vol. |
4, K.C. Panigrahi Archaeological Remains at
Bhubaneswar
5. R.C. Mazumdar The Classical Age
(Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan)
6. D. Das The Early History of Kalinga
7. D. K. Ganguly Historical Geography ana Dynastic
History of Orissa
8. B. Misra Dynasties of Mediaeval Orissa,
Caicutta, 1933
9. Susil Chandra De Descriptive Catalogue of the
Copper Plate Inscriptions of Orissa,
1961.
5. The Sailodbhavas
The foregoing narrative given in Chapter.4 will give an idea that
the history of Orissa between the fall of the Kharavela’s dynasty and the
seventh century A. D. is a hazy and confused one. However, with the
advent of the seventh century A.D. the history of Orissa emerges
from darkness to light. From this date to the end of the Hindu rule in
Orissa in the sixteenth century A. D., the succession of the royal dynasties
in Orissa can now be presented with more or less accuracy. The first of
such dynasties is the Sailodbhava dynasty, ruling over Kongoda. roughly
comprising the present Ganjam and Puri districts. Their genealogy and
chronology have not yet been fully constructed, but we adopt here the
latest genealogy as given by Dr. D .K. Ganguly :
1. Ranabhita
2. Sainyabhita
3. Ayasobhita
4, Sainyabhita Madhavavarman (raja) II
5. accivanstars l
6. Dharmaraja
| |
7, Madhyamaraja I! x (Son)
8. Ranakshobha 9. Allaparaja
10. Madhyamaraja III
(son of Yuvaraja
Taillapanibha)
Inthe Soilodbhava inscriptions itis stated that there was a
person named Pulindasena famous among the peoples of Kalinga. He
worshipped Brahma who created the lord Sailobdhava and itis Sailodbhava
who became the founder of the dynasty. The name Sailodbhava literally
means one who was born from a rock or a mountain, and this has led
some scholars to think that Sailodbhavas were a branch of the
52 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Ganga family. It may be noted that the river Ganga takes its rise from the
mountain Himalayas. Other scholars think that they were probably a
branch of the Saila dynasty ruling over a part of modern Madhya Pradesh.
The origin of the Sailodbhava is thus obscure and it may be that they were
a family originally living in the hills of the Ganjam district.
Hardly anything is known about the first three members of the
dynasty, but we know something of the fourth member, Sainyabhita
Madhavavarman (raja) H, generally mentioned by scholars as Madhava-
raja 1l. In his Ganjam plates dated in Gupta era 300,(A.D. 619) it is clearly
stated that his overlord was Maharajadhiraja Sasanka who can be no
other than king Sasanka of Gauda, therival of the emperor Harsha-
vardhana.
We do not know when Sasanka established his overlordship over
Kongoda, and when it ended or when he was ousted from Orissa. All that
is known for certain is that he was the overlord of Kongoda till A. D.
619-20. The Midnapore copper plates and the Soro copper plates prove that
his governors were ruling in the Midnapore a‘.d Balasore districts, anda
tradition recorded in the Ekamra Purana and the allied Sanskrit works
which profess to deal with the history of Bhubaneswar from orthodox
Standpoint, indicates that he built atemple at Bhubaneswar and the
Ganjam plate of Madhavaraja proves that he was the overlord of Kongoda
at least upto A. D. 619 and possibly remained so till his death. Therefore
there can be no reasonable doubt that Sasanka wasthe master of the
whole of Orissa. We do not know when he 4ied, but the accounts of Yuan
Chwang show that by the time he visited Magadha in A.D. 639 Sasanka
must have been dead. The Chinese piligrim mentions the destruction of the
Bodhi tree at Buddhagaya by Sasanka and tells us that as a result of this
sin the Gauda king died. It is just probable that Sasanka retained his hold
over Orissa till his death and only after his death Harshavardhana under.
took an expedition to Kongodain A. D. 643. Prof. R. D. Banerji observes
that the adherence of the Sailodbhava king to Sasanka was so strong that
Harshavadhana had to undertake another campaign in Kongoda after
Sasanka’s death and had to spend a long time in Orissa. liarsha’s campaign
in Orissa and Kongoda was however directed more against the Chalukya
king Pulakesin Il than against the Sailodbhava ruler, because the former
was approaching nortnwards along the eastern coast and had already
conquered southern Kosala and Kalinga before A. D. 634 as is evident
from the Aihole inscription.
Orissa thus became a bone of contention among the three great
political powers of India in the first half of the 7th century A. D. Sasanka
THE SAILODBHAVAS 53
and Harshavardhana each kept Orissain his subjugation for a while, but
the exact period of their subjugation cannot be determined. Harsha-
vardhana undertook his campaign in Orissa at the fag end of his reign
and therefore there is no reason to think that Orissa was under him for
long. He died in A.D. 647 and therefore with his death his supremacy in
Orissa must have ended. The Chalukya king Pulakesin Il, as already
pointed out, was also in the race for the occupation of Orissa, but it is
not certain whether he ever established his sway in any part of it. Certain
traditions and monuments of Orissa still existing, however, indicate that
Chalukyas exerted their influence over this country.
The Sailodbhava dynasty was no doubt under the suzerainty of
the foreign powers, but it is not known how many rulers of the dynasty
had remained under foreign domination. Madhavaraja II's later charters
issued after his Ganjam plates of A.D. 619, indicate that he had become
independent, because in these later charters he makes no reference to
Sasanka or any other power as his overlord. Apparently the Sailodbhava
dynasty regained their independence soon after the death of Harsha-
vardhana in A.D. 647. Since scholars like Dr. D.K. Ganguly assign
Madhavaraja I] a reign of about 50 years, it is just likely that Kongoda
became free during his long reign.
In some copper plates of the dynasty there is a reference to a
succession dizpute which Prof. R.D. Banerjee writesin the following
words: :
“It is stated in the 16th verse that Dharamaraja, having succeeded
to the kingdom by the right of primogeniture, banished a person named
Madhava from the kingdom after defeating him ina battle at a place
called Phasika. The baffled Madhava sought shelter with a king named
Tivara and both of them were again defeated at the foot of the
Vindhyas.”
The identification of Tivara who was an adversary of Dharmaraja
has been a matter of dispute. Mr. S.N. Rajguru identified him with
Mahasiva Tivaradeva, the famous Panduvamsi king of Dakshina Kosala,
but the date of this Panduvamsi king is also a matter of controversy.
Some scholars assign him to the 6th, some to the 7th and some to the 8th
century A.D. The latest view expressed by Dr. D. K. Ganguly places him
in the middle of the sixth century A.O. Madhyamaraja, the successor of
Madhavaraja II, could not have ruled over Kongoda in the sixth century
A.D. because of the fact that the Ganjam plate of Madhavaraja Il clearly
proves that he was ruling in A. D. 619. Tivaradeva of the Sailodbhava
54 HISTORY OF ORISSA
records cannot therefore be identified with the Panduvamsi_ king
Tivaradeva. His proper identification must await further discoveries.
Some members of the family after Madhavaraja II claim in
their copper plate grants to have performed Asvamedha and Bajapeya
sacrifices and this fact indicates that they were powerful monarchs.
But the events that took place in their reigns are hardly known
to us. Yuan Chwang’s~ accounts indicate that Kongoda was a
powerful kingdom atthe time of his visit and this shows that the later
kings of the dynasty continued to be very powerful and maintained the
earlier prestige and the extent of the kingdom. It is not known how their
supremacy in Kongoda ended. As will be shown later, it was the
Bhauma-Karas who were probably responsible for the destruction of their
kingdom.
Certain traditions about Sasanka, Fulakesin I! and Bhaskara—
varman of Assam are found embodied inthe Ekamra Purana and the
allied Sanskrit works which profess to deal with the history of Bhubane-
swar from the orthodox standpoint. We do not consider these traditions
as correct historical facts, but we produce their summaries which may
prove helpful in future investigations.
Chapter 13 of the Ekamra Purana gives a conversation between
‘Siva and Brahma inthe Satya Age, in which the latter expresses his
desire to build a temple for the former, but Siva chooses to remain in
open ground and says :
“With the coming of the Kali Age, Chandra will go to the earth
and having become the lord of men (the king) he will worship the lingam,”’
‘He, who is of good determination, will cause a beautiful, white
and purifying stone temple to be erected and a great worship performed.”’
“He, who is famous, well-known, and engaged in the daily
worship of Siva, will establish this lingam of Tribhuvanesvara in accor-
dance with my command.,”’
“OQ Brahman, you knowme to bethis stone lingam that can
neither be seen nor touched.”
“Sasanka with his heart attached to Siva will be infinitely intel{i-
gent andwill worship with diligence allthe lingams that exist on the earth.”
“OQ Vivudhesvara (Brahma), (Sasanka’s) temple (hirtti) will
endure (lit. remain unhurt) in this world.O Pitamaha, it is difficult (for you)
to do (i. &., to construct a temple for me); (so) your efforts are useless.”
THE SAILODBHAVAS 55
In Chapter 48 of the same work, Siva in course of his conver-
sation with the Balakhilyas speaks as follows:
“When one quarter of the Kali Age has passed away, Chandrama
will go to the earth.’’
‘My devotee Sasanka, the lord of the earth. with his mind fixed
on none (except on me), will rule a portion of the earth extending upto
Kalinga.”
‘According tomy command, he will construct a massive and
beautiful temple, hearing the voice of the gods. O the best of ascetics,
you have (now) heard (this all) well.”
Again in Chapter 50 of the same Ekhamra Purana we find a
reference to Sasanka. Rama, son of Dasaratha of Ayodhya, desirous of
building a temple for Siva, wanted to fix up a site in Ekamra. To aquaint
him with the situation, Vasishtha speaks as follows:
“O King, the past tradition is that Sasanka will cause it to be
done."’
“When the high-souled Vasistha was speaking this, an invisible
voice descended from the sky (which spoke thus): ”’
“O, Rama, the long-armed Rama, the promoter of the pleasure of
the gods and the expert in the knowledge of the worship of Siva, please
hear my best words. Chandrama dropped down from (my) crown will not
soon go to the earth.”
In Chapter 10 of the’ Svarnnadri Mahodaya, when Brahma
expresses his desire to build a temple for Siva, the latter directs him to
build it at the site now represented by the Brahmesvara temple, but
reserves his own site (the site of Tribhuvanesvara) and speaks as follows :
“lt will not be done by your hand; in the Kali Age Chandra will
do it.”
In Chapter 9 of the Ekamra Chandrika, the same tradition is
recorded as follows *
“Do not build the temple here; in the Kali Age Chandra will do
it.”
In Chapter 16 of the Kapila Samhita also, Lord Tribhuvanesvara
is found to have made the same refusal to Himavat, the king of the
mountains :
“Why have you asked fora thing which was not available to the
gods such as Brahma, Vishnu, Indra, Yama and Varuna ? The temple
(of mine) is impossible to be constructed; in ihe Kals Age Chandra will
do it,”’
56 HISTORY OF OR SSA
It will thus be seen that the tradition about Sasanka having built
a temple inthe shrine of Tribhuvanesvara is persistent in all the four
Sanskrit works that profess to deal with the history of Bhubanesewar from
an orthodox standpoint. If this tradition has any value, it indicates that
Sasanka built a temple at Bhubaneswar which was certainly within his
domain as is proved by other evidences. (dournal of Royal Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Vol. XV, 1949, pp. 114-18). We are however unable to
identify the particular temple built by Sasanka at Bhubaneswar. The
tradition recorded in the above works indicates that he built it in the
shrine of Tribhuvanesvara or Lingaraja, but the present temple of Lingaraja
is amonument of the 11th century A.D. The earlier temple of Sasanka
built in this shrine is no longer in existence. Sasanka was one of the three
great personalities of the age, the other two being Harshavardhana of
Kanauja and Pulakesin II of the south. But, while history has done ample
justice to the other two, ithas been unfair to Sasanka, because it has
tried to estimate his character and achievements only through the records
that have emanated from his political rivals or their friends and supporters
or from the sources of the Buddhists who regarded him as an enemy of
their religion. His coins indicate that he was a_ follower of Siva and Yuan
Chwang’s accounts represent him as an enemy of Buddhists, who destroy-
ed a number of famous Buddhist monuments. It seems that he played a
great part in east India _ in the revival of Hinduism and in stamping out
Buddhism. The fact that these orthodox texts containing these traditions
scarcely speak of any earthly being however’ exalted, but speak of
Sasanka in such glowing terms, goes a long way in indicating the great
part that must have been played by him in the religious field of east India.
It may be noted that in one of the aoove traditions it is clearly stated that
Sasanka ruled upto Kalinga and in the light of the historical facts known
to us, this Sasanka can be no other person than Sasanka of Gauda, famous
in the contemporary history.
That the Chalukyas occupied Orissa for a , while or were in the
race for its possession, ts also evident from another tradition recorded in
the Ekamra Purana, Chapters XXXIV—XXXVII of this work record an
elaborate story about the origin of the name Krittivasa and of the
Devipadahara Tank which is situated in the close vicinity of the Lingaraja
temple. This story can never be wholly fictitious, since the names of the
persons found in it appear to be either wilful distortions or corruptions
of the names of the Chalukya kings that we find from their copper plate
grants. The summary of the story is as follows :
There was a king of demons named Matanga and his son was
Drimila. Drimila had one hundred sons of whom Prithuloma or Prithulg
THE SAILODBHAVAS 57
was the eldest and Kirtti and Vasa were the strongest. The king Drimila
propitiated the Brahmins and so they conferred on him a boon that his
two sons Kirtti and Vasa would never be killed by any male human being.
The eldest son Prithuloma was very religious, but Kirtti grew vicious and
planned the destruction of his brothers. One day he took his brothers to a
forest On the pretext of hunting wild animals, but when they grew tired,
hungry and thirsty, he killed ten of them. Ona second occasion he took
the remaining brothers to the forest and killed ten of them. The process
was repeated by him till many of his brothers were killed. When his
broken-hearted mother asked him about the whereabouts of his brothers,
he gave her an evasive reply. King Drimila suspected Kirtti of having
killed his sons and so he ordered his army to kill him; but although two
generals Ugrasarma and Kuvala fought bravely against him, they were
defeated and killed by Kirtti in the fightin which he was helped by his
brother Vasa. When king Drimila found his general defeated, he and his
eldest son Prithuloma or Prithula pursued Kirtti and Vasa with an army
and left them at a great distance from their kingdom.
Having been driven away from their father’s kingdom, Kirtti and
Vasa wandered here and there and at last came to Ekamra which appeared
to them to be a most beautiful place. So they resided there. At the time
they came to Ekamra, Parvati, according to the desire of Siva, was living
in the guise of a gopalint (milk-maid) and was regularly worshipping the
lingam of the Gosahasresvara shrine. The two brothers once accidentally
met Gopalini and, having become charmed with her beauty wanted to
make her their wife. Gopalini at once informed Siva of the evil intention
of the demon brothers. Siva told her that according to the boon obtained
by their father, they would not be killed by any male member and so she
would render a great service to the gods, if she could kill them. He
instructed her to request the brothers to carry her on their shoulders and
while being carried by them, to press them to death. Siva’s instructions
were carried into effect and both demons died being pressed under the
feet of Gopalini. Water sprang up where they died and the spot where
they died is now represented by the Devipadahara Tank.
Now, many of the names given in the story sound like those of
the Chalukya kings. As we have already said, the original names have
either been hopelessly corrupted, or purposely distorted to suitthe
exigencies of a mythological story. The corrupted names of the story
viz. Matanga, Prithuloma or Prithula, Kirtti, Vasa and Kuvala may
58 HISTORY OF ORISSA
respectively be taken to have stood for Mangalesa, Pulakesin, Kirttivarman,
Vishnuvardhana and Kubja or Kubja Vishnuvardhana. Drimila is a corruption
of Dravida (Dravidian) which in a generic sense has been applied to all
southerners irrespective of their race or residence. We can hardly expect
from a mythological story the order or chronological seqence in which the
Chalukya kings appear in their inscriptions, but these corrupted names
indicate that their activities at Ekamra, when they occupied or attempted
to occupy Orissa, descended to posterity as distant echoes which have
formed the basis of this mythological story. The evidence of history indicates
Orissa as being a centre of conflict between Harshavardhana and the
Chalukyas, apparently after the death of Sasanka, and it is not impossible
that the Chalukyas might have occupied the country for a time in course
of the conflict.
History and traditions thus show that Orissa had became an arwa
of conflict among the great powers of the first half of the 7th century A.D.
Bhaskaravarman of Assam, who wasan ally ofthe emperor Harshavardhana,
also appears to have taken a partin this conflict. A tradition contained in
the 48th chapter of the Ekamra Purana points to this fact. The tradition
runs as follows:
Gokarna, son of the demon’ Gavala, advised by his priest
Munjakesa, came to Ekamra to worship Siva, but having failed to see the
Svayambhu lingam, saw a lingam ataplace situated at a distance of one
thousand cows to the north-east of the temple of Krittivasa. He immedia.
tely established it and worshipped it every day with various offerings in
the morning and then went to his palace in Pragjyotishapuri every day in
the afternoon. In the meanwhile another demon Susena by name, son of
Drimila, came to know of it and having come to Ekamra from his home in
the Vindhya mountain, worshipped the same lingam every day in the
afternoon. Finding the offerings disturbed daily, Gokarna one day hid
himself in the jungle with a great army, but Susena too was on his guard
and had stationed a similar army there. So there was a great battle between
them in which both the demons with their armies were annihilated.
Because the lingam was first established by Gokarna, it came to be
known as Gokarnesvara.
Aithough the names of the persons. given are fanciful, the place
names of the story indicate that the fight described was a fight between
aking of Assam (Pragjyotishapuri) and a king of the Vindhya mountain.
These kings in the context of the historical facts known to us, may be
taken as king Bhaskaravarman of Assam, the ally of Harshavardhana,
THE SAILODBHAVAS 59
and the Chalukya king Pulakesin Il. As both the kings were hostile to
Sasanka, itis no wonder that they have been described as demons in
an orthodox work which has praised Sasanka so much. The word Drimila
IS a corruption of Dramila or Dravida.
Itis clear from these traditions that the first half of the 7th
century A. D. was an important epoch in the political and cultural history
of Orissa. Orissa, while becoming a bone of contention among the great
rival powers of the period, contributed all that was best in her culture and
also received the same from other parts of India. The result of the clash
of cultures is always a compromise and such a compromise was achieved
in Orissa and Bhubaneswar, the hub of creative activities, bore the stamp
of such a compromise on its monuments. We have however no evidence
to show that except the Chalukyas, the other great powers produce
any tangible cultural results. The evidence of the Chalukyan contact with
Orissa is provided by the correlation to benoticedin the Kalinga and
Chalukya Schools of Art and Architecture.
Years ago the late Mr. M. M. Ganguly, after a study of the temple
architecture of Bhubaneswar and of Aiholein the Bijapur district of
Karnataka, came to a conclusion that the Orissan art of temple building
was transplanted in the Deccan as early as the fifth century A. D. at the
latest, but this conclusion has been most unceremoniously criticized and
rejected by Prof. R. D. Banerjee. However, more definite evidences
are now forthcoming to show that, although the Chalukyas came as
conquerors, they learnt much fromthe art and architecture of Orissa.
The first of such evidences is to be found in the cave architecture
of Badami (not far from Aihole) and the Udayagiri (near Bhubaneswar).
Mr, Percy Brown has noticed thatthe ‘intricably carved struts made
of figures riding hippographs and other compositions of similar
fanciful nature’’ that have been supported by pertico pillars of the
Manchapuri gumpha inthe Udayagiri hill, arethe close prototypes
of the brackets ‘which are a most prominent feature of the Brahmanical
rock.cut temples at Badami in Dharwar, produced at least six centuries
later.’ There can be no doubt that the Udayagiri caves being much
earlier, the motifs found in them would have been borrowed by the
excavators of the Badami caves, which belong to the period of the early
Chalukyas as is evidenced by an inscription of Mangalesa occurring in
Cave No. lll there. The second definite evidence is provided by two
closely similar Nataraja images. One is now housed in a small temple in
the Muktesvara compound at Bhubaneswar and the other is carved in
Cave No. | at Badami. The attributes they. have, the manner in which
60 HISTORY OF ORISSA
they stand, the poses that they show with their hands and feet, the
clothes and ornaments that they wear and the attendants that they have
by their sides, are so strikingly similar that we may conclude that one
was modelled on the other. These points of correlation cannot have
been merely accidental and they indicate strong contacts between the two
regions.
The Ekamra Purana, which contained the traditions about the
conflict of the contending powers in Orissa, is a Sanskrit work which
must have been composed not earlier than the 14th century A.D. It
contains a reference to the temple of Ananta Vasudeva built in A.D. 1278.
This Sanskrit work had come to tine notice of the earlier scholars since
the days of Dr. RR. L. Mitra and its manuscripts were preserved in the
library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta. The traditions contained
in this work which we have discussed above, were translated into
English and published with their Sanskrit texts by the present writer
in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XV, 1949,
pp. 114, ff. As we have observed earlier, we do not take these traditions
as correct historical accounts, but we are of the opinion that they will
be helpful in future Investigations about the parts played in Orissa by
Harshavardhana, Sasanka of Gauda, the Chalukya king Pulakesin Il and
Bhaskaravarman of Assam.
We have no evidence to show that Sasanka’s conquest of Orissa
produced any tangible influence on the art and architecture of Orissa
and Bengal. The factis that, although we find a very large number of
ancient monuments of Orissa which can be assigned to the 7th century
A.D., the monuments of this period in Bengal are rare in their
occurrence. So, a comparative study of art and architecture of both the
regions is precluded by this fact. Having become an_— areaof vast
devastations in subsequent periods, Bengal has lost most of her ancient
monuments, or else its proximity with Orissa wauld have brought about
a certain correlation between the monuments of both the regions.
Sasanka’s occupation of Orissa however led to the establishment
of two minor ruling families in the present northern Orissa and
in the adjoining Midnapore and Bankura districts, then known ag
Dandakabhukti. The Midnapore plate of Sri Samanta Maharaja
Somadatta mentions the overlordship of Sasar.ka over Dandakabhukti.
Another Midnapore plate represents Mahapratihara Subhakirtti asa
Governor or Viceroy of Sasanka in the same territory of Dandakabhukti.
Evidently Somadatta and Subhakirtti were either the feudatory chiefs
under Sasanka or were the Governors appointed by him. The two Soro
THE SAILODBHAVAS 61
plates of Bhanudatta prove that he too was a Governor or feudatory
chief under Sasanka, ruling over the northern part of present Orissa,
comprising the present Balasore district andthe northern part of the
present Cuttack district. The existence of these ruling families cannot
however be traced from any subsequent records. This shows that they
existed so long Sasanka’s domination over Orissa continued, but when
Harshavardhana conquered this country they were swept out of their
existence.
YUAN CHWANG’S ACCOUNTS
About A.D. 639 Yuan Chwang _ visited Orissa and _ the
neighbouring countries and left his accounts of them. His accounts
Clearly indicate that Orissaor Kalinga was then’ divided into three
s@parate kingdoms namely U-ch’a (Odra), Kong-yu-t’o (Kongoda or
Kungada) and Ki-ling-kia (Kalinga). Alongwith these three distinct
territories the Chinese pilgrim also mentions Andhraand Kosala as two
distinct neighbouring kingdoms. From his accounts it is apparent that
Odra or Orissa included Midnapore and extended upto the Puri district
in the south.
About the people of the Odra country the Chinese pilgrim says
that they were tall and yellowish-black in complexion, But this does not
agree with the physical features of the present Oriyas who are generally
short in stature and brownish black in complexion. His remarks about
language of the Odra people re that it differs from the languages of
central India. This represents the truth because of-the fact the regional
languages of northern and eastern India actually differed from each
other, even though they all originated from Sanskrit.
From the pilgrim’s accounts we get an idea that majority of the
people of the Odra country were Mahayana Buddhists. He tells us that
the country had as many as one hundred Buddhist monasteries and about
ten thousand monks: The Deva temples according to him, numbered only
50, in which the followers of different sects worshipped together. It may
be noted that Yuan Chwang was a devout follower of Mahayana Buddhism
and naturally he had the tendency of being more interested in Buddhism
thanin Brahmanical religion. Nevertheless, it is to be admitted
that this period of Orissa was aperiod of ascendancy of Mahayana
Buddhism.
The Chinese pilgrim mentions two places of Buddhist importance
in the Odra country. One of them contained a famous monastery called
Pu-sie-p’o-ki-li, of which the transcript is Pushpagiri and its identification
is still a matter of controversy. The late Mr. R. Chanda suggested
62 HISTORY OF ORISSA
in his Memoirs of Archaeological Survey of India No. 44 that Pushpagiri
should be identified with the Udayagiri, Lalitgiri and Ratnagiri area of the
Cuttack district. This identification has generally been accepted by many
later writers and people of Orissa and at present the locality ts also known
as Pushpagiri. It is true that the area contains vast Buddhist ruins and even
a superficial survey convinces a person that it was agreat centre of
Mahayana Buddhism. It is however to be noted that the area has not yet
yielded any inscription which definitely gives its name as Pushpagiri. On
the other hand, the recent excavations carried on by Mrs. Debala Mitra of
Archaeological Survey of {india inthe Ratnagiri area, which resulted in
the discovery of the structural remains of the stupas and temples along
with numerous other antiquities, provided no definite evidence for its
identification with Pushpagiri of Yuan Chwang’s description. A number of
terracotta seals were unearthed during the excavation and they were all
found to have contained the legend S7i Ratnagiri Mahavihariya Arya
Bhikshusanghasya, Clearly indicating that its ancient name was Ratnagiri
Mahavihara and not Pushpagiri Mahavihara. Dr. N. K. Sahu suggests that
Pushpagiri Vihara of the Chinese pilgrim’s description was located in the
Phulbani-Ghumsur area, but there is hardly any place in Phulbani or
Ghumsur with vast Buddhist remains which can justify this suggestion.
The definite identification of Pushpagiri should therefore await further
discoveries.
&
The second place of great Buddhist importance mentioned by the
Chinese pilgrimis Che-li-ta-!0, of which the transcript is Charitra, identified
by some scholars with Puri or the river Chitrotpala. But neither Puri nor
the banks of river Chitrotpala, a branch of the Mahanadi, contain any
substantial Buddhist ruins to justify their identification with Che-li-ta-lo.
The Chinese pilgrim says that this town was the resting place for the sea—
going traders and it contained four Buddhist stupas in its neighbourhood,
which have not yet been located eitherin Puri or on the bank of the
river Chitrotpala. The identification of the place is still a matter of
controversy.
It would thus appear that scholars have yet been unable to
identify the places of Orissa, mentioned by Yuan Chwang. It is however
a fact that numerous Buddhist and Brahmanical monuments still exist in
Orissa which can be assigned tothe period of Yuan Chwang’s visit to
this country and some of them will be discussed in a subsequent chapter.
THE SAILODBHAVAS 63
From Orissa, the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to a kingdom which
he calls Kon-yu-t’o identified with Kongoda which at this time was being
ruled over by the Sailodbhavas and which, as we have observed earlier,
comprised the present districts of Ganjam and Puri. He tells us that
Kongoda was about two hundred miles from Odra and it had a capital
city about 3 miles in circuit. It was a hilly country bordering on the sea.
This description tallies with the modern physical features of Ganjam
and Puri districts which constituted the Kongoda country. The Chinese
pilgrim further tells us thatthe people of Kongoda were of black
complexion and their language was not very different from the languages
of mid-India. Evidently Kongoda like Orissa, hada separate regional
language of its own which had similarity with the languages of Sanskrit
origin. Yuan Chwang however notes that their manner of speaking was
quite different and this remark indicates that their manner of speaking
had been influenced by the regional languages of Kalinga and Andhra,
which were not of Sanskrit origin. About the capital he says that the
town was Naturally strong and there was a gallant army in it, which kept
the neighbouring coutries in awe, and therefore there was no powerful
enemy. This description indicates that Kongoda was a powerful kingdom,
but Yuan Chwang does not mention the name of the ruler or the name of
the capital town. Cunningham however infers that the name ofthe
capital was probably Ganja which still exists onthe bank of the river
Risikulya and due to the Telugu influence is now pronounced as Ganjam.
Ganja was a port and, as will be shown later, it has found mention in the
accounts of the Muslim geographers of the 9th and 10th century A.D. as
Kanja. From the Chinese pilgrim’s description it appears that the kingdom
was about 150 miles in circumference.
From Kongoda the Chinese pilgrim proceeded to Ki-ling-kia
identified with Kalinga. Kalinga at this time was nota part of the Andhra
Country which Yuan GChwang mentions separately as An-to-lo or Andhra.
The traveller makes a brief reference to Kalinga and says : ‘‘the people
were rude and headstrong in disposition, observant of good faNh and
fairness, fast and clear in speech, in their talk and manners they differed
somewhat from mid-India.’’ This description gives us an idea that the
language and manners of the Kalinga country had been influenced by the
neighbouring people of the Andhra country. The Chinese pilgrim says
that Kalinga produced large dark elephants which were prized in the
neighbouring countries. As we shall see later, the Muslim geographers
of the 9th and 10th century A.D. also refer to large elephants as one of
the chief commodities oftrade in Orissa of the Bhauma __ period.
64 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Kautilya’s Arthasastra also mentions Kalinga as the country producing
the best elephants. About the religious conditions of the Kalinga the
Chinese pilgrim says that there were not more than 10 Buddhist mona-
steries and 500 Buddhist monks. He refers to 100 Hindu temples, which
indicates that the Brahmanical religion and not Buddhism, was the main
religion of Kalinga. Yuan Chwang does not mention the name of the
capital city but we know from other sources that Kalinganagara was the
capital city of this country atthe time of his visit. Kalinganagara has
been identified with Mukhalingam in the Srikakulam district of modern
Andhra.
From Kalinga the Chinese pilgrim made a detour and came to the
Mahakosala country which at this time was represented by modern
Chhatisagarh and Bastar regions. The main purpose of his visit was to
see the places of Buddhist importance associated with the memory of the
great Mahayana philosopher Nagarjuna, who is generally taken to be a
contemporary of the great Kushana king Kanishka. Yuan Chwang tells us
that the country was surrounded by high mountains and was full of
forests and marshes. The Kosala country was, according to the Chinese
pilgrim, one thousand miles in circumference. The number of Buddhist
monasteries was more than one hundred and about ten thousand
Mahayana Buddhist monks resided in them. There was a great Buddhist
monastery with a great stupa built by Asoka, which wes erected just
outside the capital and at onetime Nagarjuna resided in it. The Chinese
pilgrim does not tellus the name of the’capital of the Kosala country of
his time. He does not also tell us the name of the reigning monarch. He
however mentions a rock-cut monastery at Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li, which was
excavated for the residence of Nagarjuna by a king named Yin-Cheng,
but neither Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li nor the king Yin-Cheng has yet been satis.
factorily identified. Prof.R.D. Banerjee identifies | Po-lo-mo-lo.ki-lj
with Bhramaragiri situated in the former Rewa State. As the Mahakosala
country never extended up to Bundelkhand in which Rewa is situated, it
is not possible to accept the identification proposed by him. Asa matter
of fact, Po-lo-mo-lo-ki-li still remains unidentified.
Yuan Chwang’s above description of Orissa and the neighbouring
countries is meagre but eventhen itthrows welcome light on the
religious and social conditions of Orissa. [tis unfortunate that the
places of Buddhist importance mentioned by him still remain unidetified.
We have shown above that none of the places mentioned by him has yet
been satisfactorily identified. Had they been identified, they would have
provided further evidences about the history and culture of this region.
THE SAILODBHAVAS 65
Yuan Chwang was a devout Buddhist and was not much interested in
the political affairs of Orissa and of other parts of India, and therefore
he does not give us the names of the capitals or the kings or the ruling
dynasties. Nevertheless, this prince of the pilgrims has earned our
gratitude for his having left to us a brief account of Orissa and the
neighbouring regions of the first half of the 7th century A.D.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY :
1. R. D. Banerji History of Orissa, 1930
2. H. K. Mahtab Odisa Itihasa, 1977
3. Hunter, Stirling, Beams
and N. K. Sahu A History of Orissa, Vol. Il, 1956
4. D. K. Ganguly Historical Geography and Dynastic
History of Orissa, 1975
5. D. N. Das The Early History of Kalinga
6. K. C. Panigrahi Archaeological Remains
at Bhubaneswar
7. R. C. Mazumdar (Edt) The Age of Imperial Kanauj
(Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan), 1955
8. B. Misra Dynasties of Mediaeval Orissa, 1933
9, Beal Buddhist Records of the Western
World, Vol. [I
10. Watters e Yuan Chwany’s Travels in India,
Vol. Il
11. S, N. Mazumdar (Edt) Cunninghamn’s Ancient Geography
of India, 1928
12, K, C, Panigrahi Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and
the Somavamsis of Orissa, 1961
13. S, C. Behera Rise and Fall of the Sailodbhavas,
Calcutta, 1982
6, The Bhauma-Karas
Origin: Even up to the beginning of the 20th century the
Bhauma-Karas as a ruling dynasty of Orissa were unknown to scholars,
butin course of time a very large number of inscriptions belonging to
this dynasty were discovered, deciphered and commented upon by
eminent scholars. A collection of such inscriptions were first published
by Pandit Binayak Misra in his monograph, Orissa under the Bhauma
Kings which for the first time brought to the notice of the scholars the
importance of this dynasty in the history of Orissa. Since Pandit Misra
wrote his work several more important inscriptions of the danasty have
been discovered and they together throw considerable light on the
history of this memorable dynasty. As the male members or this dynasty
bear the names mostly ending with kara, it has also been described as
the Kara dynasty by many scholars, but their epigraphs also mention
them as Bhauma monarchs. So, the dynasty is now generally known to
scholars as Bhauma-Kara dynasty. A few Sanskrit works like the
Ekamra Purana and the allied works contain some historical traditions
among which the Bhauma-Karas have not'found mention. The Madala-.
panji, the temple chronicle of Jagannatha at Puri, also contain some late
historical traditions, but in these traditions too the Bhauma-Karas have
not found place. The main reason of this omission seems to be _ that
the Bhauma-Karas were unorthodox rulers and were possibly of non-
Aryan origin. The orthodox Brahmins who were the repositories of all
traditions, have ignored them for this reason.
Although the traditions recorded in the Sanskrit texts and the
Madalapanj: completely ignore the existence of the Bhauma dynasty of
Orissa, Sarala Dasa, the author of the first Oriya Mahabharata, being a
non-Brahmin, appears to have referred to them in his Mahabharata. He
describes in the Ad; Parva a fight between Bhima and the Chandalas at
Sivapura, in which the Chandalas were completely defeated, as_ result of
which Bhima became the ruler of Sivapura. It is stated inthe story that
these Chandalas were the descendants of a Brahmin mother anda _ non-
Brahmin father. In the story there are some names which appear to be
corrupted forms of the names of the Bhauma_ kings. Pandit Binayak
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 67
Misra and also Dr. H. K. Mahtab infer from the story that the Bhaumas
were probably a non-Aryan tribe, possibly the Bhuyans who stil reside
in the mountains and plains of Orissa) The women of the Bhuyan tribe,
like the women of all other primitive tribes, enjoy a much greater freedom
than the Hindu women. In the Bhauma dynasty we find as many as six
female members who ruled over Orissa as_ full-fledged sovereigns with all
sovereign titles. This is perhaps the only example in the Hindu history of
India in which we find the women occupying the throne as successors of
their late husbands or fathers. Rudramba of the Kakatiya dynasty and the
Kashmiri queen Didda are perhaps the only two other examples of the
Hindu history in which femate members’ ruled after their father and
husband respectively. It seems tous that the Bhaumas being a non-
Aryan tribe, had a custom of allowing their female members to succeed
the late husbands or fathers by virtue of their own rights.
Although the Bhaumas thus apper to have been originally a non-
Aryan tribe, it becomes difficult to determine whether they were the
original inhabitants of Orissa or had come from some other region. In the
Pasupati temple inscription Rajyamati, the daughter of Harshavarman, has
been described as Bhagadattarajakulaja meaning that she was the
daughter of the Bhagadatta ruling family of Assam. The Bhaumas likewise
claim their descent from Bhagadatta. Therefore there is some ground to
think that Bhaumas of Orissaand the Harshavarman's family of Assam
originally belonged to one and the same ruling family. The Palas of Bengal
and the Bhaumas of Orissa were contemporaries and the foundations of
their kingdoms in both the countries do not seem to have been removed
from each other by any great length of time. The accounts of the Tibetan
historian Taranatha indicate that both in Bengal and Orissa there was a
period of confusion and anarchy that preceded the foundation of the Pala
kingdom and the Bhauma kingdom. The circumstances connected with
the rise of the Palas have, to some extent, been known, but the same in
the case of the Bhauma-Karas still remain shrouded in obscurity. Certain
references inone inscription of Nepal which are likely toclear the
obscurity have not received the due attention of scholars. It is stated in
the Pasupati temple inscription that Rajyamati, queen of the Nepalese
king Jayadeva, was the daugher of Sri Harshadeva who conquered Gauda,
Odra, Kalinga and Kosala, Nepal and Assam were contiguous kingdoms
and if we calculate from the date of the destruction of Bhaskaravarman’s
dynasty by Salastambha, Sri Harsha or Harshavarman, king of Assam, can
very well be regarded as a contemporary of the Nepalese king Jayadeva.
The matrimonial connection between the two continuous region as
suggesed by the aforesaid inscription, is more than a probability. The
68 HISTORY OF ORISSA
conquests attributed to Sri Harsha of Assaminthe aforesaid inscription
should not therefore be lightly brushed aside. The epigraph proves that
Odra or Orissa was one of the countries which had been conquered by
the king Harsha of Assam.
The conquest of Orissa by Harshavarman of Assam should there-
fore be taken tobe a historical fact and not a probability. After his
conquest the Assamese king would have made arrangement for its
administration, as a result of which the kingdom of the Bhaumas in
Orissa owed its origin. Kshemankaradeva, the first member of the ruling
family of the Bhaumas, seems to have been the first administrator or the
governor of this newly conquered kingdom. There are many instances in
which the families of the subordinate rulers or the governors ultimately
become hereditary and independent. The Bhauma-Karas of Orissa
ultimately became such an independent and hereditary ruling family in
Orissa. The new kingdom started its existence since A.D 736 which, as
will be shown later, was the initial year of the Bhauma era recorded in
their inscriptions, and fixed their capital at Guhadeva Pataka or
Guhesvara Pataka mentioned in all their copper plate grants. This
place should be identified with Guhira Tikra which is about 5 miles from
Viraja or Jajpur and which is situated in the immediate neighbourhood of
Khadipada from which several Buddhist images, including an inscribed
Avalokitesvara giving the name of Subhakaradeva, have been discovered.
Tikra, the second part of the name Gohira Tikra, means a mound and the
first part of the name Gohira seems to be a corruption of Guhesvara, Guha-
deva Pataka or Guhesvara Pataka was most likely associated with Guha
or the Guhas mentioned tn the Puranas and the Mahabharata as the rulers
of Kalinga, Mahishya (Midnapore) and the Mahendra mountain. The Guhas
and the Bhaumas should not however be taken as identical or as contem-
poraries on the evidence of asingle manuscript of the Vishnu Purana
which the editor Mr. Wilson himself thirks to be extremely doubtful.
We have already referred to a Buddhist king of Kalinga named Guhasiva
who figures in the strory of the Buddha’s tooth relic recorded in the
Ceyltonese work Dathavamsa. There is absolutely no evidence to show
that the Bhaumas were the descendants of Guhasiva’s family. The name
Guhad-va Pataka or Guhesvara Pataka does not also prove that it was
derived from the name Guhasiva, The name may simply mean that it was
a place of Guha which is another rame of Kartikeya.
A thorough survey of art and architecture of Orissa and Assam
is likely to provide evidences of the mutual exchange of styles and art
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 69
motifs between the two branches of the same family ruling in Orissa and
Assam. The Present writer in his Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and the
Somavamsis of Orissa has drawn the attention of scholars to two images
of Ganga, one found at Dah Parvatia in the Tezpur district of Assam, and
the other from the Ratnagiri in the Cuttack district of Orissa, now preserved
in the Patna Museum, and has also published their photographs.
Stylistically and iconographically these two images possess close simila-
rity. The Assamese specimen is earlier to the Orissan one by about three
centuries, but yet the continuity of the tradition has been remarkably
preserved in the latter. The Bhauma ruling family, of Orissa, like the
Somavamsis and the Gangas of her subsequent history, thus appear to
have been originally the outsiders and not the original inhabitants of Orissa.
Chronology : The Bhauma copper plate records and stone inscrip-
tions mention some years in an unspecified era, the earliest of which is
50 or 20 andthe latest 204. In between the earliest and latest years
there is no big gap, which clearly indicates that the members of the ruling
family ruled in an unbroken line of continuity till the end of the dynasty.
The initial year of the unspecified era of the Bhauma records has been
a matter of controversy among the scholars. Dr. Bhandarkar and
following him Pandit B. Misra referred it to the Harsha era commencing
from A.D. 606, but in the light of the latest discoveries this view cannot
now be accepted.
The astronomical data obtained from two of Satrubhanjadeva's
copper plate grants, both dated inthe year 198, now enable us to deter-
mine the exact date of the commencement of the unspecified era. There
is no doubt that the Bhaumas started an era of their dynasty. The
Dasapalla copper plate grant of Ranaka Satrubhanjadeva, dated inthe
year 198, was issued on the day of Visuva Samkranti, Panchami, Ravi
dina, Mrigasira Nakshatra. This combination of the solar and lunar
reckoning is rare in the Indian calendar and Pandit S. N. Rajguru, the
editor of the copper plate grant, after consulting the Indian Ephemeris
of Swamikannu Pillai, found the following dates between A.D. 700 and
1100 when this combination actually occurred :
(1) The 21st March, A.D. 812
(2) The 23rd March, A.D, 934 and
(3) The 23rd March, A.D. 1029
Of these three dates. he has taken the 23rd March A. D. 934 as
the date of issue of the grant after a consideration of other dates and
facts of Orissan history and has accordingly concluded that the Bhauma
70 HISTORY OF ORISSA
era started from A.D.736 (934-198=736). Itis to be noted that the
aforesaid unspecified era is found not only in the records of the Bhaumas
but also of all their feudatories and the contemporaries in Orissa. The
year 198 mentioned in the Dasapalla copper plate grant of Ranaka
Satrubhanjadeva should therefore be referred to this unspecified era which
has now been taken by all scholars to be the Bhauma era.
Dr. D.C. Sircar has not however accepted. A.D. 736 as the
initial year of the Bhauma era. He has taken the 23rd March, A.D. 1029
as the date of the issue of the Dasapalla copper plate grant of Ranaka
Satrubhanjadeva dated in the year 198, and has accordingly taken A.D, 831
as the date of the commencement of the Bhauma era. These Opposing
views have led toa difference of about a century inthe starting point
of the Bhauma era. The present writer wrote a monograph entitled
Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamsis of Ortssa (Law
Journal Press, Madras, 1961), in which he has thoroughly discussed these
two opposing views and has ultimately come to 4 conclusion that the
Bhauma era commenced from A.D. 736 and not from A.D. 831. Certain
synchronisms found from various sources have strengthened the conclusion
that the era started from A.D. 736 and not form A.D. 831, but Dr. D.C.
Sircar and following him Dr. D. K. Ganguly are yet unwilling to accept
this conclusion.
Even before the publication of the aforesaid Daspalla grant of
Satrubhanjadeva Dr. R. C. Majumdar, after various considerations,
expressed the following view about the starting point of the Bhauma era:
“This view goes against the assumption that the dates of the
Kara kings are tobe referred to the Harsha era. This theory is open to
several objections. In the first place the ruler of Orisss about A. D. 795
would be a queen (Nos. XI1V—XVI) who was a Saiva and not a Buddhist.
The Buddhist ruler of Orissa in A.D. 795 who, according to the Chinese
source, ‘‘had a deep faith in the Sovereign Law.” must be identified with
one of the first three Kara kings who are called respectively Paramo-
pasaka, Parama‘athagata and Paramasaugata, and not with any of
their successors who were devotees of Mahesvara. Secondly. according
to Taranatha, there was a political disintegration both in Bengal and
Orissa shortly before the time when Gopala was elected to the throne.
As his statement has proved to be true with regard to Bengal, we may
give cradit to it in respect of Orissa as well. It is more probable, there-
fore that the Karas, who ruled for two centuries in an unbroken line of
succession, established a powerful kingdom about the middle of the
eighth rather than the seventh century AD. Thirdly, if we refer the
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 71
date of the Kara records to Harsha era, king No. Ill would flourish about
the middle of the seventh century A.D., but the scirpts of his plates are
so distinctly later than the Ganjam plate of Sasanka that it has been
assigned to the latter half of the eighth century A.D. Fourthly, if the
date of king Unmattakesari, recorded in the Ganjam grant, is really 20,
we can hardly refer it to the Harsha era as Orissa had not yet been
conquered by Harsha.
“On these and other grounds it is more reasonable to refer the
foundation of the Kara dynasty to the middle of the eighth century A. D.
In that case we cannot refer the dates in their records to any known era,
and must presume that it was a case of continuous reckoning of the
regnal year of the first king by his successors which has given rise to so
many local eras, including the Ganga era in Kalinga.”
Dr. Majumdar and Dr. Sircar hold different views about the
identification of the Orissan king who sent an autographed manuscript of
the Gandavyuha to the Chinese emperor Te-tsong in the year A.D. 795.
The name of the Orissan king appears in the Chinese source as ‘‘the
fortunate monarch who does what is pure, the lion’? which has been
identified by Dr. Majumdar with Sivakaradeva Unmattasimha who was
a Buddhist king bearing the title Paramatathagata. Dr. D.K. Ganguly
following Dr. Sircar, does not accept this identification and says “The
Orissan king of the Chinese records was evidently a non-Bhauma_ king
who flourished in the last quarter of the 8th ‘century A.D. Dr. D.C.
‘Sircar has drawn the attention of scholars to a king of Orissa named
Subhakarasimha who arrived in Chinain A.D. 716. The Indian contem-
porary of Te-tsong may be identified with one of his descendants.”’
Dr. Sircar and Dr. Ganguly have not identified the above mentioned
Subhakarasimha, nor his successor who presented the Buddhist manuscript
to the Chinese emperor. The first three kings of the Bhauma dynasty
bear Buddhist titles indicating that they were Buddhists, but in the
subsequent periods of Orissan history no king so far known from any
source, was a Buddhist. The learned scholars have not considered this
point and have relegated the contemporary Orissan king of the Chinese
emperor Te-tsong to an unknown and unknowable corner.
Another synchronism with regard to the Bhauma era is furnished by
the Baud copper plate of Prithvi Mahadevi alias Tribhuvana Mahadevi II
of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty, dated in the Bhuma era 158. in which
it is stated that she was the daughter of the king Svabhavaturnga, the
Lord of Kosala, who belonged to the Somavamsa. There is no ambiguity
whatsoever in the statement and we have to take Prithvi Mahadevi to be
72 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the daughter of the Somavamsi king Svabhavatunga, ruling in the Sambal-
pur-Sonpur region contemporaneously with the Bhaumas of the coastal
region of Orissa. Svabhavatunga has to be identified either with
Janmejaya | or Yayati | of the Somavamsi dynasty. The present writer
identified him with the Janmejaya |, but Dr. D.C. Sircar disagreed with
him and identified him with Yayati |.
Besides the Baud plate of the Prithvi Mahadevi, a Somavamsi
copper plate grant also refers to Svabhavatunga. A short supplement
comprising 3 verses engraved atthe end of the copper plate grant of
Yayati | issued in the 8th year of his reign, refers to Svabhavatunga.
The verses as re-edited and interpreted by Dr. Sircardo not give any
coherent meaning and as such, will not be acceptable to scholars. It is
true that the texts of the inscriptions sometimes contain numerous
mistakes and the omission of letters and even words, but they do not
represent jargons. While re-editing and interpreting the above-mentioned
verses, Dr. Sircar has not ‘taken this fact into his consideration.
Therefore, the present writer with all respect to Dr. Sircar has differed
from him and has re-edited and interpreted the verses in question in
APPENDIX 1 (b) of his monograph “Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas
and the Somavamsis of Orissa’? along with Dr. Sircar’s reading and
interpretation. A perusal of the interpretations will convince any
impartial scholar that Svabhavatunga of the Bhauma and the Somavamsi
records was no other than Janmejaya I, the founder of the Somavamsi
dynasty in Orisse and that he was acontemporary of the Kalachuri King
Sankaragana (c A.D. 880-910).
The present writer for the first time discovered another
synchronism in the works of the Arab and Persian geographers of the
9th and 10th century A.D. A short account of their description of
Orissa is given in the APPENDIX Ill from which it will be evident
that the earliest account of Orissa given by Ibn Khurdadhbih refers to a
female ruler of this kingdom. Tribhuvana Mahadevi | was ruling in
Orissa in the Bhauma year 110 which corresponds to A. D. 846 if the
initial year or the Bhauma era is taken to be A.D. 736 Ibn Khurdadhbih
completed the first draft of his work in A. D. 846 and therefore we have
taken Tribhuvana Mahadevi and Ibn Khurdadhbih as close contempora-
ries. Dr. D. K. Ganguly rejects this synchronism and observes: And
lastly although Ibn Khurdadhbih refers to a female ruler of Orissa it is
difficult to determine how far his accounts are historical particularly
when we remember that he derived his knowledge about Orissa from
heresay evidence.”’ It is not a fact that Ibn Khurdadhbih’s account of
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 73
Orissa was based on hearsay. He derived his information from the work
of the traveller Abu Abdillah Ibon-Ishaq and produced an_ itinerary
along the eastern coast of India fromthe estuary of the river Godavari,
correctly mentioning the different political divisions andthe important
ports of Orissa as will be evident from the APPENDIX Ill. The accounts
of the Arab and Persian geographers have been utilised by eminent
scholars for reconstructing ancient Indian history and so his un-
ceremonious rejection of !bn Khurdadhbih’s accounts of Orissa appears
to be astonishing.
After having rejected or side-tracked all the above synchronisms,
Dr. Ganguly slurs over another most important synchronism which is
obtained from the history of the Western Gangas of Mysore and which
helps the reconstruction of the chronology of the Bhauma-Karas. The
present writer forthe first time drew the attention of scholars that
Tribhuvana Mahadevil! was the daughter of Rajamalla 1 (A.D. 817—853)
of the Western Ganga dynasty of Mysore. Dr. Ganguly simply adds a
foot-note with regard this important point with the following
observations: ‘‘The Dhenkanal plate describes Tribhuvana Mahadevi |
as the daughter of Rajamalla of the southern country {Dakshin-asa-mukha-
tilaka). The identity of Rajamalla is far from certain. B. Misra (OMO
pp. 20-21) thinks that the Pallava king Pallavamalla was the father of
Tribhuvanamahadevi |. K. C. Panigrahi (CBKSO, p. 29 ) identifies
Rajamalla with the Western Ganga king Rajamalla | who ruled from
A) D, 817 to 853. According to Dr. O.C. Sircar (JIH. XXXIV, p. 298)
this king may be identified with one of the predecessors of Irmadi
Racamalla (i.e. Rajamallall).” In respect of this important synchronism
also we are led toa blind alley. Or. Sircar and Dr. Ganguly have not
considered the facts thatin one copper plate inscription of her son
Tribhuvana Mahadevi ts clearly described as belonging to nasodbhava-
hulai.e, the Ganga dynasty and that there were four kings bearing the
name of Rajamalla in the Western Ganga dynasty of Mysore which
belong to the southern region.
The above facts will show that Dr. Sircar’s view about the
initial year of the Bhauma era does not lead us to any clear and correct
position with regard to the Bhauma chronology. The Chief Editor
Dr, Majumdar andthe prominent contributor Dr. Sircardo not agree
with each other about the Starting pointofthe Bhauma era, and
therefore the accounts of the Karas andthe Somavamsis as givenin the
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan series of Indian history have become a discordant
element. Dr. Majumdar’s section on the Karas of Orissais an inipartial
74 HISTORY OF ORISSA
and distinct contribution, but he has not put the Kara or Bhauma rulers
of Orissa within a chronological framework, accurate or approximate.
only the Bhauma years found from their inscriptions have been put
against the individual rulers inthe genealogy published by him. The
position would have been different, had the Chief Editor Dr. Majumdar
and the contributor Dr. Sircar produced an agreed solution, in which
case we would have gladly accepted their solution. We find that the
known dates and facts of the Bhauma-Kara and the Somavamsi dynasties
are thrown into a state of conflict, if the initial yearof the Bhauma era
is taken to be A.D. 831. Therefore we stick to our position that the era
started from A.D. 736. We have not taken palaeography as a factor for
determining the chronology of the Bhauma-Karas. On palaeographical
grounds an eminent epigraphist like Kielhorn had placed Dandimahadevi
in the thirteenth century, but definite evidences now place her in the
tenth century. Wehave already given an instance to show how
palaeography can sometimes be utilised to produce a wide difference of
dates. Onpalaeographical grounds and in consideration of associative
antiquities Mr. T. N. Ramachandran had placed the epigraph recording
the name of Disabhanja at Sitabhinji in Keonjhar, in the fourth century
A.D., but Dr. D.C. Slrcar placed the same record on palaeographical
grounds between the eighth and eleventh century A.D. Dr, RC.
Majumdar supported Mr. Ramachandran’s view and placed the same
epigraph in the fourth or fifth century A. D. on the same palaeographical
grounds. This ts perhaps a classic example to show how palaeography
is made use of in dating the epigraphic records. Palaeography sometimes
serves as a hand-maid for producing evidences to support pet theories
and preconceived conciusions. Yet, some scholars sometimes pretend to
pin-point dates with their knowledge of palaeography, Dr. D.C. Sircar
is indeed a great scholar, but heis not greater thantruth. His theory
that the Bhauma era stated from A.D. 831 will not survive the test of
time, but deference to his greatness as a scholarhas succeeded in
throwing the chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamsis of
Orissa into a state of conflict in an important publication like the
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan series of Indian History edited by an eminent
scholar like Dr. R. C. Majumdar.
Genealogy : We reproduce below the genealogical table of the
Bhauma- Karas as it appears on page 63 of The History and Culture of the
Indian People (Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan), Vol. IV. Taking the initial year
of the Bhauma era as A.D. 736. we haveonly put the corresponding
dates in the Christian era in place of the Bhauma years. given in the
original table reproduced here. The Bhauma year 158 referred to jn the
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 75
foot-note 33 on page 79 of the same work has been put in the corres-
ponding Christian year of A.D. 894 against Prithvi Mahadevi alras
Tribhuvana Mahadevi Il. The order of succession is shown by Roman
figures.
I Kshemankaradeva (A.D. 734)
Hf. Sivakaradeva | a/ias Unmattasimha a/ias Bharasaha (A.D. 736 or 786)
|
fl. Subhakaradeva 1 (A. D. 790 ”)
IV. Sivakaradeva I1( A.D. 809 °) V. Santikaradeva l= VIII. Tribhuvana-
alias Gayada | Mahadevi I (A. D. 846)
afias Lalitahara 1 (A UD. 829)
VI. Subhakaradeva II (A. D. 836)
VIE Subhakaradeva Tt a/ias Simhaketu a/ias
Kusumahara 1 (A. D. 839)
IX. Santikaradeva af/ias Gayada II a/ias Lonabhara I
X. Subhakaradeva IV alias Xf. Sivakaradeva HI (A. D. 885)
Kusumahara H (A. D. 8&1) afias Lalitahara II
= XII (a). Tribhuvana-Mahadevi J] (A.D. 894) |
ee
—_—
|
XIf. Santikaradeva IIL MH. Subhakarddeva V = XIV Gauri
afias Lavanabhara 1] =XVI. Vakula-
= XVII. Dharma-Mahadevi. Mahadevi (A.D. 940)
XV Dandi-Mahadevi (A. D. 916, 923)
Kshemankaradeva (A. D. 736) :
This founder of the dynasty is a shadowy figure and hardly
anything is known of him. In the later records of the dynasty he has not
been given sovereign titles, indicating that he was either a feudatory
or a governor of a sovereign power. Kshemankaradeva most probably
remained foya! to Harshavarman’s ruling family of Assam and only after
his death a change took placa in the relation between the two branches
of the same family ruling in Assam and Orissa simultaneously. Ksheman-
karadeva bore the title Paramopasaka indicating that he was a Buddhist.
in Orissa the early rulers of the Bhaumas became Buddhists and their
conversion to Buddhism is attested to by the Tibetan tradition that
Luipa converted an Orissan king into the same religion. It is perhaps the
Orissan king Kshemankaradeva who was converted into Buddhism by
Luipa. In the Neulpur copper plate grant of his grandson Subhakara |
Kshemankara has been given the credit of having established the four
orders (Varnnas) in proper positions. The statement shows that even
through the first three rulers of the dynasty were Buddhists, they
favoured and protected the caste system.
76 HISTORY OF ORISSA
in a single copper plate inscription and not in other numerous
records of the dynasty, Lakshmikara appears as a distant predecessor of
Subhakaradeva I. Lakshmikara was probably the father of Kshemankara and
he seems to have been a feudatory ruler in Assam before Kshemankara
es'ablished a kingdom in Orissa. The fact that Lakshmikara has casually
be2n referred to only in one Orissan record, goes to show that he was
not the founder of the Bhauma dynasty in Crissa.
Sivakaradeva ! alias Unmattasinha (A. D. 756 or 786)
Sivakaradeva was the son and successor of the founder of the
dynasty and was also the rea! maker of the fortunes of the Bhauma
kingdom. He conquered Kongoda (Ganjam and Puri districts) and
the northern part of Kalinga as is evident from the Ganjam grant
of the Ganga king Jayavarmadeva of Svetaka who has styled himself
as Sakala-Kalingadhipati, but has acknowledged the _ overlordship
of the king Unmattakesari of Viraja (Jajpur), who can be no other
than Sivakara Unmattasimha of the Bhauma dynasty. The Talcher
plate of Sivakaradeva II] dated in the Bhauma year 149 (A. D. 885)
has however represented Unmattasimha’s son Subhakaradeva | as the
conqueror of Kalinga. It is just possible that Subhakara was associated
with the conquest of Kalinga during his father’s reign and has _ there-
fore been given the credit of its conquest. An analogous instance
is to be found in the Brahmesvera inscription in which Udyotakesari
of the Somavamsi dynasty has been. credited with the wars or
conflicts with certain powers, which had actually taken place during his
father’s reign.
In the aforementioned Talcher plate Unmattasimha has been
given the credit of having taken away the daughter of the Radha king
along with his fortunes after defeating the latter in a fierce battle. The
name of Sivakaradeva I’s queen, who became the mother of his son
Subhakaradeva !, appears in another inscription as Jayavalidevi. His
conquest of Kalinga has not found mention in any of the records of his
immediate or distant successors, but all the same his conquest of Kalinga
is proved independently by the Ganjam plates of the Ganga king Jaya.
varmadeva. The defeat inflicted by himonthe kingof Radha (south-
west Bengal) and his marriage with his daughter, have not found
mention in the records of his immediate successors, but for that reason
their authenticity should not be doubted. For morethan one reason a
political event may not foued mention in the contemporary records.
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 77
Compared to the contemporary rulers of other regions, the Bhauma
rulers have been extremely modest in their claims of aggression or
conquest. In their palmy days they held the whole of modern Orissa along
with the territories then known as Kalinga and Dandakabhukti. The
inclusion of Kalinga (the tract between Ganjam and the Godavari river)
and Dandakabhukti (Midnapore region) is proved by the above mentioned
charter of Jayavarma and the Baud plate of Prithvi Mahadevi, but
yet the rulers of the Bhauma kingdom, which would not have grown into
such a big state all at once, have cared little to refer to the gradual
conquest of these territories.
In the light of the above facts the claim made in the Talcher plate
of Sivakaradeva III that Unmattasimha defeated the king of Radha (south
west Bengal) and forced him to give his daughter in marriage, should
not be doubted. When Unmattasimha was ruling in Orissa, Bengal was
still in a state of disorder, and therefore the Radha king defeated by him
cannot be identified. There is no doubt that Sivakaradeva | was the reai
maker of the fortunes of the Bhauma kingdom. His dominions stretched
from the border of Benga! in the north to the river Godavari in the
south.
We have already referred to the considered view of Dr. R.C.
Majumdar that itt was Sivakaradeva Unmattasimha who sent an auto-
graphed manuscript of the Buddhist work Gandavyuha. a part of the
Avatamsaka, which was received by the Chinese emperor Te-tsong in
the year A.D. 795. Like his father Kshemankaradeva Sivakaradeva | was
a Buddhist bearing the title Paramatathagata and his full name answers
to the Chinese translation of the name of the king of Orissa given in the
Chinese sources. It appears that the Orissan king gave his name in his
autograph as Sriman-Maharaja Sivakara Unmattasimha which was
translated as ‘‘the fortunate monarch who does what is pure, the lion.”
The only word which was not translated, is Unmatta which menans ‘mad’
and which was therefore considered inappropriate for the name of the
friendly distant foreign monarch, who had sent a present to the Chinese
emperor.
The Ganjam plates of Jayavarmadeva contains a date which has
been read by Pandit Binayak Misra as 50 (A, D. 786), but Dr. R.C.
Majumdar is inclined to read it as 20 (A.D. 756). In either case
Sivakara Unmattasimha becomes a contemporary of'the Chinese emperor
Te-tsong. The duration of his reign is not known but there is nothing to
preclude the possibility that he had a long reign.
78 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Subhakaradeva | (A. D. 790 ?)
He was the son of Sivakara | and grandson of Kshemankaradeva.
He married Madhavadevi who appears as a devotee of the god Siva in
Hamsesvara temple inscription to be found at Jajpur. This shows that,
although Subhakaradeva | was a Buddhist bearing the Buddhist title
Paramasaugata, he could tolerate Saivism which was the religion of his
wife. The Neulpur copper plate grant of this king records the donation
of two villages, Komparaka and Solanapura, to a number of Brahmins.
These villages still exist in the Balasore district under the present names
of Kupari and Solanapura and each has some ancient temples and images
assignable to the Bhauma period. A passage inthe Hindo! plate of
Subhakaradeva III dated in the Bhauma year 103 (A.D. 839), appears to
hint at a calamity that had overcome Subhakara!. The relevant passage
has been translated as “it was heard that, being an overlord, he was
deserted by the soldiers(lit. horsemen), but his glory was never impaired
by his adversaries and he was the best of men.” This verse like many
other verses of the Bhauma copper plate inscriptions, is capable of yield-
ing double meanings. The word msadi means ‘‘one who was deserted by
his horsemen’’ and it also means ‘‘one who was sad (visadi).’’ Similarly
the word Purushottama means ‘‘the best of men’’ and it also means ‘the
city of Purushottama’ which is another name of Puri. It appears that the
king Subhakara ! was first deserted by his army and was therefore forced
to run away from Puri.
The calamity hinted at in the above mentioned record, seems to
refer to a foreign invasion which most likely took place in the reign
of this monarch or his son and successor Sivakara tI, who
were ruling in Orissa between A.D. 790 and 829. The Rashtrakutas of the
Deccan and the Palas of Bengal claim in their inscriptions to have invaded
Orissa during this period. It is stated in the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha
that the Rashtrakuta king Govinda III (A.D. 798-814) conquered Kosala,
Kalinga, Vanga, Dahala and Odraka. Under Govinda I\I the Rashtrakutas
became invincible everywhere and there is therefore no doubt they also
invaded Odraka (Orissa). It appears that the Rashtrakuta invasion of
Orissa, which would have taken place in the reign of Subhakara !, has
been described in the Madalapanji, the temple chronicle of Jagannatha
at Puri, in a strangely distorted form as Raktavahu invasion. Mr. A.
Stirling who wrote his work in 1822 and who had access to the
unadulterated traditions of Orissa, has reproduced the entire story of
the Raktavahu invasion narrated in the Madalapanji. The main outline
of the story is that in the reign of Subhanadeva, when Raktavahu
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 79
approached Puri with his army through the sea, the king of Orissa fled
form the city with the images of Jagannatha and his associates lodged in
a cart and reached his westen frontier in Sonepur and buried the images
at a place known as Gopali, and that after the lapse of 146 years Yayati
Kesari (Yayatil) of the Somavamsi dynasty got the images dug out,
made new images, built a new temple at Puri and enshrined them there.
Gopali, a village with a shrine of Jagannatha, still exists at a distance of
16 miles from Sonepur. The Madalapanji which is par excellence a
chronicle of Jagannatha, has correctty preserved certain facts relating
to the history of his temple, though it has blundered while dabbling in
the political history of Orissa. Govinda III ruled from A.D. 793 to 814
and his contemporary of Orissa Subhakaradeva | can be _ identified
with Subhanadeva of the Madalapanji. Yayati! ruled from c. A. D. 922
to 955 according to our chronology adopted in this work. Therefore the
interval of 146 years fits in with the reigns of Govinda IIIl and
Subhakaradeva! on one hand and Yayatil onthe other. The calamity
hinted at in the Hindol plate of Subhakaradeva II] dated in the Bhauma
year of 103 (A.D. 839) thus appears to refer to the Rashtrakuta invasion
of Orissa in the reign of Subhakaradeva |.
In the Badal Pillar Inscription it is claimed that Devapaladeva of
Bengal, assisted by his minister Kedaramisra, exterminated the Utkalas
and when he invaded Orissa, its king fled from his capital. The claim
that the Utkalas were exterminated is an exaggeration, but the statement
that Devapala invaded OrisSa represents the truth. It seem that the
Pala emperor not only invaded Orissa, but also succeeded in bringing it
under his political hegemony. Devapala ruled fromc, A.D. 810-850 and
therefore his invasion of Orissa would have taken place in the reign of
Subhakara Ii or his father. The above mentioned tradition of the
Madalapanj: states that king Subhanadeva fled from Puri with the
images of Jagannatha and his associates when the Raktavahu invasion
took place. The Badal Pillar Inscription states that the king of Orissa
fled from his capital when Devapala invaded it. Therefore Devapala’s
invasion might -have been also the basis of the story of Raktavahu
invasion recorded in the Madalapanji. But since it has been stated in the
tradition that Raktavahu invaded Puri through the sea and_ since
Raktavahu appears to be an echo of Rashtrakuta, we have connected the
Raktavahu invasion with the Rashtrakuta invasion and not with the
Pala invasion.
Of Sivakaradeva II (A. D. 809. ?) nothing is known except that
after Subhakaradeva | he ascended the throne. Similarly, of Santikaradeva |,
the younger brother of Sivakaradeya, nothing is known except that he
80 HISTORY OF ORISSA
was ruling in A. D. 829 as is evident from the Dhauli cave inscription. We
also find from the genealogy that Sivakara’s son Subhakaradeva I! was
ruling in A. D. 836. It seems that there was adomestic feud between
Subhakaradeva I! and his uncle Santikaradeva |, and therefore both of
them seems to have ruled simultaneously for sometime. The affairs of
the Bhauma state are not clear from their records till we come to the reign
of Tribhuvana Mahadavi |, queen of Santikara },
Tribhuvana Mahadevi | (A. D. 846)
It is to be observed from the genealogy that Subhakaradeva | had
two sons Sivakara I| and Santikara |, both of whom ruled after their
father. But while the descendants of his younger son Santikara |
continued to rule the Bhauma kingdom till the end of the dynasty, the
elder branch represented by Sivakara Il, terminated with his son
Subhakara Il. It apears that the claims of the elder branch to the throne
were set aside because of its submission to outside aggression and
domination and the younger branch retrieved the lost prestige and power
of the kingdom with the help of an external power who, as we shall see
later was the great Western Ganga ‘king Rajamalla |, the father of
Tribhuvana Mahadevil. We find fromthe Bhauma records that Santikara-
deva had ason Subhakaradeva Il! who was ruling in A. D- 839. But
when he died, his mother Tribhuvana Mahadevi | was requested by the
ministers of the State to ascend the Bhauma throne and therefore she
became the ruler till her grandson Santikaradeva I! came of age.
Her Dhenkanal plate, dated in the Bhauma year 110 (A. D. 846)
furnishes us with several important details of her reign. It is stated in
this record that Lalitahara (i.e. Santikara 1) “received the palm (i.e.
married) of the daughter of Rajamalladeva, the frontal mark of the
southern region, who pulverized the mountain-like enemies by his
thunder-like arms.’’ In plain words it means that Tribhuvana Mahadevi,
wife of Santikara |, was the daughter of Rajamalladeva who has also been
specifically stated in the copper plate grant of her son Subhakaradeva Ili
to have belonged to the Nagodbhava-kula which in plain words means
the Ganga dynasty. But Pandit B. Misra had read it as Nagodbhava-
hula, meaning the Naga dynasty. The present writer for the first time
corrected the reading which will be acceptable to ali scholars. Nagodbhava-
kula can be interpreted as meaning either the Sailodbhava dynasty or the
Ganga dynasty. The former dynasty actually existed in Orissa and was
supeiseded by the Bhauma-Karas, but no king of that dynasty bore the
name Rajamalla. The Sailodbhava dynasty suled in the south eastern
coast of India, but the Bhauma records describe Rajamalla as the frontal
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 81
mark of the southern region. Four kings of the Western Ganga “dynasty
bearing the name Rajamalla, ruled in Mysore which Strictly belongs to
the south. Of the four, Rajamalia !, who ruled from A.D. 817 to A.D.
853, was most powerful. He should therefore be fittiagly identified with
Rajamalla described as the father of Tribhuvana Mahadevi |. According to
the available data Tribhuvana Mahadevi was ruling in Orissa in A.D. 8346.
Rajamalla | started his reign in A. D. 817 and this shows that his daughter
was ruling in Orissa after he had ruled for 29 years. Sucha difference of
time between the reign periods of a father and a daughter is quite possible.
We have therefore no difficulty in identifying Tribhuvana
Mahadevi's father with Rajamalla | of the Western Ganga dynasty of
Mysore, who ruled from A. D. 817 to 853. We have already seer that his
daughter's charter represents him as a most powerful king who destroyed
his enemies. In the records of the Western Gangas also he appears to be
a most powerful king who freed the Western Ganga kingdom from the
imperialism of the Rashtrakutas by taking advantage of the minority of
Amoghavarsha. He preserved the integrity of his kingdom and strengthe-
ned it by matrimonial alliances. {In his inscriptions he has been compared
with ‘Vishnu in the form of a Boar rescuing the earth from the infernal
regions.’ He retrieved not only the lost fortunes of his own kingdom, but
also of the Bhauma kingdom as the statemant recorded in his daughter’s
record indicates. It is he who app2ars to have put to an end tothe
Rashtrakuta and Pala domination in Orissa.
The marriage of Santikaradeva ! with the daugher of Rajamalia |
was thus a turning point inthe history of the Bhaumas. It was also a
point of change in the history of their religious faith. Tribhuvana
Mahadevi has been represented as a great devotee of Vishnu and it has
been stated that ‘‘During her rule the country advanced in three branches
(of administration); the foes were extirpated, the glory spread abroad ard
there was harmony among the people. With the head sanctified with the
lotus-like feet of Hari, she enjoyed an unparalleled fortune and thought
that there was no other work for her to do.”” The high praise bestowed
on her by the contemporary Orissan records is also substantially borne
out by the accounts of the contemporary Arab and Persian geographers.
These accounts mention the main divisions of Orissa, of which a summary
has been given in APPENDIX Ill, and state that “The royal power in
them belongs to Dahum(Bhaum or Bhauma). Dahum does not consider
any one (hich kas) superior to himse!f andis said to have an army of
3,00,000.” They also further state that “The royal power belongs to a
82 HISTORY OF ORISSA
woman who is called rayina.’ The earliest Arab geographer Ibn
Khuradadhbih who speaks of a woman ruler of Orissa, wrote his geography
in A.D. 846 and as such, he was no doubt aclose contemporary of
Tribhuvana Mahadevi I, as we have already observed. We therefore put
the synchronisms obrained from three different sources with regard to
her reign, in the following tabular form :
Rajamall 1, A.D. 817-853, Tribhuvana [bn Khurdadhbih
father of Tribhuvana Mahadevi A. D. 846
Mahadevi A. D. 846
In the Dhenkana! Plate of this queen it is stated that ‘‘The Kara
family had to depend upon nothing but their past glory and the kingdom
looked like the sky bereft of refulgent stars and a female with distressful
heart’, when she ascended the throne being ‘“entereated by a great circle
of chiefs to be pleased to protect the fortune of Kara kingdom,” as Devi
Gosvamini did in old days. Devi Gosvamini is not otherwise known from
any record ofthe Bhaumas and therefore she seems to have been a
remote ancestor of the Bhaumas, who flourished before Kshemankaradeva,
the founder of the dynasty in Orissa. We have already stated that
Bhaumas of Orissa were a branch of the Bhaumas of Assam and before
Kshemankaradeva founded a kingdom in Orissa, his ancestors were
probably the feudatory chiefs ruling in some part of Assam. Gosvamini
Devi appears to have been a ruler of this family of the feudatory chiefs.
This is our surmise, but the correct ‘dentification of Gosvamini Devi
should await further discoveries. |
The calamity due to the invasion of the Palas and Rashtrakutas
was thus averted by the great queen Tribhuvana Mahadevi |. From her
reign the dynasty emerged from a period of disaster and distress and her
successors ruled with full sovereign titles tillthe end of the dynasty.
This great queen will always remain great inthe history of the Bhaumas
and also in the history of Orissa.
She abdicated the throne in favour of her grandson Santikaradeva |]
of whom very little is known. He was succeeded by his son Subhakara—
deva IV who was ruling in A. D. 881 but due to his death without issue
we find his younger brother Sivakaradeva III ruling the Bhauma kingdom
in A.D. 885. It seems that at this stage of the Bhauma history there
was a succession dispute again and Prithvi Mahadevi alias Tribhuvana
Mahadevi !i appears to have disputed the succession of the younger
brother of her late husband.
THE BHAUMA-KARAgs 83
Prithhvi Mahadevi alias Tribhuvana Mahadevi iI (A. D. 894.)
As already observed, in her Baud Copper Plate Grant Prithvi
Mahadevi makes a clear statement that she was the daughter of the king
Svabhavatunga, the king of Kosala, who belonged to the Somavamsa We
have identified Svabhavatunga with Janmejaya I, the founder of the
Somavamsi dynasty in Orissa, for the reasons which will be obvious from
our subsequent discussions in this work. Tribhuvana Mahadevi ll! like
Tribhuvana Mahadevil had the reasons to be grateful to her father and
therefore she has made a respectful reference to him in her charter. In
the Brahmesvara Inscription of the reign of the Somavamsi king Udyota-
kesari Mahabhavagupta it is stated that Janmejaya, the founder of the
Somavamsi dynasty, “drew to himself the fortune of the king of the
Odra country, who was killed by his kunta ina battle.’ {n plain words
it means that Janmejaya assumed the sovereignty of Orissa after killing
its king with his kunta (a sharp pointed weapon) in the battle field, This
statement together with the mention of his name inthe copper plate
grant of his daughter Prithvi Mahadevi alias Tribhuvana Mahadevi It,
clearly shows that he killed a reigning monarch’ of the Bhauna-Kara
dynasty of Orissa and placed his daughter on the Bhauma~Kara throne.
Some scholars think that the Odra king killed by Janmejaya was a Bhanja
king, because of the fact that the Bhanja kingdom of the Baud region
has, in some copper plate records, been described asthe Odra country.
They however forget that the coastal strip of Orissa was also known as
Odra as is evident from the acetounts of Yuan Chwang, the Tribetan.,
historian Taranath, the Sanjan Plate of Amoghavarsha, the Pasupati
Temple Inscription of Rajyamati, daughter of Harshadeva, and the Chola
Inscriptions of Rajendra Chola, Evidently Odra or Udra was a broader
geographical term which was sometimes applied to the hilly regions of
Orissa also.
The Odra king killed by Janmejaya should therefore be taken
to be a Bhauma king of Orissa whoin the light of the historical facts
known to us can be no other than Sivakaradeva tI. In the aforementioned
Baud Plate it is stated that Subhakaradeva IV and his brother Sivakara-
deva having died without issue, the succession passed to Subhakaradeva's
queen Prithvi Mahadevi. This statement is in conflict with the later
records of the dynasty, which vouch for the existence of two sons of
Sivakaradeva Il, who actually ascended the throne after their father.
The evidences furnished by the Baud Plate and the Brahmesvara
Inscription thus lead us to conclude that there was a struggle for
succession to the Bhauma_ throne; that Somavamsi king Janmejaya-
Svabhavatunga took up the cause of his daughter ; that he killed his
son-in-law’s brother Sivakaradeva Il! in the battle field and that finally
84 HISTORY OF ORISSA
he placed his daughter on the Bhauma throne. In the Baud Plate there
has been adeliberate attempt to suppress the truth and to ignore the
claims of Sivakaradeva’s sons who probably set up parallel governments
in some parts of the same kingdom. In none of the later Bhauma records
the reign of Prithvi Mahadevi has been referred to, a fact which indicates
that the later members of the Bhauma ruling family never recognised her
succession secured with the help of an external power.
Janmejaya-Svabhavatunga’s successful intervention in the affairs
of the Bhauma kingdom which resulted in the death of the reigning
monarch and Succession of his daughter to the Bhauma throne, its a
very important event in the history of Scmavamsis, but strangely enough
ithas not found mentionin any ofthe contemporary or later official
records of the Somavamsis except in the Brahmesvara Inscription which
was a non-official document. The reason for this omission is not far
to seek. The killing of the son-in-law's own brother with a kunta (a
sharp pointed weapon) might have been justified from the standpoint
of politics, but it was never a Jaudable act fromthe standpoint of the
society. The official Somavamsi records have’ therefore discreetly
omitted all references to it. The non-official Brahmesvara Inscription
with its comprative freedom from official conventions has mentioned
this heroic but unpleasant achievement of Janmejaya.
Janmejaya-Svabhavatunga’s successful intervention § in the
succession dispute of the Bhauma kingdom must have increased the
Somavamsi political influence in the Bltauma State, which would not
have been liked by the members of the Bhauma ruling family. The
dynasty became weak due to internal dissensions and outside interference.
Of the two sons of Sivakaradeva {il very little is known. He was
succeeded by his elder son Santikaradeva II!, but for the reasons
unknown his younger brother Subhakaradeva V ruled after him, and after
his death his queen Gauri Mahadevi ascended the throne. Gauri Mahadevi
was succeeded by her daughter Dandi Mahadevi who, as we know from
her charters, was ruling in A.D. 916 and 923. After her, her step-mother
Vakula Mahadevi ruled the Bhauma kingdom and after Vakula Mahadevi
Dharma Mahadevi, wife of Santikaradeva III, became the last ruler of the
Bhaumas. From the above account it will be obvious that the Bhauma
kingdom after Sivakaradeva II| passed through a period of turmoil which
is indicated by the number of rulers who ruled after him. Prithvj
Mahadevi alias Tribhuvana Mahadevi ll and Dandi Mahadevi were
ruling respectively in A.D. 894. and A.D. 923. Dandi Mahadevi might
have ruled for a few years more and closed her reign about A.D. 926.
THE BHAUMA-KARAS 85
During this short period of 32 years as many as five rulers, of whom
three were females, ruled the Bhauma kingdom. The last four rulers
including the two who ruled after Dandi Mahadevi. were all females, a
fact which indicates the non-existence of mele heirs. The fast two female
rulers appear to have been set up on the throne by the enemies of the
Somavamsis and these enemies, as we shall See later, were the Bhanjas.
The known date of Vakula Mahadevi is year 204 of the Bhauma
year or A. D. 940. Dharma Mahadevi is known to have ruled after Vakula
Mahadevi. Thus the Bhauma rule might have come to an end about
A.D. 945. But from the inscriptions of the last two rulers of this family it is
evident that they were controling only north Tosala and had lost control of
south Tosala territory to the Somavamsi kings from about A.D.931,
sometime after Dandi Mahadevi had issued her Kumurang a Plate in the
Bhauma year 187 corresponding to A.D. 923.
It is the paternal relations of the Bhauma queens who appear to
have played avital role in the downfall of the Bhauma dynasty. The
Somavamsis, after Janmejaya’s intervention in the internal affairs of the
Bhauma State, must have been watching for an opportunity to incorporate
the Bhauma kingdom into their own, The Bhanjas also seem to have
been watching for a similar opportunity to aggrandise themselves at the
expense of the Bhauma kingdom. The intrigues of the neighbouring
powers would have been averted and overcome. had there been strong
male rulers on the Bhaumasthrone at this stage. But we find that four
female rulers ruled successively and that too for short periods. The
external danger could not be averted by these female rulers who seem
to have been jealous of each other and who seem to have invited external
interference, The parts played by the Bhajnas in the breakup of the
Bhauma kingdom has been described by Dr. R. C. Majumdar as follows :
“It is interesting to note that Vakula Mahadeviis described in a
verse as ‘an ornament like aflag with tnsignia in the family of the
Bhanja kings.’* This verse is a verbatim copy of one applied to Dandi
Mahadevi in the Kumuranga Plate with the substitution of Bhanja_ for
Kara. There is hardly any doubt that Vakula Mahadevi belonged to
the Bhanja family and itis also not unlikely that her paternal relations
played some parts in the politics of the Bhuma kingdom at this period.
The succession of four queens one after another probably indicates
troublesome times for the Kara dynasty which ledto its downfall at no
distant date, and the Bhanjas might have played a prominent part in the.
final stage.”
86 HISTORY OF ORISSA
In the Bhauma dynasty two queens, Tribhuvana Mahadevil and
Tribhuvana Mahadevi il, played very important parts. The former
retrieved the lost power and prestige of the Bhauma kingdom with the
help of her father, but the latter by securing the Bhauma throne through
the help of her father sowed the seeds of dissensions in the Bhauma
family, which ultimately led to its extinction, and also prepared the way
for the occupation of Orissa by the Somavamsi king Yayati | about A.D.931
as we Shall see later. The reigns of these two queens also provide us
with clues to the chronology of the entire dynasty.
Ve have already seen that it was Sivakaradeva | who first
extended the Bhauma kingdom. In the subsequent periods the kingdom
became a vast one. About the extent of the Bhauma kingdom at its height
Dr. R. C. Majumdar observes as follows :
‘We get a fair idea of the dominions of the Karas from the
names of villages mentioned in their land grants. In addition to the
coastal territories comprised in the modern districts of Balasore, Cuttack
and Puri, their daminions inciudad Angul, the old feudatory states of
Hindol, Dhenkanal, Talcher, Pal Lahara, apart of Keonjhar and_ the
northern part of the Ganjam district. These territories are sometimes
referred to as included in the north and south Tosali, but -the name
Utkala also occurs in the records.’ Fromthe Baud Plate of Tribhuvana
Mahadevi !litis evident that Dandakabhukti (modern Midnapore
district) was also included inthe Bhauma kingdom. ibn Khurdadhbih
mentions in his itinerary the different divisions of the Bhauma kingdom
Starting from the estuary of the river Godavari which comprised Orissa
proper, Kanja (Ganjam), Jharakhand (thehilly regions) and Mahishya
(Midnapore). So far as the extent of the Bhauma kingdom is concerned
the facts gleaned from the Bhauma copper plate grants are thus corro-
borated by the accounts of the Arab and Persian geographers.
APPENDIX-IIlI
ARAB AND PERSIAN GEOGRAPHERS’
ACCOUNTS OF ORISSA
The Arab and Persian geographers of the ninth and the tenth
century A.D. furnish interesting accounts of Orissa and valuable
synchronisms which have notsofar attracted the notice of sct olars.
The earliest geographical work of Ibn Khurdadhbih gives an itinerary:
along the eastern coast of India from the estuary of the Kudafarid and
after Kudafarid mentions Kaylkan, al-Lava (7?) Kanja, Samundar and
Urishin.1 The work of the traveller Abu ‘Abdillah Ibon-Ishag which
was the source of information for Ibn Khurdadhbih’s geography, refers
to a woman who ruled Orissa and mentions the name of the country in
two forms as Orshfin and Orsfin.2 He associates the former name with
Smndr.?
Of these geographical names, Kudafarid, Kanja, Samundar or
Smndr and Urishin, Orsfin or Orshfin have respectively been identified
with Godavari. (the river Godavari), Ganjam, Samudra (the sea) and
Orissa. Kaylkan and al-Lava (?) have not been identified, but V. Minorsky
suggests with some doubts that Kaylkan may be Calingam of the
Portugueze,® Since in the above mentioned itinerary the distance betwsaen
the Kudafarid (the Godavari) and Kaylkan has been given as 2 days’
journeys, the suggestion 6f the Russian translator is quite plausible.
Calingam of the Portugueze is no doubt Kalinganagara which, as the capital
of the Eastern Ganga kings, had already come into existence before the
ninth century when Ibn Khurdadhbih wrote his work. The ancient site of
Kalinganagara has_ been identified with Mukhalingam in the Chicacole
Taluk of Andhra Pradesh® and its situation would thus agree with the
distance given from the river Godavari. Al-Lava (?) doubtfully read as such,
has not been identified. These identifications show beyond doubt that Ibn
Khurdadhbth’s accounts refer to Orissa and its contiguous adjoining
1. Hundud-al-Alam, “The Regions ofthe World”, A Persian Geography, translated
in Russian by V. Minorsky and retranslated in English, Oxford University Press,.
1937, p. 241
Ibid., pp. 26-27
Ibid., tu. 3.
Ibid., pp. 241-242
Ibid.
J.of Andhra Hist. R,. S., Vol. VI, pp. 57 ff.
AWD wh
88 HISTORY OF ORISSA
territories in the eastern coast of India and therefore his reference to a
woman who ruled over Orissa at this time cannot be taken to be imaginary,
Taking the initial year of the Bhauma era as A.D. 736 we have shown
that Tribhuvana Mahadevi { was ruling in A.D. 846. Since Ibn
Khurdadhbih completed thefirst draft of his work in A.D, 846, 7 there
canbe no reasonable doubt that his accounts refer to the Bhauma
kingdom of Orissa during the reign of Tribhuvana Mahadevi I.
Ibn Rusta, another Arab geographer, mentions Ursfin (Orissa)
and adds that its queen was called Rabiya.® He completed his geography
in A.D. 920 ° and would therefore be a close contemporary of the Bhauma
queen Dandi Mahadevi of Orissa who was ruling between A.D. 916 and
923. But itis also just possible that the earlier accounts of Khurdadhbih
were copied in Rusta’s work and in consequence both of them refer to one
and the same queen and not to two different ones.
The latest Muslim geographer, the anonymous writer of
Hudud-al-Alam, who began his work in A.D. 982 or 983 for Abul-Harith
Muhamad !bn Ahmad, prince of the province Guzgan or Guzganan which
lies in the north-western part of the present-day Afghanistan,}® mentions
in a continuous series five geographical names, viz, N. MYAS. HARKAND,
Urshin, S. M. ND. R and ANDRAS and ttells usthat they are situated
on the eastern sea-coast of India and that ‘‘the royal power in them
belongs to Dahum. Dahum does not consider anyone (hich-kas) superior
to himself, and is said to have an army of 300,000 men.’’2? !n another
context the same geographer tells us that Urshfinis ‘“atown with a
district protruding tnto sea like an island. Its air is bad. The sea is called
there the Sea of Gulfs. The royal power belongs to a woman who is
called rayina.”’??
Of these geographical names, Urshin or Urshfin, Smndr and
Andras have respectively been identified with Orissa, Samudra (the sea)
and the Andhras (the Andhra country),43 but N.myas and Harkand
and their ruler Dahum still remain unidentified, In !bn Khurdadhbin’s
itinerary cited above. the geographical names mentioned indicates the
7. Hudud-al-Alam, p, 168
8. Ibid., p. 243
9. Ibid., p. 168
10. Ibid., p.4
11. Ibid., p. 87
12. Ibid., p. 87-88
13. Ibid., p. é41
APPEND IX-llIl 89
order of their situation from the south to the north. They start from
Kudafarid (the river Godavari) and end with Urshin (Orissa), but here
we find the order of their situation from the north to the south. They
start from N.myas and end with Andras (the Andhra country) and are
stated to have belonged to the same Dahum. We have thus reasons to
identify N. Myas with Mahishya, which would have been pronounced by
the people as Mahis. Mahishya identified with modern Midnapore,
otherwise known as Dandakabhukti, was apart of the Bhauma kingdom,
as is proved by the Baud Plates of Prithvi Mahadevi alias Tribhuvana
Mahadevi [| who granted a village situated in Dandakabhukti. In the
Puranas Mahishya (also Mahisaka and Mahishaka) is always associated
with Kalinga and is stated to have been ruled over by Guha or Guhas along
with the people of Kalinga and of the Mahendra mountain‘ Our
identification of N.Myas with Mahishya or Midnapore will not thus
appear unreasonable.
The next geographical name Harkand can very well be identified
with Jharkhand which was and which is still a general geographical
name for the hilly tracts of Orissa.*> Even during the age of Asoka
certain portions of Kalinga were hilly and forest-clad tracts which
remained under the political and cultural hegemony of the main country,
but yet enjoyed their internal sovereignty. In his second Separate
Kalinga Edict?® Asoka speaks of the people of these tracts as ‘‘unconqu-
ered borderers,’”’ who in the context of the reference can be taken to be
the people of the small principalities lying in the vast stretch of forests
and hills that form the major portion of Orissa. In the Betul Plates of
Samkshobha" these tracts have been described as Ashtadasa-atavika-rajya
and in the early medieval copper plate inscriptions of Orissa they have
been named as Ashtadasa-Gondramas.® In the Mughal period they came
to be known as Athar-Garjat, aterm which was probably derived from
Ashtadasa-Gondramas and which also came down to the British period
and was used by the people notwithstanding the fact that the number of
the principalities included in them was not eighteen, but twenty-four.
Prior to the conquest of the main portion of Orissa in 1803, the British
: ee eee
14. Vishnu Purana, trapslated by H.H. Wilson, London, 1805, Edited by Fitzedward
Hall, Vol IV, p. 220. |
15, Jhar means jungle and khand means tract. Theretore Jharkhand means a jungle or
hilly tract. A recent political party, known as Jharkhand Party, has derived its
name from the popular name of this tract,
16. R.LD. Banerji, History of Orissa, Vol. }, pp. 67-08.
17. Ep. ind., Vol. VIUL, pp. 286-87.
18, (bid. Vol. XXVI, p. 77.
90 HISTORY OF ORISSA
rulers had established a Division known as Jungle Mahals which included
Midnapore, Ohalbhum etc. with the parts of Mayurbhanj then lying in
Midnapore. It will thus be seen that certain portions of modern Orissa
were always known as hilly or forest-clad tracts, but their popular name
has also been Jharkhand which simply means the “jungle tract.’’ This
popular name was available to the Muslim geographers and it has been
corrupted or pronounced by them as Harkand. This identification is
placed on still surer grounds when we find that the next place mentioned
in the series of the geographical names, is Urshin which has been identified
by all with Orissa.
Smndr is no doubt a corruption of Samudra or the sea, which in
Orissa is very often pronounced as Samundra. !n !bn Khurdadhbih’s
itinerary the distance between Kanja and Samundar which almost tallies
with the Oriya pronunciation of the word, has been given as 10 farsakhs
or 40 miles, one farsakh being equivalent to 4 miles.4° This would appear
to be a very reasonable distance between Ganjam and the sea at the
nearest point, but the place name Ganjam does not occur in any
ancient record. Yuan Chwang does not give the name of the capital
of Kongoda which he visited, but from his description Cunningham
infers that the capital was Ganjam itself.2° Though the name of Ganjam
does not occur in epigraphic records, he justifies the existence of such a
name by observing that ‘‘M. Pauthier writes the name Kiuan-yu-mo,
which would seem to be intended for a transcript of Ganjam, of which
the derivation is unknown.’?2 In common parlance Ganjam is very
often shortened into Ganja, and that part of Orissa is referred to as
Ganja-Berhampur. It appears that this shortened form Ganja was avai-
lable to the Arabs, from which the transcript Kanja has come. The
Oriya pronunciation of this geographical place is Ganja, bat due to Telugu
influence it is now known as Ganjam.
The whole of Andras (the Andhra country) was never included
in the Bhauma kingdom but, as we have already shown, a part of the
Andhra country was certainly within it. In the Ganjam Grant the Ganga
king Jayavarmadeva calls himself the lord of Kalinga, but acknowledges
the overlordship of the Bhauma king Unmattakesari of Viraja or Jajpur.??
A part of Kalinga at this time certainly comprised the Telugu-speaking
country. Though the hold of the Bhaumas on Kongoda (Ganjam) upto
19. Sachau, Alberuni’s India, Popular Edition, 1914, p. 318 Se
20. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India, edited by S.N. Mazumdar Sastri, 1924,
P, 587,
21. did. p. 288.
22. Ind, Hist, Q., Vol. X11, 1936, pp. 489-93,
APPENDIX-IIl 91
the last part of their supremacy is proved by the Ganjam and_ other
plates of Dandi Mahadevi,2* it does not appear that Kalinga remained a
part of their kingdom throughout their supremacy in Orissa. It is not
known when the Gangas of Svetaka, of whom Jayavarma was a member,
regained their independence, but it is most likely that they continued to
acknowledge the supremacy of the Bhaumas for atleast three or four
generations.
We have stated above that the accounts of the earliest geographer
lbn Khrdadhbih relate to Orissa during the reign of the Bhuma queen
Tribhuvana Mahadvi I and the later geographers includedin their works
the earlier accounts with the additions of their own. Each of them refers
to a female ruler of Orissa and since the Bhauma dynasty produced as
many as six female rulers, it is possible to show with reference to the
dates of their composition that the different works refer to different female
rulers. Such a process will however go against the expert opinion expressed
by the European commentators including the Russian translator V.
Minorsky that the earlier accounts were utilised by the later geographers.**
We may therefore conclude that the information that we gather from the
different geographical works relates to the Orissan kingdom inthe early
part of the Bhauma supremacy. These works mentionthe main divisions
of the kingdom viz. N. myas (Midnapore). Harkand (the hilly tracts),
Urshin (Orissa proper), Kanja (Ganjam or Kongoda mandala ) and Andras
(The Kalinga portion of the kingdom) andthus enable us to form a
complete idea of the extent of the Bhauma supremacy, which is also
borne out by the epigraphic evidences. The sea near Orissa has been
characteristically described as “the Sea of Gulfs’’ which means that itis a
bay. In various stages of her history the sea near Orissa has been variously
known as Mahodadhi, Kalingopasagara and finally as Vangopasagara or
the Bay of Bengal.
Since the royal power in these territories bordering on ‘‘the Sea
of Gulfs”’ is stated to have belonged to Dahum who “does not consider
anyone superior to himself’? and who “‘is said to have an army of 300,000
men’, we have now no difficulty in identifying Dahum with Bhaum which
represents the colloquial pronunciation of the word Bhauma. In India the
real names of the rulers were scarcely used by people; they were always
popularly known by their designations, surnames or the dynastic names.
Therefore, it was not always possible for the foreigners to know the real
names of the rulers. The Arabs have referred to the Rashrakuta king as
aa aa a te eh cre ep a et ee ia ey
23. B. Misra, Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings, p.75. tt., p.59 and p, 00 ft.
24. Mudud-al.’ Alam, pp. 26-27
92 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the Balhara of Mankir (Vallabharaja of Manyakheta),2° which
was the popular name by whichthe Rashtrakuta kings were known in
india. Rayina of the Muslim geographers appears tobe a_ corruption
of Rani Ma which was most likely the popular name of the female ruler
of the Dahum country. The independent status and the power of the
ruler are indicated by the above statements that Dahum (Bhauma) did
not consider anyone superior to himself and maintained an army of
300,000 men.
About the main products of the country we are told that
“Extremely large elephants are found there, such as in no other place of
india. From it comes large quantities of pepper and rotang.?° In no
place of Hindustan are fresh aloes found butin the (possession) of the
kings of Qamarun.?7. These countries produce large quantities of good
cotton which (grows) on trees yielding their produce during many years.
The product of this country is white conch (sapid muhra ) which is blown
like a trumpet and is called shank.’’?8 Ibn Khurdadhbih also mentions both
elephants and aloes as the products of the region and states that they are
“carried in fresh water (evidently the _ rivers) to Smndr_ (the
samudra or the sea) from places 15-20 days distant from _ there.”
He confirms the high rank of the king and perhaps speaks of the
sankha which according to him was the peruliar trait of ‘this county
and was usually employed as insignia of kings.” Ibn Rusta also speaks of
the woman ruler called Rabiya and of the ‘‘tallest elephants’ of the
country.*
V. Minorsky appears to think that Ibn Rusta has made a confusion
between the territories of the womanruler andof Dahum- and_ has
represented them as belonging to one and the same _ ruler, because the
anonymous author of Hudud-al- Alam ‘‘clearly discriminates between the
two localities respectively belonging to the Queen Rayina (rani) and
Dahum.’'32, Our above discussions will however show that it is the
anonymous author and not the earlier authors, who has made a confusion.
Our identification of Dahum with Bhaum (Bhauma) proves beyond doubt
that Dahum and Rabiya or Rayina referto one and the same ruler, the
28, HCIP. Vol. WV. pp. 17. 170,
26. Hudud-al-Alam, p. 87.
27, OQumarun, identified with Kamarupa (\ssam), has been described as “a kingdom
in the eastern partof Hindustan. Rhinoceroses and gold mines are numerous
there. From it come emery (sunbadha) and good fresh aloes (ud-i rar)”. Ibid,
p. 86.
2%. Ibid, p. 87.
29. Ibid, p. 242.
30 Ibid, p. 243.
31. /bid, p. 243.
APPENDIX-1I 93°
first being the dynastic name of the ruling family and the second the
popular name of the female ruler who happened to be the reigning
monarch of the kingdom when the information was collected. What
appears to have been the case is that the anonymous writer utilised the
earlier accounts and added some accounts of his own, but treated them
separately giving an impression to the reader that they relate to two
different rulers and two different localities or territories.
The picture that we obtain from these foreign accounts about
the Bhauma kingdom is asplendid one. It was a kingdom much larger
in extent than the present state of Orissa. Its ruler enjoyed a high
status and maintained a large army. Brisk maritime trade was being
carried on with the foreign countries. There were ports for the sea- borne
trade and one such port Nubin (?) is stated to have been situated in ‘the
frontier of Dahum’s country (mamlakat). The provisions and corn
(ghalla) of Sarandib come from this town” 8% Nubin (?), doubtfully
read as such, has not been identified. Sarandib is no doubt Suvarna-
dvipa or modern Sumatra.
The anonymous author of Hudud-al-Alam is the last Muslim
writer to throw some light on the geographical, political and economic
condition of the eastern coast of India. Alberuni’s India, which was
written about A.D. 1030°8*®, contains most useful information about
northern India, but it furnishes very hazy and vague accounts of the
southern and eastern coasts of India. He speaks of Arku-tirtha,
Uwaryahar and Urdabishau Ro being situated southward towards the
coast from the Tree of Prayag (Allahabad) and gives their distances
from the sacred tree as 12, 40 and 50 farsakh respectively®*. A farsakh
being equivalent to about 4 miles, these distances given by Alberuni
appear to be extremely vague. Sachau does not attemptto identify
Arku-tirtha which is evidently a transcript of Arka-tirtha or Konarka
situated in the Puri district of Orissa with its magnificent temple built
by the Ganga king Narasimhadava | (A.D. 1238-1264). Though the
existing temple belongs to the thirteenth century, the shrine of Arka-
tirtha or Konarka is, without doubt, very ancient and has been referred
to in Ptolemy’s geography as Kannagara identified with Konaraka
or Konarka.®> Sachau thinks that Uwaryahar and Urdabishau probably
represent Uriya-dhara or Uriya.desa and Urdhva-visaya rsspectively,*§
a a
32, Ibid, P. 86.
33. Ibid, P. 168.
24. Sachau, Alberuni’s India, Popular Edition, 1914, Vol. 1, P. 200.
35. Mc. Crindle, Ancient India by Ptolemy, P, 70.
46. Sachau, Alberunt’s India, p. 318.
94 HISTORY OF ORISSA
but Urdhvavisaya as the name of geographical place is not known to us
from any source. It appears to represent Udra—visaya or Odrasvisaya
which as the name of Orissa occurs in the form of Oda-visaya in the
inscriptions of Rajendra Chola. According to Alberuni’s accounts
‘‘Jaur's possession (i.e., the Chola empire)’’ started from the end of
Urdabishau (Orissa), but here too the distances given by him between
Urdabishau and certanin places situated in the Chola empire are extremely
doubtful. For instance, the distance between Urdabishau (Orissa) and
Kanji which is apparently a transcript of Kanchi, the famous city
situated in the Chola empire, has been given as only 30 farsakhs (about
120 miles.)? Alberuni’s accounts of the coastal regions of India appear
to have been based on hearsay and therefore lack definiteness and
authenticity. The Arab and Persian geographers’ accounts of the same
regions appear to have been based on the first-hand knowledge required
for commercial purposes and are therefore much better than those of
Alberuni.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. R.D. Banerji History of Orissa, Vol. |
2. H.K. Mahtab Odisa Itthasa (Third Edition)
3. B. Misra Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings
4. B. Misra Dynasties of Mediaeval Orissa
5. R.C. Majumdar The Age of Imperial Kanauj
(Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan)
6. K.C. Panigrahi Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas
and the Samavamsis of Orissa
7. K.C. Panigrahi Archaeological Remains
at Bhubaneswar
8. Hunter, Stirling, A History of Orissa, Vol. |
Beams and Sahu
9. D.K. Ganguly Historical Geography and Dynastic
History of Orissa, 1975
10. Anonymous Hudud-al’-Alam, Oxford
University Press, 1937
11, S.N. Majumdar Cunninghams’ Ancient Geography
of India, 1924
12. Mc Crindle Ancient India by Ptolemy
37. Ibid.P., 200.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
Sachau
V. V. Mirashi
D.C. Sircar
D. Mitra
S.C. De
A. Ghosh
U. K. Subudhi
Biswarupa Das 0
APPENDIX-II 95.
Alberuni’s India
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum.,.
Vol. 1V, Part |
His articles in Indian Historical
Quarterly, Vol. XXiX; Journal of
Asiatic Society (Letters), 1953,
Vol. XIX; Orissa Historical
Research Journal, Vol, |, Vol. 1V.;
Epigraphia Indica., Vol. XXIX
Her articlesin Indian Historical
Quarterly, Vol. XXXV; Eptgraphia
Indica, Vol. XXXIII
His articles in Epigraphia Indica.
Vol. XXIX; Proceedings of the
Indian History Congress, 1949:
His article in Epigraphia Indica,,.
Vol. XXV!I
The Bhauma-Karas of Orissa..
Calcutta, 1978
The Bhauma-Karas- Buddhist
Kings of Orissa and their times,.
New Delhi, 1978.
7, The Somavamsis
Origin : A ruling family known as_ the Panduvamsis (sometimes
also as the Somavamsis) ruled in one part of central India, vaguely
known as Kosala (Dakshina Kosala), with their capital as Sirpur in the
Raipur district. The chronology of this dynasty is still a matter of
dispute, as nothing except the palaeography of their inscriptions has been
available to scholars to date them even approximately. Their genealogy
as givenin The Classical Age (Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan) is reproduced
below:
PANDUVAMSIS OF SOUTH KOSALA
1. Udayana
2, Indrabala
Oe ee ee
3. Nanna Isanadeva Bhavadeva
4. Tivara 5. iat a a
6. Harshagupta
7. Balarjuna Sivagupta
The name Tivara of the fourth king of the dynasty has found
mention in some early records and as we have already seen, this name also
occurs in the copper plate inscriptions of the Sailodbhava dynasty of
Kongoda (Ganjam-Puri districts). But it has not been possible to establish
the identity of the names found in such records. It is not definitely known
whether Tivara of the Sailodbhava inscriptions was really the Pandu-
vamsi king Tivara of south Kosala. The dates given to this Panduvamsi
king vary from the sixth century to eight century A.D. This monarch
has often been styled as Tivaradeva and Mahasiva-Tivararaja. Another
prominent ruler of the dynasty was Balarjuna-Sivagupta who ruled at
least for 57 years, There is no definite evidence to establish a connection
between the Panduvamsi-Somavamsi dynasty of Sirpur with the later
Somavamsis who founded a kingdom in the western part of modern
Orissa, except that the first ruler of the Orissan Somavamsis, Janmejaya I,
refers to Sivagupta as his single predecessor.
THE SOMAVAMSIS 97
The numerous copper plate grants issued by Janmejaya! do not
throw any light on the relation between the Somavamsis of Sirpur and
the Somavamsis of western Orissa. It is also unknown how the Soma-
amsis of Sirpur were ousted from the Raipur region. There are
however strong reasons to believe that they were ousted from their
paternal kingdom partly by the Kalachuris and partly by the Banas. Itis
stated in the Kalachuri inscriptions that the Kalachuri king Sankaragana
conquered Pali which has been identified with Pali, a village situated in
the Bilaspur district. Pali and the surrounding regions layin the Kosala
country which at the time of his conquest, was under the Bana dynasty.
The conquest therefore marked the extension of the Kalachuri power
towards the east, where the conqueror allowed a principality to be
established with its capital at Tummana, modern Tumanin the former
Lapha Zamindari of the Bilaspur district, and placed it under the charge
of one of his own brothers. The principality later grewup irto the
Kalachuri kingdom of Ratnapura with its capital at Ratnapura, only twelve
miles from Pali. It is not known whether the Somavamsis had any princi-
pality or kingdom anywhere in the Bilaspur or Chhatisgarh regions
when Pali was conquered by Sankaragana. As already observed, the
relation between Sivagupta mentioned as the predecessor of Janmejaya
and Janmejaya is also not known and the interval between the reigns of
the two is therefore unknown to us. Sivagupta has been given the titles of
a sovereign ruler, butin none of the numerous coppe rplate records of
Janmejaya he is stated to have, been the father of the latter. Sivagupta’s
name does not appear in any other Somavamsi record of Orissa except
those of Janmejaya. All records mention Janmejaya and not Sivagupta
as the founder of the dynasty. Janmejaya’s inscriptions mention only
Sivagupta as his single predecessor and the term Sivagupta was a
viruda of the Panduvamsi-Somavamsis and not the persona! name of any
ruler of that dynasty. Had Janmejaya been the son of Sivagupta, he
would have certainly mentioned the real name of Sivagupta. A _ similar
instance is furnished by the copper plate grant of Yayati Il Manasiva-
gupta of Orissa who, as we know from. several records, was a collateral
member Of the Somavamsi dynasty of Orissa, possessing no direct claim
to the throne, but who won the kingdom by his own valour. In Yayati II's
copper plate grant Mahabhavagupta appears as his single predecessor
and the term Mahabhavagupta was a family viruda and not the real name
of any Somavamsi ruler. Notwithstanding these evidences Dr. N. K.
Sahu states that Janmejaya was the son of Balarjuna Sivagupta,
Genealogy : Nothing was practically known of the later Soma-
vamsis of Orissa after Udyotakesari and the genealogy of the dynasty
98 HISTORY OF ORISSA
remained incomplete till the lacky discovery of the remaining copper
plates of the Ratnagiri Charter of Karnadeva, made by Mrs. Debala Mitra
of the Archaeological Survey of India, which gives the full genealogy of
the dynasty. The recent discovery of a copper plate grant of Indraratha
has added one more ruler to the family, but his exact relationship with
the rest of the dynasty is still unknown. The genealogy of the Somavamsis,
as it can now be reconstructed, stands as follows :
1. Janmejava I. Mahabhavagupta I,
Dharma-Kandarpa, Svabhavatunga
(c. A.D. 882-922)
Sp
| |
2. Yayati J, Mahasivagupta I Vichitravira
(c. A.D. 922-955) |
| |
3. Bhimaratha, Mahabhavagupta JI Abhimanyu
(c. Ap. 955-980)
4. Dharmaratha, S. Nahusha,
Mahasivagupta II Mahabhavagupta Il
(c. A.D. 980-1005) (c, A.D. 1005-1021)
6. Yayati If, Chandihara
Mahasivagupta II
(c. A.D. 1025-1040)
7. Udyotakesari, Mahabhaavgupta IV
é. A.D. 1040- 1065)
8. Janmejaya IJ, Mahasivagupta IV
(c A-D. 1065-1085)
9.Puranjava, Mahabhavagupta V 10 Karnadeva, Maha-
(c. A.D. 1085-1100) sivagupta V
(c. A.D. 1100-1110)
Karnadeva was the last king of the Somavamsi dynasty. There
is no evidence to show that any other king of the dynasty ruled after
him in Orissa or the dynasty continued in a subordinate capacity in any
part of Orissa. Ranakesari, supposed to be a member of the Somavamsi
dynasty and supposed to have ruled after Karnadeva in A. D. 889 orin
A.D. 1107-09 is aname which has resulted from the misreading of an
epigraph, as is shown in Appendix V. No such name or the date is to
be found in the epigraph on which these conclusions have been based.
Chronology : The copper plate inscriptions of the Somavamsi kings
bear only regnal years and noera. This makes us dependent on the
palaeography of their inscriptions and on certain synchronisms. Two
THE SOMAVAMSIS 99
earlier eminent epigraphists, Dr. Fleet and Dr. Kielhorn, placed the earlier
inscriptions of the dynasty inthe eleventh and twelfth centuries on
palaeographical considerations, but in the light of new discoveries such
late dates cannot now be accepted, The Synchronisms discussed below,
will show that Janmejaya |, the founder of the dynasty, srarted his rule in
the last part of the ninth cenrury A.D. and the last king Karnadeva lost his
kingdom to the Ganga king Chodagangadeva in the beginning part of the
twelfth century. The total period covered by the reigns of the ten
Somavamsi kings is about 228 years, which gives an average of about 28
years to each reign.
We have already referred to a short supplement, comprising three
verses, engraved at the end of a copper plate grant of Yayati |, issued in
the 8th year of his reign. These verses clearly state that Svabhavatunga
was the father of Yayati 1, as shown in the Appendix V. There is therefore
no doubt that Svabhavatunga was a surname of Janmejaya |, the founder
of the dynasty. Underthe same surname Svabhabatunga he has also
found mention in the Baud Copper Plate of his daughter Prithvi Mahadevi
alias Tribhuvana Mahadevi II of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. This fact has
already been discussed above in Chapter-6. and there should now be no
reasonable doubt that Svabhavatunga was a surname of Janmejaya | and
not of his son and successor Yayati | as suggested by some scholars. The
aforementioned Baud Plate contains a date which, when referred to Bhauma
era of the A.D. 736 conesponds to A.D. 894. Therefore Prithvi
Mahadevi’s father was rulling in the Sambalpur-Sonepur-Bolangir regions
about A.D. 894 and he would have started his reign much earlier. The
year A.D. 894 is thus a definite date inthe Somavamsi chronology and
this would suggest that Janmejaya | was a contemporary of the Kalachuri
king Sankaragana who was ruling between A.D. 878 and 910.
For the middle part of the Somavamsi chronology the Chola
invasion of Orissa in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D. provides
us with a definite date. In the Tirumalai inscription of Rajendra Chola it is
stated that ‘he captured Indraratha of the ancient race of the moon
together with (his) family in a fight which took place at Adinagara, a city
whose great fame knew no decline.’’ There is nothing in this statement
which is of unintelligible or ambiguous character, but the variants of the
place-name and the name of the ruler of the ancient race of the moon
found in different Chola records, have given rise to a series of interpreta-
tions. Dr. S. K. Ayangar and following him P. Acharya have attempted
to identify Adinagara of the Tirumalai Inscription with Yayatinagara of the
100 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Somavamsi inscriptions, and Dr. D.C. Ganguly has identified Adinagara
with Kalinganagara. These identifications are however hardly necessary,
because in four of the inscriptions describing the exploits of Rajendra
Chola, the place name has correctly been given as Yayatinagara. The
variants, of which Adinagara is;one, should therefore be taken as the Tamilian
corruptions or be attributed tothe carelessness of the scribes. Similarly
there should also be no controversy about the name of the ruler of the
ancient race of the moon defeated.by Rajendra Chola, which appears
distinctly as Indraratha in one Chola Inscription and in most of others in its
Tamilian corruptions as Indiraratha, Indirarada etc. It may be stated here
that the defeat of Indraratha by Rajendra Chola has found mention in
twelve of his inscriptions engraved between the twelfth and the thirty-
first years of his reign. The earliest mention of this event having been found
inthe Tirumalai !nscription of his twelfth regnal year corresponding to
A.D. 1023 it is generally assumed that his victorious march to the Ganges
during which he defeated Indraratha, took place in A.D. 1021. The relation
of Indraratha with the Somavamsi ruling family is to be discussed subse-
quently, but it is to be noted here that the year A.D. 1021 is a definite
date in the Somavamsi chronology.
Another date of the Somavamsi chronology is furnished by a short
inscription engraved on the Lalatendu Kesari gumpha in the Khandagiri hill
near Bhubaneswar. Prof. R. D. Banerji. the editor, has readthe date
occurring in the inscription as 5, but he does not appear to have noticed
two other digits which succeed the numeral five in the same line. These
digits are 4 and 9and therefore, the date is actually 549. Since the inscrip-
tion refers itself to the reign of Udyotakesari, this date, ‘of which the era
has not been specified, should necessarily fall within his reign. The only
era to which it can be referred so that it may fall within his reign, is the
Ganga era commencing from A. D, 496. The date, when referred to the
Ganga era, corresponds to A.D. 1045.
It is true that no era, specified or unspecified, is found recorded in
the Somavamsi inscriptions, but this inscription engraved on the Lalatendu
Kesari gumpha was a private one and therefore, it was not bound by the
conventions. The Ganga era had become widely current in the southern
part of Orissa long before A.D. 1045 and so, its use in an inscription of
Orissa of the period will not appear surprising or unusual, particularly if its
donor belonged to the southern part of Orissa. We should therefore
take A.D. 1045 tobe a date falling within the reign of Udyotakesari,
though it is not possible to determine the exact regnal year to which this
date corresponded.
THE SOMAVAMSIS 107
That Karnadeva, the last king of the Somavamsi dynasty, was a
contemporary of the Pala king Ramapaladeva and also the Ganga king
Chodagangadeva, is evident from the commentary of the Ramacharita
by Sandhyakara Nandi and Chodaganga’s Korni Copper Plate Grant. It is
stated in the commentary that Ramapaladeva’s lieutenant Jayasimha of
Dandakabhukti (Midnapore) lifted with his palm Karnakesari, the lord
of Utkala. This Karnakesari can be no other than the Somavamsi king
Karnadeva, the donor of the Ratnagiri Copper Plate Grant. It is there-
fore evident that Karnadeva was a contemporary of Ramapaladeva of
Bengal who ruled from c. A.D. 1077-1120. One Lingaraja Temple Inscrip-
tion of Chodagangadeva’is dated in the Saka year 1034 (A. D. 1114),
Which indicates that he had occupied Orissa by that time. We should
put the date of the annexation of Orissa by him about A.D.1110. The
reign period of Karnadeva will have therefore to be put somewhere
between A.D. 1077 and 1110.
Co-ordinatinng the results obtained from the above sources
and giving due consideration to the reanal years of the rulers, obtained
from the Somavamsi inscriptions, we have determined the reign periods
of the individual rulers of the dynasty, as shown in the above genealogy
which has been reconstructed only from two records. viz. the Brahmesvara
Inscripition of Udyotakesari’s reign and the Ratnagiri Grant of Karnadeva.
It is needless to say that the dates assigned to the rulers are approximate.
Janmejaya I (c. A.D. 882-922)
In has been shown above that Janmejaya was a scion of the
Panduvamsi dynasty of Maha Kosala and his relation with Sivagupta,
mentioned in his copper plates as his single predecessor, is not known.
The dynasty founded by Janmejaya is known as the Somavamsi dynasty,
but it has never been given out in any record that they were the
successors of the Panduvamsi-Somavamsis. Evidently, Janmejaya was
a member of this ancient ruling family and he was a soldier of fortune.
If his ancestors had any kingdom in the Chhatisagarh and Raipur-
Bilaspur regions, it must have been destroyed by the Kalachuris.
Driven from his ancestral home Janmejaya sought his fortune in the
present western part of Orissa and succeeded in founding a kingdom
which at its height seems to have comprised the present districts of
Sambalpur, Bolangir and Kalahandi. In the aforesaid copper plate grant
of his son and successor Yayati |, issued in the eighth year of his reign,
it is stated that Svabhavatunga became king by his own manliness and
by defeating the Chaidyas (the Kalachuris) spread the fortunes of his.
102 HISTORY OF ORISSA
kingdom. It is also stated in the same inscription that he was like the
sun to the lotus of the Soma family and was like a full moon in
protecting the Kosala country. From these facts it is evident that he was
a member of the Somavamsa and that the kingdom that he founded came
to be knownas the Kosala country. It is also evident that when he
founded it he had to fight with the Kalachuris of Dahala or Maha
Kosala. From this time the country of Maha Kosala seems to have
borne two different names. The part of Maha Kosala which remained
under the rule of the Kalachuris became known as the Dahala or the
Chedi country and the part which was ruled over by the Somavamsis
came to be known as Kosala, a geographical name which has found
mention in many of the Somavamsi records.
Janmejaya’s tand grants were issued from Suvarnapura and
Murasima, of which Suvarnapura (modern Sonepur in the Bolangir
district) appears to have been his capital. Very recently a copper plate
grant has been discovered in the Bolangir district, which refers to a
Rashtrakuta chief as <= feudatory of Janmejaya |. So, it appers that
Janmejaya had feudatories in his kingdom. The Somavamsi king did not
remain satisfied with his kingdom, even though it was of considerable
extent. The westward expansion of his kingdom was not possible because
of the existence of the very powerful and extensive kingdom of the Kala-
churis in the west. Janmejaya therefore must have cast his longing eyes
on the coastal strip of Orissa. In between his kindom and the coastal strip
of Orissa lay the vast stretches of hills and jungles with the ruling chiefs,
of whom the Bhanjas were most powerful. The Somavamsi king might
have come into conflict with Bhanjas of the Baud—Phulbani tract, but we
have no record of it.
As we have already seen, he was the father of the Bhauma queen
Prithvi Mahadevi alias Tribhuvan Mahadevi Ii and this matrimonial
alliance gave him a chance to create a sphere of influence in the coastal
strip of Orissa. The chance for interfering in the politics of the Bhauma-:
kingdom came when his daughter's husband Subhakaradeva IV died
childless and there was a succession dispute between his daughter and
the younger brother of his son-in-law. We have already referred to the
Brahmesvera Inscription of Udyotakesari’s reign in which itis clearly
stated that Janmejaya killed the Odra king with his kunta (a sharp
pointed weapon) ina battle. After having achieved this, he must have
placed his daughter on the Bhauma throne sometimes before A.D. 894,
which is the date of the Baud Copper Plate Grant of his daughter.
Janmejaya’s successful intervention in the politics of the Bhaumas did
THE SOMAVAMSIS 103
not result in the annexation of the Bhauma kingdom, but it created for him
a sphere of influence in the Bhauma country, which was taken advantage of
by his son Yayatil. We have already stated the reason why this mest
important achievement of the Somavamsi dynasty has not found mention
in any other Somavamsi record except in the Brahmesvara Inscription
which was a private one.
We have taken the Kalachuri king Sankaragana (c. A.D. 878—910)
to be the contemporary of Janmejaya because of the fact that the former
was ruling in the year A.D. 894 which is date of the Baud Plate of the
latter's daughter. Tha rivalry between the two kings is indicated by the
equal number of surnames borne by them. Sankaragana had three surnames,
viz.. Prasiddha-dhavala, Ranavigraha and Mugdhatunga. Janmeiaya had also
three surnames, »1z. Mahabhavagupta, Dharmakandarpa and Svabhava-
tunga. The claim made in his sons’ record that Svabhavatunga defeated the
Chaidyas (The Kalachuris) does not appear to be an empty one. The fact
remains that Janmejaya succeeded in establishing a kingdom, keeping it
intact during his long’ reign of over thirty-five years and _ finally
handing it down with increased territories and the sphere of influence to his
successors in the face of the opposition from the powerful neighbouring
kingdom of the Kalachuris. He was one of those brave sons of ancient royal
families, who revived the almost lost and waning fortunes of their families
by their own valour.
The dynasty foundad 5 Janmejaya I also became famous as
Kesari kula or the Kesari dynasty and under this name the members of the
dynasty found mention in some sources and were referred to in numerous
traditions of Orissa. One member of the dynasty bore the name Udyota-
kesari and in the Ramascharita of Sandhyakara Nandi Karnadeva, the last
king of this dynasty, has been referred to as Karnakesari. This reference
clearly shows that evento the outside powers the Somavamsi kings were
popularly known as Kesari kings. Dr. H. K. Mahatab has quoted another
reference to Kesari bula from the /?hakts Bhagavata of Kavi Dindima
Jivadeva composed about A.D. 1512. In the list of the Kesari dynasty to be
found in the Madalapanji, the temple chronicle of Jagannatha at Puri, all
the names of the rulers of the Somavamsi dynasty known from the
inscriptions, have found mention, though in atopsy-turvy order Yayati
Kesari, to be identified with Yayati | or Yayati!| of this dynasty, is almosta
household name in Orissa and many living mounments, irrespective of
their age, are attributed to his agency. The originality of the Madalapanji
in which Yayati Kesari figures prominently, has, as shown in Appendix IV,
104 HISTORY OF ORISSA
been vitiated, but in its original form it contained a number of historical
traditions. In view of these facts the dynasty founded by Janmejaya may
alsode designated as the Somavamsi-Kesari dynasty.
We have stated above that Janmejaya’s capital was Suvarnapura
or modern Sonepur situated on the Mahanadi, but he also issued copper
plate grants from Murasima and Kataka. The latter place simply means the
victorious camp evidently referring to his permanent residence Suvarnapura,
but not to the modern city of Cuttack which in all earlier records have been
referred to as Varanasi-Kataka and which became the capital of Orissa only
from the time of the Gangas.
Yayati | (c. A.D. 922—955)
~~
Yayati | appears to have shifted his capital from Suvarnapura to
Vinitapura which is found to be the place of issue of his earlier charters,
but in his later charters, issued in his twenty-fourth and twenty-eighth
regnal years, we find that the place of issue of his charters is Yayatinagara.
Vinitapura has been identified by Pandit Binayak Misra with Binka about
20 miles from Sonepur, situated on the same river Mahanadi. Evidently
Yayatinagara was the same city of Vinitapura which was renamed after the
name of this king. Binka still contains a number of monuments and ancient
ruins indicating that it was the capital of the Somavamsis,
As shownin Appendix V, in two of the charters of Yayati | and
one charter of his son and successor Bhimaratha, there ts a reference to
the capture of thirty-two elephants and the rescue of the captured women
carried on them, by Yayati |. This event has also found mention in a_ short
supplement of his charter issued in the 8th regnal year, with the additional
information that Yayati not only rescued the captured women but also
depopulated a part of the Dahala country without caring a fig for the
Kalachuri king Yuvaraje, who is to be identified with Yuvaraja! of the
Kalachuri dyiiasty of Ratnapura. The incident refers to a border conflict
between the Somavamsis and the Kalachuris. Some women captured in the
Somavamsi kingdom were being taken away On elephants to the kingdom
of Kalachuris, but Yayati | rescued them timely, captured thirty-two
elephants on which the women were being carried away, killed the
protector of the elephants and burnt a part of the Kalachuri country. It was
thus a border confict between the two adjoining kingdoms but there is no
other evidence to show that Yayati | had a major conflict with the
Kalachuris.
THE SOMAVAMSIS 105
His major achievement was his annexation of the Bhauma
‘kingdom to his own, a reference to which has already been made in
Chapter-6, The circumstances under which Yayati succeeded in occupying
the Bhauma country, are not known, but a charter issued by him in his ninth
regnal year mentions his gift village Chandagrama_ s_ situated in
Dakshina Tosala, which was without doubt -in the territories of the
Bhaumas. This fact indicates that he had become the master of the coastal
strip of Orissa by the ninth year of his reign which according to our
chronology corresponds to A.D, 931.
The Bhanjas were occupying the territories between Kosala
(Sonepur-Sambalpur region) and Utkala (coastal districts of Orissa) and
therefore it would have been hardly possible for Yayati | to occupy
Orissa before ousting the Bhanjas {rom these territories. That he had
succeeded in ousting the Bhanjas from these territories is proved by one
of his copper plate grants, issued inthe fifteenth regnal year, which
mentions the gift village as situated in the mandala of Gandhatapati,
Gandhatapati otherwise mentioned as Gandharavadi in a later Bhanja
inscription, is now known as Gandharadi, situated at a distance of about
twelve miles from Baud, a _ subdivisiona! headquatter of the Phulbani
district, and has two ancient temples stil! Standing there. As Dr, D. C.
Sircar has pointed out, Gandhatapati was apparently named after Satru-
bhanja Gandhata of the Bhanja dynasty of Dhritipura. The occupation of
Gandhatapati by Yayati | clearly shows that he successfully ousted
Satrubhanja from the Baud region. As already mentioned, two of
Satrubhanja’s copper plate records are dated inthe Bhauma year 198,
which proves that he was rulingin AD 934. Itis thus almost certain
that itis he who took a prominent part in the final stage of the
Bhauma kingdom and set up the last two female rulers on the Bhuma
throne. It is also very likely that Yayati | would have fought with
Satrubhanja and ousted him from the Baud region, or else it would not
have been possible for him to build up the united kingdom of Kosala and
Utkala.
The re-establishment of the shrine of Jagannatha at Puri with a
temple built there, was another great work of Yayati |. We have shown
above how the Rashtrakuta invasion of Orissa has survived in the tradi-
tions of the Madala Panji as Raktavahu invasion and how the interval of
146 years between the removal of the images from Puri and their
re-installation by Yayati Kesari, fits in with the chronological positions of
the Rashtrakuta emperor Govinda Ill (A.D. 793-814) and the Bhauma king
Subhakara | onone hand and Yayati | (c. A.D. 922-955) on the other.
106 HISTORY OF ORISSA
There is no reason to doubt a genuine tradition which preserves a
historical truth though in a distorted form as alltraditions do. Yayati!
and Chodaganga were both Parama-mahesvaras, but on their first occu-
pation of Orissa both built temples onthe shrine of Jagannatha at Puri.
a fact which indicates the great sanctity attached tothe shrine by the
people at large. Yayati’s work at Puri was both political and religious
and was meant to be spectacular. Another tradition credits Yayati Kesari
with the performance of the Asvamedha sacrifice at Jajpur, to which ten
thousand Brahmins are said to have been invited by him from Kanauj.
Yayati | united Kosala and Utkala politically and culturally and can
justly be regarded as the father of the modern Orissa. The grateful
posterity remembered him and made him the hero of the numerous tradi-
tlons still current in the land. Yayati Kesariis almost a household name
in Orissa and all living monuments, irrespective of their age, are
generally attributed to him.
Bhimaratha (c. A.D. 955—980):
Of Yayati’s son Bhimaratha (c. A.D. 955-980), nothing is known.
Itis stated in the Bilhari Stone Inscription of the Kalachuri king
Yuvaraja I] that Lakshmanaraja who ruled at Tripurt (Jabalpur) from
circa A.D.945 to 970, “worshipped Somesvara with that (effigy) of
Kaliya wrought of jewels and gold, which had been obtained from the
prince of Odra, after defeating the lord of Kosala.’’ The statement shows
that Odra or Orissa was under the overlordship of Kosala, so that the
defeat of the lord of ‘Kosala led to the acquisition of the jewelled image of
Kaliya (the serpent) from the prince of Orissa. It further shows that,
though Orissa had beccome a part of the Somavamsi kingdom by the
second quarter of the tenth century, it had a prince of its own who must
have been a subordinate ruler or a prince-viceroy appointed by the
Somavamsi king. The system of appointing subordinate rulers for Orissa
therefore started from the reign of Yayatil and continued in subse-
quent reigns. The conflict between the Kalachuri and Somavamsi
kingdoms as evidenced by the afore-mentioned Kalachuri record, would
have taken place in the reign of Bhimaratha.
Dharmaratha (c. A.D. 9830—1005) and Nahusha (c. A.D. 1005—1021)
Nothing is also known of Dharmaratha (c. A.D. 980-1005) and
Nahusha (c. A.D, 1005-1021) except that the invasions of some contempo-
rary powers took place in the reign of the latter. Indraratha, a subordinate
THE SOMAVAMSIS 107
ruler of Orissa ruling at Yayatinagara (Jajpur), who was appointed by
Dharmaratha and who was most likely another son of Bhimaratha, came
‘into conflict with the contemporary powers and has therefore figured in
their records. We have already discussed the defeat inflicted on him by
the Chola army at Yayatinagara (Jajpur) about A.D. 1021. In the earlier
part of his rule he came into conflict with the army of Paramara Bhoja
of Malwa (c. A.D. 1000-1055). In the Udepur Prasasti it is stated that
Bhoja’s army defeated the lord of Chedi, Indraratha, Tommanna and
Bhimata?. Since Bhoja is known to have made an alliance with Gangeya-
deva, the Chedi king referred to in the pra<asti should be identified with
Gangeyadeva’s father Kokalla Il (c. A.D. 990-1015;. The ruler of Tummana,
the earlier capital of the Ratnapura branch of the Kalachuri dynasty.
should be identified with Kalingaraja (e. AD. 1000-1020 and Bhimata
with Bhimata III (c. A.D. 1005-1030) of the Sarayupara Kalachuri
dynasty. Paramara Bhoja’s’ army would have.been at war with these
princes in the earlier part of his long reign sometime before A.D. 1015.
All the princes grouped together in the above quoted passage of the
Udepur Prasasti belong to the Kalachuri dynasty except Indraratha who
was a Somavamsi prince and who appears to have allied himself with the
Kalachuris for the purpose of defence. Bhoja made an alliance with the
Chola king Rajendra Chola of Tanjore and the Kalachuri king Gangeyadeva
for the conquest of the Chalukya kingdom of Kalyana. Each of these allies
is also credited in their records with the invasion of both Utkala and
Kosala. It would thus appear that the three great powers of India, viz. the
Paramaras, the Cholas and thé Kalachuris, invaded the Somavamsi kingdom
within ashort period which coincided with the reign of Nahusha. These
invasions might have resulted in the deathor the dethronement of both
Nahusha and Indraratha and must have produced chaotic conditions in the
Somavamsi kingdom. To save the kingdom from anarchical conditions,
the ministers of the State chose Yayati Il Chandihara, a member of the
Somavamsi dynasty, as king, who appears to have been a distinguished
soldier and a man of great valour.
These facts are fully borne out by the Somavamsi records. It is
stated in the Brahmesvara Inscription that “when he (Dharmaratha), the
Rajamalla (the best of the kings), departed unto heaven without issue, all
aN een ee
1. Epigrphia Indica, Vol. I, pp. 228-238 and Plate; Bhandarkara’s List No. 1657.
Dr. Buhler reads these names occurring in line 20 as Chedisvar-Emdraratha (Toggala-
Bhimapramukhan), but the letters standing for them actually read as Chedisvar-
Emdraratha—Tommanna-Bhimata-khyan. ‘The reading Jogya/a does not give any
meaning and the letter read as pra is really fa.
108 HISTORY OF ORISSA
his kingdom was laid waste by various warriors of different countries, there:
was a lapse of short and eventless time. Then Chandihara, son of Abhi-
manyu and grandson of Vichitravira, a lineal descendant of the celebrated:
Janmejaya, was made king by the ministers; and he was powerful and
spirited like his father.’’ Again in the Balijhari (Narsinghpur) Copper Plates
of Udyotakesari it is stated that “The two arms of whom (Yayati II)
accomplished their objectives by completely rendering free of enemies the
two kingdoms, Utkala and Kosala, besieged by the combatant kings’.
The statements are confirmed by Yayati Ils own record wherein he is
stated to have been the chosen lord of Kalinga, Kongoda, Utkala and
Kosala. These references leave no doubt that Yayati Il’was chosen as king
by the ministers and the people and they further show that Orissa had
been a part of the Somavamsi kingdom when he was chosen as such, or
else the ministers and people of Orissa would not have welcomed
a prince of an alien dynasty which had no previous connection.
‘vith it.
Yayati I) (ec. A.D. 1025-1040.)
In the early part of his reign Yayati 11 (c. A. D. 1025—1040) must
have been busy in restoring internal peace and _ driving out the external
enemies, The external enemies whould have been the Cholas and
the Dahalas (the Kalachuris) who had respectively been associated with
Rajendra Chola and Gangeyadeva in their invasion of the Somavamsi
kingdom. This position is borne out by the statement occurring in the
Brahmesvara Inscription that Udyotakesari fought, as it were in child-
play, with Dahala, Choda (the Cholas) and Gauda.? It means that even
when he was very young he fought with these enemies of his father in
the latter’s reign. By the third year of Yayati I]’s reign when he issued
his Meranja-Mura Charter, this position however appears to have been
changed. Dahala does not appear inthe list of the enemy territories
given inthis epigraph, with which Yayti Il is said to have been invol-
ved inconflicts. The omission of Dahala is significant. It seems that he
had made an alliance with the Dahala king Gangeyadeva of Tripuri
(Jabalpur) and therefore he appears to have helped the latter by attacking
2. Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Letters, Vol. XJ, p. 72. Inline 10 of the eve-
copy of the epigraph these names have been read as Dahala, Odra and Gauda, but
the word Choda which is without doubt the same as Cholaaccordiog to Orissun
phonetics is to be clearly found. Odra or Orissa could not have been an enemy
Country of Yayati IJ or his son, because they were themselves the kings of Orissa.
Dr. D.C. Sircar justifies the reading Odra by stating that “the ruler of Odra was
probably one of his father’s adversaries (The History and Culture of the indian people,
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. Vol. V, p. 212)”. This is, however, highly hypothetical.
THE SOMAVAMSIS 109
Gauda and Radha (South-west Bengal) when Gangeya attacked Anga. Alt
these territories were under the Pala king Mahipala | (c. A. D. 998-1038).
Yayati {l’s alliance with Gangeyadeva brought himinto conflict with
several other contemporary powers and therefore the claims made in his
charter that he was at war with Karnnata. Lata, Gurjara, Kanchi (the Chola
country), Gauda and Radha and that he maintained friendly relations with.
Vanga (East Bengal), should not be taken as imaginary. The Kalachuris
under Gangeyadeva came into conflicts with all these powers and therefore.
Yayati too was a party to such conflicts.
Udyotakesari (c. A.D. 1040—1065)
Yayati’s son and successor Udyotakesari (c.A.D. 1040—1 65)
appears to have had a comparatively peaeeful reign. The invasion of Orissa
by Kalachuri Karna (c. A.D. 1042—1073) took place during his reign, but
the Somavamsi kingdom appears to have withstood it and survived intact,
Udyotakesari assigned Kosala to Abhimanyu who was Probably a
Somavamsi prince and who ruled Kosala as a subordinate ruler. Udyota-
kesari’s hold on Kosala as its overlord is proved by his grant of the village
Lanjira identified with a village of the same name ‘in the old Sarangagarh
Feudatory state. The gift village was included in the bhukti of Prithura
identified with Pithora in the Padmapur tract, about 45 miles to the north-
west of Sambalpur. The grant was issued from Kisarakella identifed With
the village Kesarkela, about six miles to the east of Bolangir. The location
of these places clearly indicates that Udyotakesari was the master of the
entire old Kosala country. The letters of this charter which was issued in
the eleventh year of his reign, closely resemble those of the Brahmesvara,
Inscription. The writer of the charter was Mahasandhivigrahin Rudradatta,
son of Devadatta. Rudradatta is knownfrom the aforesaid charter of Yayati Il
to have been the grandson of Harshadatta and the nephew of Simhadatta.
This Datta family which hereditarily served the Somavamsi kings, Originally
came from Ayodhyapura which can be no other place than Ayodhya in the
Faizabad District.of U. P.
Janmejaya Il (c. A, D. 1065—1085) and Puranjays (c. A. D, 1085—1100)
The disintegration of the Somavamsi state started from the reign of
Udyotakesari’s son Janmejaya Il (c. A. D. 1065-1085). It appears from
the Ratnagiri Plates of Karnadeva that janmejaya Il came into conflict with
a Naga king. The Naga king Somesvara! of Bastar, who ruled from
110 HISTORY OF ORISSA
A. D. 1069 to 1110 ts also credited with having waged war against Udra
(Orissa). There is therefore little doubt that the Somavamsi kingdom and the
Naga kingdom were at war in the reign of Janmejaya II, but the war ended
in the victory of the Naga king. A Telgu-Choda ruling family, of which we
shall speak Jater, and which was holding a feudatory statusin the Naga
kingdom of Bastar, established itself in the Sambalpur-Sonepur region with
Sonepur as its capital. That part of the Somavamsi kingdom was thus lost
to Janmejaya Il. His reign also witnessed the invasion of the Ganga king
Rajaraja | Devendravarman (A.D. 1070—1078), father of the great Choda-
ganga, which must have resulted in the loss of the southern territories of
the Somavamsi kingdom. The process of disintegration would have also
continued in the reign of his son Puranjaya (c. A.D. 1085—1110). We
have already seen that Dandakabhukti (the Midnapore region) was a part
of the Bhauma kingdom and therefore it would have also been apart of
the Somavamsi kingdom. The Midnapore region must have been lost
during the reign of Janmejaya I! or Puranjaya, because we find from the
Ramacharita that this region was under a feudatory of the Pala king
Ramapala.
Karnadeva (c. A. D, 1100—1110)
it thus appears that when Puranjaya’s younger brother Karna
(c. A. D. 1100—1110) ascended the throne the .Somavams! kingdom was
confined only to the coastal tract comprising the present districts of Puri,
Cuttack and Balasore. This small and mutilated kingdom became
sandwiched between the two powerful states in the north and the south.
in the north Ramapala ic. A.D. 107/—112)), was trying to revive the lost
prestige of the Pala empire and in the south the Ganga king Ananta-
varman Chodaganga (A.D. 1078—1150), the long-lived and most powerful
prince of his age in eastern India. was trying to push his frontiers
further north atthe expense of the Somavamsi kingdom. Itis stated in
the commentary of the Ramacharita that Jayasimha, a subordinate ruler
of Midnapore under Ramapala, lifted Karnakesari, the lord of Utkala,
with his palm. Inthe Korni Plates of Chodaganga it is stated that
Chodaganga reinstated the fallen lord of Utkala. These two statements
indicate that while the Pala king outsted Karna from his throne. the Ganga
king helped him to regain it. Chodaganga was not however helping
Karna out of benevolent motives. He was merely seeking an opportunity
to annex the entire Somavamsi kingdom, The ability and the morality of
Karna, the last descendant of Dharmakandarpa Janmejaya, can easily be
imagined from the fact that ‘for the increase of his religious merits and
THE SOMAVAMSIS 111
the fame of his ownself and hls parents”, he granted a rent-free village
to a dancing girl. Karpura-sri by name, who had become his queen. In
the charter granting the village instead of her father’s and grandfather’s
names we find the names of her mother and grandmother, which proves
that she belonged toa family of professional dancing girls. From the
traditional sources we find the evidences that there were treachery and
dissensions among the officers, which Karna was unable to check. It is
stated in the Madalapanji that Vasudeva Ratha, the commander.in-chief
(Vahininati) of the Somavamsi army, invited Chodaganga to invade
Orissa, Beyond the frontiers the Ganga king was watching the develop-
ments in Orissa and also an opportunity to invade, After receiving the
invitation, as the chronicle describes it in a picturesque language, one day
he came in disguise. pounced upon Cuttack and made himself king
(nata vesara asi Kataka madi vasi raja hoila). This happened about
A.D. 1110 and the Somavamsi ruling family passing through the vicissi-
tudes of the time for over six centuries, ultimately became extinct.
After Karnadeva no trace of the Somavamsi ruling family, even
as the feudatories of the Gangas, is available from any record. As stated
earlier, Rana Kesari, supposed to be a later member of the Somavamsi
family, has not actually found mention in the Govindpur Inscription
wherein the name Rana Kesari has resulted from the misreading of the
epigraph as shown in Appendix V. Apparently the Somavamsis finally
became extinct as a ruling power.
Vice-regal Families of Utkala and Kosala during the Somavamsi Rule.
After the annexation of the coastal region by Yayati |, Kosala
and Utkala became united under one sovereign power, and therefore for
the sake of better administration the kingdom was divided into two
parts, Utkala and Kosafa. When the Somavamsi kir.gs lived in Kosala with
their capital at Yayatinagara, they appointed viceroys in the Utkala country,
and when they lived in Utkala with their capital at Abhinava Yayatinagara
(Jajpur), they appointed viceroys in the Kosala country. These viceroys or
sub-kings were the members of the Somavamsi ruling family and they
ruled like independent kings, sometimes issuing charters without reference
to their overlords,
That such an administrative arrangement was made in the
Somavamsi kingdom, is supported by several evidences. We have already
shown that, from the Bilhari Stone Inscription of the Kalachuri king
Yuvaraja ll, it becomes apparent that Somavamsi kingdom had two
component parts, Kosala and Odra, otherwise known as Utkala. In the
112 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Balijhari Inscription of Udyotakesari, it is stated that his father Yayati II
freed both the rashtras of Kosala and Utkala which had been seized by the
combatant chiefs. In the same Balijhari Grant Rudradatta has been mentioned
as the Mahasandhivigrahi:n for both the countries of Utkala and Kosala,
In the recently published Banpur Copper Plate Inscription of Somavamsi
Indraratha (The Journal of the Astatic Society, Vol. Vill, No. 4, 1966) it is
stated that he received the fortunes of the Kalinga country through the
favour of Dharamaratha (Shrimad Dharmarathasya ballabhataya lebhe
Kalinga-sriyam), from which it is clear that Indraratha had been appointed
as the viceroy of Kalinga. It may be mentioned here that the coastal strip of
modern Orissa once ruled over by the Bhaumas, has been referred to in the
Somavamsi Inscriptions as Tosala, Odra or Udra, Utkala and Kalinga. To
denote the coastal strip all these geographical names were used, though
their separate entities were also sometimes indicated by the use of separate
geographical names. Even now Orissa is sometimes known as Odra,
Utkala and Kalinga. In the above-mentioned Banpur charter the word
Kalinga has certainly been used to denote the coastal strip of Orissa.
In the above mentioned Bilhari Inscription the name Odra has also certainly
been used to denote the entire coastal strip of Orissa. In the Sonepur
charter of Somavamsi prince Somesvara it is stated that Abhimanyu, whose
relationship with him has not been given, ‘had received the rulership
of the Kosala country through the favour of Udyotakesari. it is thus
abundantly clear that Kosala and Utkala were the two component parts of
the same Somavamsi kingdom and ilieach of them the viceroys or the
sub-kings were being appointed by the sovereign Somavamsi rulers,
The names of all the viceroys and their exact relationship with
the Somavamsi ruling family, are not known to us. But from the Banpur
charter and the Sonepur charter four such names are known to us. From
the Banpur charter we find the names of Abhimanyu and Indraratha
and from the Sonepur charter we get the names of Abhimanyu and
Somesvara. Apparently, Abhimanyus of both the records are not
identical, but it is definitely known that Abhimanyu, father of Yayati Il,
was a lineal discendant of the founder of the dynasty, Janmejaya |. In
the aforesaid Banpur charter it is stated that Abhimanyu, apparently
the father of Yayati Il, was killed by Indraratha. After the death of
Dharmaratha there was an internal feud in the Somavamsi family on
account of the fact that Dharmaratha died childless and this gave rise to
the domestic feud for the rulership of both component parts of the
Somavamsi kingdom. The results of this feud are not clear from the
THE SOMAVAMSIS 113
records, but it gave an opportunity to the external powers to weaken the
Somavamsi kingdom, which led to anarchical conditions. Itis only after
the unification of the component parts by Yayatill that peace was
restored in the Somavamsi kingdom.
The reason of the omission of the name of Indraratha from the
genealogies of the Somavamsis given in the Somavamsi records, is thus
obvious. He was not a sovereign king, but was the viceroy of Orissa.
His name and the dynasty to which he belonged, have been Clearly
mentioned in the Chola records. The existence of a secondary capital of
the Somavamsi kings in Orissa, known as Yayatinagara or Abhinava
Yayatinagara, is proved by several evidences. The Somavamsi kings
Udyotakesari and Karnadeva issued their copper plate grants from
Yayatinagara which cannot be taken to be Yaytinagara of the Kosala
country, because when these grants were made the former had assigned
Kosala to Abhimanyu, probably a prince of the Somavamsi dynasty, to
rule over it and the latter, as we have already seen, had lost Kosala. It
appears that after the occupation of Orissa, Yayatil established a
secondary capital in Orissa andthis capital was also known as Yayati-
nagara. The Somavamsi kings continued torule fromold Yayatinagara
situated in osala, but appointed viceroys, generally the princes of the
same dynasty, for Orissa to rule from Abhinava (new) Yayatinagara. This
arrangement appears to have lasted till the reign of Yayati Il when the
position became reversed. Since his reign the Somavamsi kings lived in
Orissa and ruled from Abhinava Yayatinagara and appointed their
viceroys for Kosala, who ruled not from old Yayatinagara but from
Suvarnapura or modern Sonepur. This position is clearly indicated by the
copper plate grant of Kumara Somesvara issued from Suvarnapura,
which states that the Kosala county had been assigned to Abhimanyu by
Udyotakesari. The coastal strip of Orissa became a target of attack by
the Cholas and the Gangas of the south and the Palas of the north, and
this would have prompted Yayati II to shift the main capital of the
Somavam:;i kingdom from Kosala to the coastal strip.
Literary evidences also prove the existence of a Yayatinagara in
Orissa. The Madalapanji, the temple chronicle of Jagannatha at Puri,
mentions Abhinara Yayatinagara in connection with the events stated to
have taken place during the reign of the Ganga king Anangabhirnadeva Hl.
The confext in which this place-name has been used, leave; no doubt
thatby Abhinava Yayatinagara the chronicle means modem Jajpur.
114 HISTORY OF ORISSA
situated in the Cuttack district, which under the name of Viraja was
the capital of the Bhauma-Karas and which the Somavamsis as the succe-
ssors of the Bhauma-Karas would have chosen as their capital in Orissa.
The adjective Abhinava (new) is significant and it presupposes the
existence of an old Yayatinagara. The Ganga kings, the successors of the
Somavamsis in Orissa, who established their capital at Baranasi (Kataka-
Baranasi or modern Cuttack) also called it Abhinava Baranasi, no doubt
to distinguish it from old Baranasi situated on the bank of the Ganges in
northern India. in Dhoyi’s Pavanadutam the wind-messenger is asked
to proceed from Yayatinagari to Suhma. The late M. M. Chakravarti
has identified Yayatinagari with Yayatinagara of Kosala, but since Orissa
and Suhma or modern Midnapore form contiguous territories, it should
more appropriately be identified with Abhinava Yayatinagara of Orissa.
Jajpur has been described as Yayatinagara in the Oriya literature even up
to the eighteenth century, notwithstanding the fact that in all Muslim
sources the name had long been changed into Jajnagar. In the Oriya
Mahabharata written by Raja Krishna Simha in the eighteenth century, it
is stated that anybody who visits Yayati-pattana, gets the same merits as
accrue from the performance of the Asvamedha sacrifice. Because of its
situation on the river Baitarani, the poet has merely changed Yayatinagara
into Yayati-pattana, but all the same his description of the merits that
accrue from a visit to the place, leads to its identification with Jajpur.
There is a still ghat on the Baitarani river at ,Jajpur, which is known as
Dasasvamedha Ghata A group of Sapta-matrika images enshrined in a
temple built on this ghit are still worshipped. Whether Yayati Kesari, to
be identified with Yayati | of the Somavamsi dynasty, ever performed ten
Asvamedha sacrifices. will remain a disputed point, but there should be no
dispute about the fact that, in associating Yayati-pattana or Yayatinagara
with the Asvamedha_ sacrifice the poet has followed the _ tradition
mentioned above. Therefore, Yayati-pattana of his description can be no
other place than Jajpur ;
There was thus a Yayatinagara in Orissa, now known as Jajpur,
which was later described by the Muslim historian as Jajnagar. Rajendra
Chola met Indraratha at this place and defeated him about A.D. 1021.
Kosala during the Later Somavamsi Period
From the Sonepur Copper Plate of Kumara Somesvaradeva, it
becomes evident that Abhimanyu was appointed by Udyotakesari to rule
over Kosala (the Satnbalpur-Sonepur region). The relation between
Abhimanyu and Udyotakesari is not known, but the former would have
THE SOMAVAMSIS 115
been a member of the Somavamsi dynasty. It is also not known when
Abhimanyu's rule in Kosala ended. His successor in Kosala was
apparently Somesvara who issued the aforesaid charter from Suvarnapura
(Sonepur). We have stated above that there was a conflict between
Janmejaya !J and the Naga king Somesvara of Bastar and that the latter
succeeded in wresting Kosala from the Somavamsi king. In occupying
Kosala the Naga king was helped by a Telugu-Choda family which
ultimately ruled this newly acquired territory with their capital at Sonepur.
But before this arrangement materialised there appears to have been a
short period when Kumara Somesvara was allowed by the Naga king to
become the ruler of Kosala. This supposition is borne out by several
evidences to be found in the aforementioned charter of Kumara Somesvara.
Somesvara describes himself as a member of the Soma-kula but does not
mention his relationship with any Somavamsi king, nor acknowledges
their overlordship. He calls himself Kumaradhiraja. but paradoxically uses
the full sovereign titles of Parama-mahesvara, Parama-bhattaraka and
Paramesvara. Besides these unusual characteristics, Dr. D. C. Sircar has
also noticed the distinct influence of the Telugu-Choda records on the
passages like Soma-kula-kamala-kalika-vikaia-bhaskava and Sri Some-
svaradeva-padah kusalinah occurring in Somesvara’s aforementioned
charter. It is very likely that the Naga king won over to his side this
Somavamsi prince Somesvara and engaged him for sometime for his own
political purpose, He made him the ruler of Kosala but kept him under
the control of his trusted Telugu-Choda lieutenants whose influenceis to be
found in the text of the copper plate record of the Somavamsi prince. The
Telugu-Choda family which helped the Naga king of Bastar in conquering
the Sonepur region, ultimately ousted the Somavamsi prince Somesvara
from that region and made themselves the masters of it. They were a
feudatory family ruling over a small principality with their capital at
Barasuru, modern Barsur in Bastar and owing their allegiance to the Naga
kings of that State.
Before the conquest of the Sonepur region by the Naga king
Somesvara, it had also come under the possession of the Bhanjas for
sometime. We have seen that Yayati | had driven out the Bhanjas_ from
the Baud region including the important locality Gandhatapati or
Gandharavadi, but sometime during the life-time of Abhimanyu, the
subordinate ruler of Kosala appointed by Udyotakesari, or soon after his
death, the Bhanjas again occupied Gandharavadi and also for sometime
ruled from Suvarnapura or Sonepur. These facts are very clearly found
116 HISTORY-OF ORISSA
in fhe Baud Plates of Solonabhanja. son of Durjayabhanja and grandson
of Silabhanja. It is stated in this charter that ‘‘sri-Silabhanja of great fame
recovered by the strength of his own arms the mandala known as
Gandharavadi which was being enjoyed by force by the Somodbhavas
(i. e., the Somavamsis). His son, Durjayabhanja by name, ruled with his
residence at Suvarnapura (i. e., Sonepur).”
Or. O.C. Sircar has done invaluable work by re-editing and
elucidating the copper plate records of Kumara Somesvara and of the
Telugu-Choda rulers of So:epur. The genealogy of the Telugu-Choda
rulers as worked out by him and by Mr. M. Venkataramaya also appears
to be correct. but we are unable to accent their conclusion that the Telugu
Choda rule at Sonepur extended upto A.D. 1180. This date has been
obtained by calculating from A.D. 1060 when, according to the Barasur
Inscription, Chandraditya, father of Yasoraja Ii, was living and by assigning
25 years to each reign of the Telugu-Choda rulers. While extending the
Telugu-Choda rule in Kosala upto A.D. 1180, Dr. Sircar and Mr, Venkata-
ramaya do not however appear to have taken into consideration certain
very important points. “They have not considered the period of the
Kalachuri rule in the Sonepur region which is attested to by the references
to its conquest in the Kalachuri inscriptions and by the discovery of the
Kalachuri coins in the same region. They have not also considered the
possibility that Yasoraja I! and his son Somesvara {! might have ruled
simultaneously, the former in their hereditary principality in Bastar and the
latter in the newly conquered Sonepur region. Therefore, the assignment
of two reign periods, each consisting of 25 years, to both these rulers was
not necessary. The allotment of 25 years to each reign as they have done
in their chronology of the Telugu-Choda family, is conventional, but not
always correct. For all these reasons it is not possible for us to accept
their chronology of the Telugu-Choda rulers. Our own scheme of chrono-
logy about the succession of the rulers and the ruling families in the
Sonepur region during the later Somavamsi period, is as follows :
A. The Somavamsi Rule
We do not know the name of the subordinate ruler who was
appointed by Yayati ll for Kosala, but it is known that Abhimanyu
apparently a member of the Somavamsi dynasty, was appointed by
Udyotakesari (c. A.D. 1040-1065) to rule over the Kosala country.
B. Bhanja Occupation
Durjayabhanja, son of Silabhanja, occupied Sonepur and made it
his capital for sometime.
THE SOMAVAMSIS 117
C. The Nag:avamsi Rule
Kumara Somesvara, a Somavamsi prince, ruled from Sonepur for
sometime as a nominee of the Naga king of Bastar. He appears to have
been ousted from it about A.D. 1069 by the Telugu-Choda family, of
which the following members ruled from Sonepur :
Somesvara I! (c. A.D. 1069-1088)
Dharalladeva (c. AD. 1088-1095,
Somesvara Ill (c. A.D. 1095-1119)
The last ruler Somesvara I!!, known as Bhujavala in the Kalachuri
records, was defeated and driven out from Sonepur by Jajalladeva |
(c. A.D. 1090-1120), the Kalachuri king of Ratnapura.
D, The Kalachuri Rule
Since tha days of Jajalla | the Kalachuris of Ratnapura remained
in the occupation of the Sonepur region till reign of Pratapamalia when
it was annexed to the Ganga kingdom of Orissa during the reign of
Anangabhimadeva II] (A.D. 1216-1235).
Among the Telugu-Choda rulers of Sonepur, Somesvara !] and
Somesvara III are known from their copper plates tohave ruled at least
for seventeen and twenty-three years respectively. We have accordingly
assigned a reign-period of 19 years to the former and of 24 years to the
latter. No inscription of Dharalladeva who appears to have had a short
reign, has been discovered.
There are both epigraphic and numismatic evidences to show
that Sonepur was in occupation of the Kalachuris of Ratnapura since the
reign of Jajalladava |, who ruled from circa A. D. 10909 to 1120 and who
must have ousted the last Telugu-Choda ruler from the Sonepur region.
In the Sheorinarayan Plates of Ratnadeva Il itis stated that Jajalladeva |
“destroyed Bala even as Indra killed Vritra’’ and in the Kharod Inscription
of Ratnadeva Ill it is also stated that Jajalladeva [ ‘by the might
of his arms deprived Bhujavala. the lord of Suvarnapura, of his power in a
hostile encounter.’ Prof. Mirashi has rightly concluded that Bala of the
former inscription is ‘clearly Bhujavala, the lord of Suvarnapura”, of the
latter epigraph. Wedo not howevar accept Prof. Mirashi’s surmise that
Bhujavala was a Somavamsi prince and that he was a successor of
Abhimanyu. We are also unable to accept Dr. D.C. Sircar’s view that
Bhujavala is to be identified with the Somavamsi prince Kumara Somesvara
of the Sonepur copper plates. Dr. N.K. Sahu comes nearer the truth
when he identifies Bhujavala with Somesvara ll of the Telugu-Choda
118 HISTORY OF ORISSA
family of Sonepur, but it is Somesvara II! and not Somesvara ll, who was
thelast of the Telugu--Choda rulers. Our above quotations from the Kalachuri
inscriptions will show that Bhujavela, the lord of Suvarnapura, was
deprived of his rulership by Jajalladeva | and if credence is given to the
statement recorded inthe earlier epigraph, he was killed by the latter.
The claims of the Kalachuri records are supported by the fact that after
Somesvara Ill no trace of the Telugu-Choda_ ruling family of Sonepur can
be obtained from any source. Therefore, we shall have to identify Bhuja-
vala of the Kalachuri inscriptions with Somesvara III.
A few words are necessary to explain the meaning and the origin
of the surname or the popular title Bhujavala. Like Kesari and Gajapati,
Bhujavala was a popular title or name by which all the Telugu-Choda rulers
of Sonepur were known. It means the ruler who depends on the strength
of his own arms. The viyudas of the Telugu-Choda rulers found in their
copper plate records begin as ari-durdhara-vara-bhuj-asi-bhasura etc.
They therefore claimed that their arms were so strong that they could
wield such swords as could be carried with difficulty by their enemies.
This claim would have given them the popular name Bhujavaila. Bhujavala
as a title or surname still survives in Orissa. A chieftain bearing the title
Bhujavala rose in revolt during the Bhuyan rebellion in Keonjhar during
the rule of Dhanurjaya Bhanj Deo. The Somavamsis of Orissa were popu-
larly known as Kesaris and their names with this popular designation have
been obtained from all traditional works of Orissa including the Madala-
vanji, the temple chronicle of Jagannatha at Puri. Therefore Bhujavala of
the Kalachuri inscriptions cannot be identified with the Somavamsi prince
Kumara Somesvara.
We have stated above that the Telugu-Choda rulers of Sonepur
were the feudatories of the Nagaking of Bastar, butinthe later part of
the reign of Somesvara {Ii their relationship with Bastar appears to have
changed. Dr. D.C. Sircar has noticed that Somesvara lll changed his
feudatory title and even assumed the imperial title of Chakravartin. The
Telugu-Choda chiefs were under the Naga king Somesvara | who was a
very powerful monarch and had along reign from A,D.1069to 1110 it
is after his death or defeat at the hands of Jajalladeva |, the Kalachurj
king of Ratnapura, that Somesvara II1 would have changed his relationship
with his overlord family. The defeat and the humiliation inflicted on the
Naga king by Jajalladeva have been described by Prof. Mirashi in the
following words:
“These conquests brought him into conflict with Somesvara, the
Nagavamsi king of Chakrakota. The latter was a foe worthy of his
THE SOMAVAMSIS 119
steel. He (Somesvara) had defeated the rulers of Udra (Orissa) and
Vengi, and had carried fire and sword into Lanji and Ratnapura. He is
said to have captured six lacs of villages together with the tract called
Shannavati (96 villages) of Kosala and assumed the imperial titles Maha-
vajadhiraja and Paramesvara. The Kuruspal inscription describes him as
a huge elephant which destroyed the lotuses, namely the towns, Lani
and Ratnapura.
‘‘Jajalladeva was not slow to take revenge. He marched against
the Naga king, slew his immense army and took him captive together with
his wives and ministers. Ultimately, at the bidding of his mother,
Jajalladeva set them free. His Ratnapura inscription proudly asks, “Have
you seenor heard of such aoprince inthis earth ?’’ This event must
have occurred sometime before A.D. 1110 which is the approximate year
of Somesvara’s death.”
Thus it is afterthe defeat or death of the Naga king Somesvara
that the Telugu-Choda Somesvara IIl modified his feudatory titles and
even assumed the imperial title Chakravartin. But his semi-independent
status did not last long and, as we have shown above, he has defeated
and perhaps killed by the Kalachuri king Jajalladeva | about A.D. 1119,
which led to the extinction of the Telugu-Choda rule in the Sonepur
region. From the above quoted passage of Prof. Mirashi’s work it will be
seen that the Naga king Somesvara defeated the ruler of Udra (Orissa)
and captured Kosala with the tract known as Shannavati consisting of 6
villages. Shannavati as the name of a territorial division occurs in a grant
of Yayatil and appears to bea Prakritised form of Svarnnavati which,
as another name of Suvarnapura or Svarnapura (Sonepur), also occurs
in the Mahada plates of Somesvaradevavarman. Therefore, our above
conclusion that the defeat of the Somavamsi king Janmejaya II (c. A.D.
1065-A.D. 1085) by the Naga king Somesvara led to the conquest of the
Sonepur region, a part of the Somavamsi kingdom, is supported by the
identification of the aforementioned place-name Shannvati. When
Sonepur was conquered by the Naga king, the Somavamsi prince
Somesvara, the issuer of the Sonepur Plates, was perhaps already there as
the subordinate ruler appointed by the Somavamsi king. but the Naga
king raised him up fora while to the status of an independent ruler and,
as stated above, kept him under the control of his trusted Telugu-Choda
lieutenants. Kumara Somesvara, originally a subordinate ruler of Kosala,
emboldened by his temporary independent status conferred on him by
120 HISTORY OP ORISSA
the Naga King, not only issued a copper-plate grant. bul also used sove-
reign titles in it.
The Telugu.Choda rule in the Sonepur tract began with the con-
quest of that tract by the Naga king Somesvara ! of Bastar and
continued to exist for a period of aboutten years after his death. The
occupation of the Sonepur region by the Kalachuris of Ratnapura is also
indicated by the occurrence of their gold coins inthat region, which
have been examined by B. B. Nath. These gold coins, which were
originally found at Sonepur and at Baidyanatha, a village with a temple
of the Lord Vaidyanatha referred to in the Telugu-Choda records as their
tutelary deity, belong to Ratnadeva |], Prithvideva Il and Jajalladeva 1).
Some other gold coins of the same dynasty are also reported to have
been found in the upper Mahanadi valley, particularly at Baramba.
There was a long and bitter struggle between the rulers of
Ratnapura and the Ganga kings of Orissa for the possession of the Sonepur
region which the Gangas must haveclaimed as the successors of the
Somavamsis in Orissa. The Kalachuri records credit Ratnadeva |! and
Prithvideva II with having respectively defeated Chodaganga and his son
and successor Jatesvara alias Madhu Kamarnava. The Seorinarayan
Stone Inscription of Jajalladeva I! gives us the definite information that
the fight between Chodaganga and Ratnadeva ||] took place at Seori-
narayan, a wellknown place of pilgrimage on the left bank of the
Mahanadi, 38 miles south-east of Bilaspur in the Janjgir tahsilof the
Bilaspur district in Madhya Pradesh. The position of the battle field
indicates thatthe fight was forthe possession of the Sonepur region.
The Ganga records are silent about their fight with tha Kalachuris, which
indirectly confirms the claims of the latter that they defeated the
Gangas,
The Sonepur region continued tobe inthe possession of the
Kalachuris and, as we have stated earlier, it came to the possession of
the Gangas in the reign of Ananjabhimadeva Ili (A.D. 1216—1235) as is
evidenced by the Chatesvara Inscription. The long struggle appears to
have ended in an amicable settlement. Anangabhima gave his daughter
Chandrikadevi in marriage to Paramardideva, a member of the Haihaya
or Kalachuri dynasty, who became his general and fell fighting in the
war against the Muslims of Bengal. The widowed lady Chandrika built
the Ananta- Vasudeva temple of Bhubaneswar in A.D.1278 which still
stands there. The subsequent possessian of the Sonepur reqion by the
THE SOMAV.\MSIS 121
‘Gangas of Orissa is proved by the Sonepur Stone Inscription of Bhanu-
deva I, grandson of Anangabhimadeva }I).
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1.
2.
10.
V4
12.
13.
14.
15.
16,
R. C. Majumdar
K. C. Panigrahi
R. D. Banerji
H. K. Mahtab
R. C. Majumdar
VV. Mirashi
Hunter, Stirling,
Beams and Sahu
B. Misra
K, C. Panigrahi
Nilakantha Sastri
B, Misra
B. K. Rath
B. Sharma
The Classical Age
(Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan)
Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas
and the Somavamsts of Orissa
History of Orissa, Vol. I
Odisa Itihas, 1977
The History and Culture of the
Indian People,
(Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan)
Vols. IV, and V
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum,
Vol. IV, Part |
A History of Orissa, Vol. Il, 1956
Dynasties of Medieval Orissa
Archaeological Remains
at Bhubaneswar
The Cholas
Orissa under the Bhauma Kings
Cultural History of Orissa
(C. A. D. 885 to 1110),Delhi, 1983.
Somavams: Rule in Onssa-a History
Calcutta, 1983.
South Indian Inscriptions,
Vols. Hl, V and VI
Envigraphia India.
Vols. XXXIII, XI, I
Indian Historical Quarterly,
Vol. XXXV, 1959
APPENDIX-IV
AUTHENTICITY OF THE MADALAPANJI,
THE TEMPLE CHRONICLE OF PURI
The Madalapanii is-a traditional work preserved in the temple of
Jagannatha at Puri in palm-leaf manuscripts and mainly dealing with the
affairs of that temple. It has however a section, known as Raja-hhopa.
which professes to deal with the history of the ruling dynasties of Orissa.
The internal evidences of the chronicle clearly show that all the political
events embodied in it were written at one time towards the close of the
sixteenth century. As written history as such did not exist in Orissa and
epigraphic records had not been discovered and studied, the earlier
writers inevitably fell back upon this chronicle as the sole source of their
knowledge of the Orissan history so far as the Hindu Period is concerned.
A. Stirling,2 W. Hunter? and Pyari Mohan Acharya® who were the earliest
of such writers, have all utilised the Madalapanji as the source of their
information, but not without misgivings about the authenticity of its
accounts, F
By the end of the first quarter of the twentieth century a large
number of epigraphic records relating to the history of Orissa were
discovered, studied and published, and cumulative evidences furnished by
them required a drastic change in the treatment of the Orissan history,
particularly with regard to its chronology. The first attempt to write a
chronological history of Orissa based on the records other than the
Madalapanji was made by the late Prof. R. D. Banerji and his History of
Orissa published in two volumes, represents the first chronological
treatment of the subject. The late Pandit Krupasindhu Misra who was a
contemporary of Prof. Banerji. in his History of Orissa, written in Oriya,
however mostly followed the chronology and events as given in this
temple chronicle. This created a problem for the readers, particularly the
Oriya readers who remained uncertain about the authenticity of the
Orissan history. Inthe second edition of his work History of Orissa
Dr. H. K. Mahtab discarded his earlier views about .the history and
}, An Account of Orissa Proper or Cuttack reprinted from the original edition of 182°,
Bengul Secretariat Press, 1904.
2. Orissa, Vol. J} and IL.
Odisara Itihasa, published in 1875,
APPENDIX-IV 123
chronology as given in the Madalapanji and fell in line with other
scholars to give greater weight and credence to more authentic sources.
His work represents the second attempt to write the chronological
history of Orissa from the beginning to end. Although several scholars,
both in Orissa and outside, have in the meanwhile thrown considerable
light on the different aspects of the Orissan history, no third complete
history of Orissa is yet available.
We are to determine the position of the Madalapanji as a source
of historical knowledge at this stage. It is no use to find fault with the
earlier writers who utilised it and gave greater credence toit. Ithas
been the task of critical scholarship to distinguish and extricate fact from
fiction and history from tradition. The Madalapanji is a traditional
work and therefore whatever is gleaned from it. must pass the test of
critical scholarship. The facts and dates given in this chronicle should
be examined with greatest caution for the reasons analysed below.
The contents of the different palm-leaf manuscripts of the
Madalapanji so far known, do not tally, not merely in respect of minor
points, but also of major facts of chronology, dynastic lists and the events
pertaining to different periods and the reigns of the individual kings.
Afteran analysis of the differences a conclusion becomes unavoidable
that the different copies have not been based on any single original work.
All copies, most of which appear to have been written at different times,
are independent of each other both in respect of contents and language
with some common features and,events in all of them. It thus becomes
clear that, if there was any original work known as the Mada'apanji, it
has been subjected to a continuous process of changes, modifications,
interpolations and additions. With the contents of the different manus-
cripts remaining widely variable, it becomes difficult to determine as to
which of them are genuine and which of them are later creations.
The date of Madalapanji is a most relevant factor in determining
its value as a source of historical information. The late Rama Prasad
Chanda assigned this chronicle to the last part of the stxteenth century
on linguistic evidences.* He has shown that in association with even the
earliest events recorded in the Madalananji such words as amura (Amir)
and Mogala (Maghul) have been used and these words had hardly any
chance of being current in Orissa prior to its Muslim occupation
in A.D. 1568. The late Professor Arta Ballabha Mahanti who edited
and published the Madalapanj: in 1940, did not notice Mr. Chanda’s
NE SAGE SNM GA IBLE 2 SPA SEER a oe er et Ree Ne ea
‘4. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, 1927, p. 10.
124 HISTORY OF ORISSA
view and supported the traditional view that this chronicle started to be-
written from the reign of Ananta Varman Chodaganga (A. D. 1078-1150),
the founder of the Ganga dynasty in Orissa.° There are however
numerous internal evidences other than the linguistic ones noticed by
Late Chanda, which clearly prove that this work could not have been
written before the last part of the sixteenth century.
Chodaganga, the founder of the Ganga dynasty in Orissa, to
whose reign Prof. Mahanti assigns the origin of the chronicle, appears as a
legendary figure in it. The Madalananji records most fantastic stories
about the ancestry and achievements of this great king. It states that
Choraganga (Chodaganga) was the son ofa Randi (i.e. a widow or a
prostitute) and his illegitimate father was Gokarna. Chodaganga was
playing the part of a king in a game with others boys when Vasudeva
Vahinipati, the disaffected commander-in-chief of the last Kesari king,
communicated to him the orders of the Lord Bhubanesvara (Lingaraja) to
conquer Orissa and to find a new dynasty. The boy Choraganga then
obtained the blessing of his aunt Netai, the washerwoman, who was a
witch and who possessed the supernatural power of using even her own
legs and her own child as fuel. Netai endowed Choraganga with her
supernatural powers which enabled him to conquer Orissa in no time. _ -
We need not describe several other stories given in the Panjt
about Chodaganga and his successors. Anybody possessing common
sense will find in the aforesaid account of the Madalapanji a tangled
mass of mythology, untruths, distortions and vilifications. Scholars are
aware that Chodaganga was the son of the Ganga king Devendra Varman
Rajaraja (1) and his mother Rajasundari was the daughter of the great
Chola king Rajendra Chola. A chronicle which makes such astounding
blunders about the basic facts of the Ganga _ history, cannot, by any
stretch of imagination, be considered to be acontemporary record of the
same dynasty. From the copper plate records we find that in the Ganga
dynasty of Orissa there were fifteen kings from Chodaganga to Bhanu-
deva IV, who ruled in unbroken line of succession, but the Panji increases
their number to 23. representing in a stereotyped manner anumber of
Narasimhas and Bhanus as the rulers of the dynasty. The founder of the
Ganga dynasty in Orissa. bore several surnames, viz. Chalukya Ganga,
Vikrama Gangesvara, Vira Rajendra Chodaganga and Gangesvara, but
in the list of the Ganga kings given in the Panji Chodaganga and
5. Madalapanji (Prachi Samitij—Introduction.
APPENDIX-IV 125.
Gangesvara appear as two kings, the latter being shown as_ the immediate
successor of the former. The Panji records amost calumnious story
about the latter.
Itis a known fact that kings were extremely sensitive to any
type of calumny being attached to their names or their families, and
persons who ventured to create calumnious stories about them or their
families, were being punished with death. The Madalananji is not a
private work, but it is a public record kept ina public place like the
temple of Jagannatha. Therefore, there is no reason to think that what
was being written in it, did not come to the notice of the kings concerned
and their successors Considering the fantastic stories that have been
written in the Panji in the name of the Ganga history we cannot place
its origin in the Ganga period.
For similar reasons the Madalaranji cannot also be put in the
Suryavamsi period which started from A.D. 1435 Kapilendra. the founder
of Suryavamsi dynasty in Orissa, was a most powerful! ruler who carved
out an empire stretching from the Ganges in the north to the Kaveri in
the south and his achievements are considered by al! competent autho-
rities to be only next to those of Kharavela in Orissan history. [n the
Gopinathapur Temple Inscription, engraved under the orders of his own
minister Gopinatha Mahapatra, the origin of Kapilendra has clearly been
given in a verse which has Been translated as follows by the late
M. M. Chakravarti :
“By the order of the Lord of Nilagiri (blue hill) (who is) the lord
of three worlds (Jagannatha), there was born in Odra-desa a king named
Kapilendra, the ornament of the solar line.”’
(The Journal of the Asiatic Soclety of Bangal, Vol.LX1X, 1901, p, 175)
it is thus clear that Kapilendra was born in Odra-desa or Orissa
in a Suryavamsi kshatriya famifv. Further, we also learn from the
authentic sources that he was an officer in the Ganga army when he put
an end to the Ganga dynasty by staging asuccessful coun d’e’tat. The
Madalapanji however wants us to believe that Kapilendra was a cowherd,
and once, while he was asleep, a cobra spread its hood over his face to
protect it from sun. The Panji tells us that, Kapilendra while begging as
a poor boy in the compound of the Jagannatha temple, was adopted as
son by the childless last Ganga king Matta Bhanu according to the orders
of the lord Jagannatha given to himinadream, The Panji also adds
126 HISTORY OF ORISSA
that Kapilendra was originally a thief and after having become the king
of Orissa, he had to appoint Kasi Dasa, a thief of his former gang, as his
Purohita.
We have already stated that the accounts of vilifying character
about the life of a king could have never found place in a public chronicle
during the life time of that king or of his successors, even though such
accounts might be partially or wholly true. {n fact the Madalapanj: could
have never been composed during the Suryavamsi dynasty of which
Kapilendra was the founder. We cannot also believe the account of the
Panii that Kapilendra was adopted as son by the last Ganga king. Had
he been the adopted son of the Ganga king, he and his successors would
have been known as Ganga kings. but in all epigraphical records.
Kapilendra and his successors have been described as Suryavamsi kings.
We are therefore to believe the more trustworthy account of the
Sanskrit drama Gangavamsanucharitam which states that Kapilendra usur-
ped the throne when the Ganga king Bhanudeva IV was busy in his wars
in the south. The aforesaid Gopinathapur Temple Inscription clearly states
that Kapilendra was ‘‘the ornament of the solar line.”” Therefore he
belonged to a Suryavamsi Kshatriya family of Orissa and his origin had
nothing to do with the Ganga ruling family which had originally come
from the Andhra region.
The Madalapanji was therefore written at a time whenthe Ganga
and Suryavamsi kings had become legendary figures, and since written
history did not exist, the chronicler collected and incorporated in his
Panj: such traditional accounts as were available about them. It is wellk
known that traditions strangely distort facts by connecting them with
miraculous stories. The same thing cannot however be said of the Panj’s
accounts of the Bhoi dynasty which supplanted the Suryavamsi dynasty.
The accounts of the Panj: from the reign of Ramachandra Deva. a member
of the Bhoi dynasty. who was nominated to the gadi of Khurda by the
Mughal general Manasimha, have assumed the regular form of history.
The chronicler has become a panegyrist of Ramachandra Deva. The Panji
States that Ramachandra Deva belonged to the Yadu family and that he was
a most powerful king. These statements are hardly compatible with the
known facts of history. The family of the Bhois to which Ramachandra
Deva belonged, was originally a Karana family, and the rulers of the Bhoi
dynasty have been described in the contemporary Srijang stone Inscription
‘@s Sudra-nripatis. Obviously the chronicle has tried to raise the status of
APPEND! X-IV 127
the Bhois by connecting them with the Yadu-vamsa of the Puranic fame.
There is a tradition that the Madalavanjt was a memorandum presented
by Ramachandra Deva to the Mughal general Raja Manasimha to establish
his claim to the gadi of Khurda and Puri, which then represented the
remnant of what ‘was once an empire of the Suryavamsi kings. The facts
examined thus lead us to the reign of Ramachandra Deva (A.D. 1580~—
1609), which should be taken to be the period of the Madalapanjt's
composition or compilation.
It is necessary to say afew words about the language of the
Madalapanji No perceptible change in its Oriya language can be found
in the entire portion of the Panj: from its beginning to the reign of
Ramachandra Deva. A number of ‘vords of Persian and Arabic origin
such as Amura (Amir) Patisa (Patsa), Movala. Pathana, Nabava,
Jamidara. Laskara, Fauja, Phuruna, Itwala etc. occur throughout this
portion from the beginning to end, giving a total impression that the
entire portion was drafted atone time and thatin the Mughal! period.
Only in those accounts of the Panji which relate to the British period we
find a perceptible change in the language.
Notwithstanding this obvious character of the language some
scholars have expressed their views thatthe Panj:.preserves the
specimens of the earliest Oriya prose that can betraced back to the
twelfth century A.D., and such views have found place even in the latest
publications. A long statement recorded in the Madalapanji, purporting
to have been issued by the Ganga kjng Anangabhimadeva II] (A.D. 1216
—35), is often referred to by scholars as an ideal piece of the ancient
Oriya prose. but they fail to see that in the statement itself there are
definite evidences to show that it couid not have belonged to Ganga
period, much less to the reign of Anangabhimadeva Ill. In the body of
this statement the Virudas of Anangabhimadeva have been given as Virg
Sri G ajapat: Gaudesvara Navakot: Kanata Kalavar gesvara etc. It may be
noted that Kapilendra, after his conquest of Bengal (Gauda). a part of
Karnata (the Vijayanagara empire) and a part of the Bahamani kingdom
of which Gulbarga was the earlier capital, forthe first time bore these
titles which ware also continued by all later rulers of Orissa down to the
Rajas of Puri, but these titles were never borne by any of the Ganga kings,
northe Bahamani kingdom or its capital Gulbarga of which Kalabarga
is an Oriya corruption, ever existed prior to A. D. 1347. This anachronism
and several others in the body of the text clearly show that the aforesaid
statement attributed to Anangabhimadeva, was composed in the sixteenth
century.
128 HISTORY OF ORISSA
A comparative study of the Oriya language of the Panjs and that
of several inscriptions with Oriya texts, leads to the same conclusion that
the Madalapanji was a work of the sixteenth century. Scholars attempting
to push it back to the Ganga period, may cater to the needs of sentiment-
alism or satisfy a Puranic propensity, but their views definitely represent a
travesty of truth.
The Madalapanjs starts the dynastic history from the Satya Age,
a feature which is shared by other Hindu chronicles. The Panj: correctly
represents the succession of royal dynasties of the Kali Age ruling in
Orissa, but it makes serious mistakes in detailed chronology by changing
the order of kings, by giving fantastic lengths to some of the reigns, by
assigning absurdly early dates to the pre-Ganga dynasties, by inventing
or corrupting the namesof some kings and by incorporating the local
kings into the main dynasties. {n some copies of the Panj: the Saka _ era
has been used in connection with the reign periods of even the earliest
kings, and Stirling and Hunter relying upon the chronologies given in the
terms of the Saka era in the Panjs, wrote their History of Orissa. The use
of the Saka era in the Panji with regard to even the earliest dynasties,
raises a great problem and exposes the fictitious nature of the chronolo-
gies adopted in it. The use of the Sakaera prior tothe first part of the
twelfth century cannot be traced in any of the innumerable inscriptions
discovered in Orissa, Bengal and Bihar. The use of the Saka era in
Orissa is for the first time noticed inthe <dnscriptions of Chodaganga in
the first part of the twelfth century. [It appears that Chodaganga, whose
mother was a Chola princess and who was proud of his Chola lineage,
borrowed this era from the Cholas. The Madalapanj: however uses this
era in connection with the events which are said to have taken place in
the seventh century A.D. It is thus evident that the dates of the Panj:
given in the Saka era are later insertions.
The Kesari dynasty. the biggest of all ruling dynasties described
by the Fanji, provides the best example to show how later additions
have swollen the size of this chronicle and have at the sametime vitiated
its originality. In the copy or copies of the Madalapanji used by Stirling
in 1822 the total number of the Kesari kings was 36. In 1872 when Hunter
used the same chronicle for his History of Orissa, their total number had
increased to forty-four. In 1940 A. B. Mahanti published the Madalapanji
and in this published book the total number of the Kesari kings is found
to be sixty-five. If we take into account the names of several other Kesari
kings published in different Oriya books, their total number will be not less
than seventysfive.
APPENDIX-IV 129
Had not the originality of the Panji been continuously destroyed,
it would havs certainly found to be a definite source of historical infor-
mation. There was indeed asubstratrum of historical truth in the
numerous traditions recorded in the Panji. Among the huge rumber of
the Kesari kings we still find all the names of the Somavamsi kings of the
inscriptions and therefore it becomes apparent that the so-called Kesari
dynasty of the Madalananji is no other than the Somavamsi dynasty of
the epigraphic records.
As already observed, the accounts of the Panj,; assume the form
of history from the reign of Ramachandra Deva of Khurda and the Pan):
is still the best source for the history of the Bhoi dynasty. We therefore
do not suggest that this chronicle as a source of Orissan history is to be
totally rejected, but we repeat our earlier suggestion that every fact
recorded in it must pass the test of critical scholarship before it is accepted
as a historical fact. It is due to the lack of intellectual honesty that the
originality of the Madalapanji has been spoilt, and also numerous
fabricated documents have been passed as genuinely historical ones in
Orissa. The process has hindered and complicated the course of the
reconstruction of Orissan history and it will continue to do so, so long no
strong steps are taken to detsct and stop forgeries in the field of historical
research. Intellectual honesty is the first prerequisite qualification for any
type of research.
Most of the facts deaft within this Appendix have been
discussed by the present writer in his book Itihasa O Kimbadanti, written
in Orlya and published by the Utkal University in 1964, but yet there are
still some Oriya scholars who still place the Madalapanji in the twelfth
century and take its contents as historical facts.
APPENDIX—V
The present writer in his monograph Chronology of the Bhauma-
Karas and Somavamsis of Orissa has re-edited and translated some impor-
tant inscriptions which have an important bearing on the history and
chronology of these dynasties. Since the full discussions on these inscrip-
tions have been given in Appendix | (p.48. of the aforesaid monograph, it
is not necessary here to reproduce them. We give below only our trans-
lations of their texts with short introductions and comments
(a) A verse which describes the exploits of Yayati | in capturing 32
elephants and in rescuing the captured women occurs in one of the
charters of his son and successor Bhimaratha. Dr. Fleet has edited it in
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I!l, p. 356, but has not translated it. His inter-
pretation of the verse also does not appear to be correct. Our own
translation of it is as follows:
Trans: Having put ona smiling face at the perplexity of the
heavenly damsels (forcibly) brought to the drove and having defeated the
protector of the drove, he captured 32 elephants whose riders had been
killed with arrows.
(b) A short supplement, comprising three verses, engraved at the
end of a copper plate grant of Yayati | issued in the eighth year of his reign,
gives some details of his exploits of capturing the elephants and rescuing
the captured women. The verses in question have been read and inter-
preted by Ganga Mohan Laskar in the Journal of Asiatic Society of
Bengal, 1925, pp 1-26, and re-read and re-interpreted by Dr. D.C. Sircar in
the Jounal of Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XIX, 1953, pp. 117-124.
Neither of them has given the translation of the verses and we are also
unable to accept their interpretation. We give below our own translation
of the verse:
Trans : That Svabhavatunga, who was like a sun to the lotus of
the Soma family and who was like a full moon in protecting the Kosala
country, became king by his own manliness and by defeating.the Chaidyas
(Kalachuris) spread the fortune. His son, like Vishnu without caring a fig for
the immensely powerful Chaidya (Kalachuri) Yuvaraja, the best among
those unfit to be born, depopulated Dahala by burning it; and like Rama in
APPBNDIX-V 131
the company of Lakshmana, took to the boundary (of his own kingdom)
the troops of elephants belonging to theking of Chedi (the Chedi or
Kalachuri country) and engaged in carrying away women, along with the
soldiers, maid-servants etc. the decorators and the captured women.
(ic) There are three’ inscriptions belonging to the reign of
Udyotakesari, which are found engraved on the cave-temples of Khandagiri.
Prof.R.D Banerji has edited, translated and interpreted them. Since we
are unable to accept his readings, translations and _ interpretations, it is
thought best to reproduce his translations along with ours, so that they
can be easily compared.
(1) The inscriptions of Udyotakesari in the Lalatendu-Kesari
Cave.
Prof, Banerji’s translation :
In the year 5 of the victorious reign of illustrious Udyotakesari
(Udyotakesari), on the illustrious Kumara mountain, decayed tanks and
decayed temples were caused to shine, (and) atthe place the images of
the twentyfour Tirthankaras were set up. At the time of the dedication ......
Jasamandi......in the place (2? Temple) of the illustrious Parasyanatha
(Parevanatha),..
Our translation :
In the year 549 in the victorious reign of Sri-Udyotakesari the
decayed well and decayed tanks were shown (i. e. cleansed) for bathing
and drinking and (the images of) twenty-four Tirthankaras were establi.
shed (i.e. carved onthe walis of the cave) on the auspicious Kumara-
parvata. If any heretic causes even damage (to them), such a cheat (will)
excite the anger of Sri-Parsvanatha by his act.
(2) The inscription of Udyotakesari in the Navamuni Cave
Prof.Banerji’'s translation :
The year 18 of the increasing and victorious reign of the illustri-
ous U(d::) dyotakesari Deva. (The work of) Subhachandra, the disciple of
the Jord the illustrious acharya Kulachandra, (who) belonged to the Graha
Kula of the illustrious Arya congregation (and belonged to) the Desigana.
(Rather acharya of the Desi gana derived from the Graha Kula, belonging
to the illustrious Arya samgha—F. W. T. )
Ouy translation :
In the year 18 of the ever-increasing and victorious reign of Sri
Udyotakesari-deva (this cave temple) belonged to (i, e. was caused to be
excavated by) Subhachandra, disciple of Sri Kulachndra Bhataraka, for the
132 HISTORY OF ORISSA
abode of the sages belonging to Aryasamgha and coming from Garhwal..
One cave temple.
(3) The second inscription in the Navamuni Cave
Prof. Banerji’s translation ;
(The work of) Vijo (Vidya or Vidya), the pupil of Khalla Subha-
chandra, (who was) the disciple of the illustrious Acharya Kulachandra.
Our translation :
The umbrella with the staff belongs to (i. e. dedicated by) Subha-
chandra, novice-disciple of Sri Acharya Kulachandra.
(d) The Govindpur Fragmentary Stone Inscription
The above inscription discovered at Govindpur in the defunct
state of Nayagarh, now included in the Puri district of Orissa, has been
referred to by Pandit Binayak Misra in his Orissa under the Bhauma Kings,
p. 74 with its photograph reproduced inthe plate facing the same page.
He has neither edited it nor given its translation, but has found in it the
year 811 and the name of Ranakesari. We have edited it and given its
translation and interpretation in our aforesaid monograph. Its translation is
given below :
In the victorious reign of Sri-Udyotakesarideva this nectar—like
tank was excavated,
(e) Two inscriptions referring themselves to the reign of the
Bhauma king Santikaradeva are found in the neighbourhood of Bhubane-
swar, one in an artificial cave in the Dhauligirl, about 5 miles from this
town and the other in the Ganesa Gumpha of the Udayagiri, about 6 miles
from the same place. Prof. R. D. Banerji who has edited the former in Ep.
Ind, Vol. XIX, 1927-28, pp. 263 ff and plate andthe latter in the same
journal, Vol. XIII, 1915-16, pp. 165 ff and plate, has expressed a doubt
whether Santikaradevas of both the epigraphs are identical. This doubt
has however arisen from the fact that both the inscriptions have not been
properly read. Our differences from his readings are numerous and substan-
tial and therefore his translation of the inscription of Ganesha Gumpha has
not been given here. Only our translation is given below.
Our translation:
In the auspicious house (i. e. the cave) the elephant-faced king
of kings (i.e. Ganesa) was playfully born form thesharp point of the
excavating chisel (to last) from the prosperous regin of the illustrious
APPENDIX-V 133 .
Santikara till the sun and the moon exist. The physician Bhimata who is
the son of Nannata and is born form the womb of ljya, (now) asks for the
quantity of paddy to last for not less than a year.
(f) Dhauli Cave Inscription of Santikara
Prof. Banerji’s translation of the epigraph :
(In) the year 93, (during) the reign of the illustrious Santikara-
deva, this temple of Aghyaka-Varati was caused to be made as a (?) gift
by Bhatta Loyomaka, son of the physician Nannata (and) grandson of
Bhimata, who was born of the womb of Ijya (and was) an inhabitant of
Virajo.
Our translation :
In the year 93 (during) the rign of Sri-Santikaradeva this auspi-
cious lodge was here excavated in the rock-boulder by Bhimata who is
the son of the physician Nannata, an inhabitant of Viraja and who Is
born form the womb of Ijya. The first monastery was (thus) caused to be
established (to last) till the sun and the moon exist.
8. Minor Medieval Dynasties
A. The Bhanjas of Khinjali
It is stated in one of the copper plates of the early Bhanja kings
that many Bhanja kings, thousands in number were born in the past and
in their family Silabhanja was born. The statement may be an exagge-
ration, but it indicates that many Bhanja_ kings had ruled in Orissa before
Silabhanja |. The existence of the different Bhanja families can be traced
in Baud, Dasapalla, defunct Ghumsar, Kanika, Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar.
Inter-marriage is not permitted even now among these different Bhanja
families, but that they originally belonged to one and the same family, can-
not be proved by any clear evidence. !n one copper plate grant the Khanjali
Bhanjas have been represented as Andaja (egg-born). In the charters
issued by the Bhanjas of Khijjingakota (modern Khiching in Mayurbhanj)
they have aiso been represented as egg-born. Apparently there was some
family relation between the Bhanjas of Khinjali and the Bhanjas of Khijjin-
gakota, but this relation cannot be clearly established. Among the copper
plate grants discovered in Orissa those of the Bhanjas are the largest in
number and their total number will be in the neighbourhood of fifty, but
yet their genealogies and chronologies still remain shrouded in obscurity.
The main difficulty is that we do not get any substantial information from
the Bhanja records, which can throw light on their history. In a few
Bhanja charters we get some years of an unspecified era, but scholars are
Not Unanimous in identifying this unspecified era. The result has been a
confusion, and the present writer does not think that this confusion can
be avoided in reconstructing the history of the Bhanjas in the present
state of our knowledge.
The Bhanjas played avery important part in spreading the
Orissan cu!ture in the hilly tracts of Orissa. Their numerous land grants to
the Brahmins were meant to induce them to settle down in their king-
doms which were predominantly the tribal areas. The Brahmin settlements
in these areas led to the~ settlements of other castes who
were better cultivators than the tribal peoples. Thus the Bhanja kings,
while improving the condition of their kingdoms through this process, also
helped the spread of tne Orissan culture and the Oriya language in these
territories.
MINOR MEDIEVAL DYNASTIES 138.
While dealing with the history of the Khinjali Bhanjas we are
confronted with the problem of even defining the exact territories in which
they ruled. Mention has been made inseveral copper plate grants of
Ubhaya-Khinjali or both Khinjalis, but their exact location cannot be
determined. Dr. R. C. Majumdar seems to be right when he says that one
of the Khinjalis was located in the Baud-Phulbani area and the other in
a part of the Ganjam district contiguous to Phulbani. The genealogy of the
Bhanjas of Khinjali as reconstructed by him is as follows :
I. Yathasukha
Ik. Sill autbhies
Ti. siaeh ais i (Angaddi)
lV. ase sunant: (Gandhata; Mangalaraja)
V. Seas
| !
VI. Nettabhanja J VII. Digbhanja (Disabhanja)
(Kalyanakalasa 1)
VIJI. Stlabhanja J] (Tribhuvanakalasa)
JX. Vidyadharabhanja (Amoghakalasa)
X. Nettabhanja II (Kalyanakalasa 1)
Nothing is known of the first two kings and the third king Sila-
bhanja | seems to have been, the real maker of the fortunes of this line of
the Bhanja family. A village named Silabhanja-pati has found mention in
one of the charters of the Somavamsi king Yayati | and it has been
resonably concluded that the village has been named after Silabhanja f.
Therefore Yayatil and Silabhania | were either contemporaries or Sila-
bhanja was earlier than of this Somavamsi king who, according to our
chronology, ruled from A. D. 922 to 955.
After the publication of the above genealogy by Dr. RC.
Majumdar, the Dasapalla plates of Ranaka Satrubhanja published by Mr. S.
N. Rajguru and the Orissa Museum Plates of Nettabhanja published by the
present writer were discovered, which throw some more light on the
genealogy and the chronology of the Khinjali Bhanjas. These charters
enable us to conclude that the king number |X (Vidyadharabhanja) of Dr.
Majumdar’s genealogy had two sons, Nettabhanja Il and Silabhanja II! and
Silabhanja II] was succeeded by Satrubhnja, the donor of the Dasapalla
Plates. Satubhanja (IIl)’s above mentioned charters were issued in the year
198 and the Orissa Museum Plates of Nettabhanja mentions the year 917
136 HISTORY OF ORISSA
which was undoubtedly the date of its issue. It is now an accepted fact
that minor ruling dynasties of Orissa like the Bhanjas and the Nandas also
used the Bhauma era in their copper plate records. The year 198 occurring
in Starubhanja’s above-mentioned piates has accordingly been referred to
the Bhauma era and since the Bhauma era started from A.D. 736, the
corresponding date in the Christian era has been taken to be the A. D. 934.
The year 917 occurring in the Orissa Museum Plates of Nettabhanja, when
referred to the Bhauma era, gives A. D. 1653, as the corresponding date in
the Christian era. By furnishing a difference of 719 years within two
generations, it thus ieads usto an absurd position. Ifthe year 917 is
referred to the Ganga era, Saka era, or Vikrame era, we are faced with a
similar absurd position. The fact remains that Ranaka Satrubhanja
succeeded his uncle Netabhanja |I!. We can presume an interval of a few
years or decades, but not centuries between the reigns of the two. There-
fore the only logical conclusion should be that the scribe has made a
mistake by writing the year 197 as 917. About the reading of the digits
there cannot be any scope for the difference of opinions or dispute because
the digits 1 and 9 occurring inthe aforesaid Orissa Museum Plates of
Nettabhanja are exactly in the same forms as they have in Satrubhanja’s
above-mentioned two charters and the digit 7 occurs in the Orissa
Museum Pilates almost in the same form as it does in the Ukhunda Plate of
Prithvibhanja.
It is therefore evident that Nettabhanja 1I issued the grant in the
Bhauma year 197 corresponding to A.D. 933 and his nephew Satrubhanja
who succeeded him a year after, issued the above-mentioned two charters
in the Bhauma year 198 corresponding to A.D. 934,
Both the rulers lived and ruled in the critical period of the Orissan
history when the Bhauma supremacy was about to come to an end and
the Somavamsis started .their rule in Orissa. We have shown earlier that
the Bhanjas played a prominent part in the final stage of the Bhauma
supremacy in Orissa and it is probably they who supported the last two
female rulers, Vakula Mahadevi and Dharmma Mahadevi of the Bhauma
dynasty, to maintain their position in the Bhuma throne. The Somavamsi
king Yayati | occupied Orissa about A.D. 931 and Nettabhanja 1! and his
nephew Satrubhanja were ruling in Khinjali in A.D. 933 and 934
respectively. These dates provide astrong reasontothink that either
Nettabhanja J! or his father Vidyadharabhanja supported the aforemen-
tioned queens against the Somavamsi king and delayed his oecupation of
Orissa.
MINOR MEDIEVAL DYNASTIES 137
During the period of the turmoil in the closing years of the Bhauma
supremacy in Orissa, the Khinjali Bhanjas must have assumed a sort of
independent status. This is evidant from the title Maharaja which was
borne by both Vidyadharabhanja and his son Nettabhanja II. After occupy-
ing Orissa the Somavamsi king Yayatil appears to have taken steps to
curb their power and to reduce them again to their feudatory status. This
supposition is borne out by the fact that Satrubhanja has styled himself in
his charters as Ranaka which ts definitely indicative of his feudatory status.
The change of his title from Maharaja to Ranaka which Satrubhanja
cannot be supposed to have made out of ‘own accords, indicates the
reduction of the political status of the Bhanja king, most likely by his
overlord Yayati |.
The dates of the earlier kings of this dynasty cannot be determined,
but it seems certain that they had their kingdom in the Baud-Phulbani area
before the foundation of the Somavamsi kingdom by Janmejaya!. Among
the early rulers, Ranabhanja had a long reign of 58 years and it is he who
consolidated the Bhanja kingdom of Khinjali. His successors gratefully
remembered him and to commemorate his memory one of his successors
constructed a reservoir (Vandha) and named it as Ranabhanja Vandha or
Ranaka Ranabhanja Vandha mentioned in the aforesaid Orissa Museum
Plates of Nettabhanja.
The present writer published the Baud Plates of Salonabhanja in
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXVI, p. 276, in which the names of 3 more
Bhanja kings are to be fougd and these names have not been
included in the above genealogy of Dr. Majumdar. The donor Mahamana-
alesvara Sri Salonabhanjadeva was the son of Durjayabhanja and the
grandson of Silabhanaja. It is clearly stated in this record that Silabhanja
by force occupied Gandharavadi which was being enjoyed by force by the
Somodbhavas f. e., the Somavamsis and his son Durjayabhanja ruled from
Svarnapura. We have already observed that Gandharavadi is situated at a
distance of a about twelve miles from the subdivisional town of Baud and
has still two ancient temples standing there. Svarnapura is, without doubt,
Sonepur. The Bhanjas thus occupied a part of the Somavamsi territories in
the later Somavamsi period, but were driven out from the Sonepur region
by the Telgu-Choda ruling family established there by Somesvara | of
Bastar. The Bhanjas therefore played an important partin the politics of
the Somavamsis. They prevented for a while the Somavamsi king Yayati |
from occupying the Bhauma kingdom inthe early part of the Somavamsi
rule and in the closing part of the rule of the same dynasty, they occupied
a part of Kosala which was the original seat of power of the Somavamsis.
The Baud Grant of Kanakabhanja edited by B. C. Majumdar, also
138 HISTORY OF ORISSA
furnishes a list of the names of four Bhanja kings and represents Kanaka-
bhanja as the son of Durjayabhanja and the grandson of Salonabhanja.
The exact relation of these kings with the rulers mentioned in the Baud
Plates of Salonabhanja, cannot be established,
The Khinjali Bhanjas appear to have been originally the feuda-
tories of the Bhaumas and the Somavamsis as none of the rulers is found
in tho records to have borne the sovereign titles of the rulers of this period.
Thev have used in their copper plate records such titles as Razngba,
Maharaja and Mal:amandalesvara which are indicative of their feudatory
status. They however appear to have assumed full independence when-
ever their overlord families were at a disadvantage or in the weak position,
None of the copper plates of the Bhanjas refers to an overlord, but this
does not mean that they were always independent. The custom of referring
to an overlord in the copper plate grants was not in vogue among all
feudatories of Orissa.
The Khinjali Bhanjas issued their charters from Dhritipura and
Vanjulvaka, of which the latter has been identified by Pandit Binayak Mishra
with Banjania in the Ghumsar region of the Ganjam district, but the former
has not yet been identified. It however seems most probable that Dhritipura
now represents the subdivisional town of Baud in which four ancient
temples and one colossal image of a Dhyani Buddha are still to be found.
The temples and the image can be assigned to the 9th-10th century A.D.
on stylistic ground. Evidently Dhritipura and Vanjulvaka were the capitals
of the two parts of Khinjali and Dhritipura was the earlier of the two.
B. The Bhanjas of Khijjingakota
Another group of Bhanja kings issued their copper plate charters
from Khijjingakota, identified by all scholars with Khiching in Mayurbhanj,
where three ancient temples and several sculptures preserved in a small
Museum, are still to be found. We have already referred to a copper plate
grant of Silabhanja in which the Khinjali Bhanjas have been described as
Andaja (egg-born). In the charters of the Khijjinga Bhanjas it is stated
that a ruler called Ganadanda Virabhadra, who seems to have been the
founder of the dynasty. was born by breaking open the pea-hen’s egg and
was nurtured by the sage Vasishtha. This traditional account is apocryphal
and cannot be accepted as a historical account of the origin of the family,
but, as we have observed earlier, this story of the Bhanjas having been born
from an egg appears to point to the fact that Bhanjas of Khinjali and the
Bhanjas of Khijjinga were originally one family, but since their kingdoms
were far removed from each other, they became oblivious of their common
ancestry and even adopted different Gotras.
MINOR MEDIEVAL DYNASTIES 139
We have already referredto Disabhanja of the Sitabhinji mura!
painting in Keoajhar, who has baen <placed by T.N. Ramachandran and
Dr.R.C. Majumdar inthe fourth-fifth century A.D, The Bhanjas thus
Started their existence as rulers fromthe Gupta period and continued
their existence as such till the merger of their states with Orissa in 1947-49,
It is therefore apparent that they were one of the oldest ruling families of
India. QObliivous of their remote origin the Chamu Karanas of
Mayurbhanj represented the Bhanja rulers as a branch of the Rajput rulers
of Jaipur in Rajputana, Prof. R. D, Banerji .has totally rejected this fabri-
cated account about the Rajput origin of the Bhanjas of Mayurbhanj. It is
just possible that the Bhanjas of Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar were the later
descendants of Disabhanja of the mural painting at Sitabhinji, There is a
tradition that Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar , were at one time one kingdom,
but it was divided into two by two brothars, Adibhanja and Jyotibhanja. It
is not very unlikely that both these territories were one kingdom and their
common ancestor was the above-mentioned Disabhanja, even though their
connected history is not available to us.
Of late a long inscription in early Gupta script engraved on the
pedestal of a Nataraja image discovered at Asanapat in Keonjhar, has
been published in the Orissa Historical Research Journal, Vol. Xill, July,
1965, No, 2. It purports to give the history of Satrubhanja who apparently
created theimage and built a shrine for it. The inscription represents
Satrubhanja as a most powerful yulur who in point of antiquity and powers
can be only next to Kharavela in Orissan history. The contents of this
inscription are still to be accepted by scholars and therefore we do not
intend to comment upon them.
The genealogy of the Bhanjas of Khijjinga has been reconstructed
by Dr. R. C. Majumdar as follows :
Virabhadra
Kottabhanj “
Digbhanja alas Durjayabhanja | alias Vibhramatunga 1
Ranabhanja Narendrabhanja 1
Rajabhanja Vibhramatunga I Satrubhanjaatias prithvibhanja
Durjayabhanja Il Narendrabhanja II
(Yuvaraja) Kottabhanja
140 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Ranabhanja has been styled as Maharaja and sometimes as.
Maharajadhiraja. The fatter title is indicative of a status higher than a
feudatory. It seems that the Bhanjas were de facto sovereign rulers, but
itis not very unlikely that they might have loosely acknowledged the
supremacy of the Bhaumas and the Somavamsis. We have already stated
that it was not always a custom with the minor dynasties of Orissa to refer
to their overlords in their copper plate charters.
We find two specific dates for Ranabhanja, viz, 288 and 293 and
Dr. Majumdar says that these dates cannot be referred to the Bhauma era
since the Bhauma dynasty did not continue beyond 200 years of iheir era,
It may however be pointed out that the eras continue to be used even
after the extinction of the dynasties or the rulers who started them. The
Harsha era of AD. 606 continued to be used long after the death of
Harshavardhana. We _ therefore refer the above mentioned dates to the
Bhauma era of A.D. 736 and thus get A.D, 1024 and A.D. 1029 falling
inthe reign of Ranabhanja. The only objection to this calculation will
perhaps be that in the copper plates the dates have been expressed in
symbols, which according to the conventional opinions ceased to be used
after the 10th century A.D. This convention does not seem to have been
observed by the Bhanjasin the secluded area of their capital. Since
Ranabhanja was ruling inthe early part of the eleventh century his
predecessors Kottabhanja and Digbhanja would have ruled in the 10th
century A.D. The temples and the sulptures still to be found at Khiching,
which we shall discuss later, also support this conclusion.
An inscription engraved on the pedestal of an Avalokitesvara
image preserved in the Khiching Museum gives out that this image was
donated by Dharani Varaha for the sake of fame in the reign of Rayabhanja
who has been identified with Rajabhanja, son of Ranabhanja. The donor
seems to have been amember of the Varaha ruling family of Banai, of
which we shall speak later on. Although the Bhanja rulers were the wor-
shippers of Siva, they tolerated the religious activities of the Buddhists
and allowed the Buddhist images to be carved with the names of the kings
engraved on them. A smali mound locally known as Itamundi, situated not
tar from the main temple of Khiching, was excavated in 1938 and found to
be a small Buddhist stuna with the relics in the shape of ashes buried in
it. An image of a Jaina Tirthankara is to be found inthe collection of the
sculptures preserved in the Khiching Museum. It is therefore evident that,
though the Bhanjas were the followers of Siva, they tolerated the existence
of other sects.
MINOR MEDIEVAL DYNASTN) ES 1417:
It is clearly stated in all the charters issued from Khijjingakota
that the donors were all the devotees of Siva. Their copper plate grants
open with an invocation to Siva and represent the donors as the rulers who
lessened their sins through the worship of the feet of Hara.
The later Bhanja rulers of Mayurbhanj became the worshippers
of Sakti, and a Chamunda, now enshrined in the main temple of Khiching,
came to be regarded as their tutelary deity. The original name of this deity
was Khijjingesvari or Khichingesvari, but the mythological-minded people
transformed it into Kichakesvari. When the rulers of Mayurbhanj
transferred their capital from Khiching to Bahalada in the Bamanghati
subdivision, they did not remove Kichakesvari from Khiching to Bahalada,
but created a female deity of the same name which is still being worship
ped at Bahalada under the name of Kichakesvari. Next. when they
transferred their capital to Hariharapura in the Sadar subdivision of
Mayurbhanj there too they created an image known as Kichakesvari snd
worshipped it as their tutelary deity. When they made their last capital at
Baripada, they got this image removed from Hariharapura to Baripada,
where in a small temple within the compound of the former palace of the
ruler it is still being worshipped under the name of Kichakesvari. The
history of the tutelary deity of Mayurbhanj as sketched above, indicates
that the Bhanjas of the copper plate grants and the later Bhanjas ruling in
Mayurbhanj, belonged to one and the same dynasty and they ruled in an
unbroken line of succession: till their extinction as ruling family in
1949. Dr. R. C. Majumdar states that in a royal Sanad dated A. D. 1713-14
the ancestor of this family is described as having been born of the egg of
apea-hen and nursed by the sage Vasishtha. This tradition, as we have
already seen, also occurs in the Bhanja copper plate grants. There is
therefore no doubt that the Bhanjas of the copper plate records and the
later Bhanjas of Mayurbhanj belonged to a continuous line of the rulers of
the same family.
Of the other Bhanja kings of tha above genealogy, nothing is
known, but it seems probable that some of the fater monuments of
Khiching were created during their rule. The successors of Ranabhanja
created a reservoir (Vandha) which still exists at Khiching under the name
of Ranarang, no doubt a corruption of Ranaraj. We have seen that
Khinjail Bhanjas also created a reservoir (Vandha) and named it as
Ranabhanja Vandha. At Khiching the remains of two forts, known as
Kichakagada and Biratagada, still exist and trial excavations in these
places have resulted in the discovery of several antiquities now preserved
142 HISTORY OF ORISSA
in the Khiching Museum. These forts -were undoubtedly the royal
residences of the Bhanjas of the copper plate grants.
C. The Nandas of Jayapura
The existence of a ruling dynasty with their names ending with
Nanda has been traced from severai copper plate records and they furnish
the following genealogy :
Jayananda
Parananda
Sivananda
Devananda I
Vilasatunga Vilasatunga
Dhruvananda Devananda Il
Their grants have all beenissued from Jayapura and this place,
presumably the capital of the Nanda family of Orissa, has been identified
with Jajpur of the Cuttack district py Dr. A. BanerjieSastri and with
Jeypur or Jeypore, in the Koraput district of Orissa, by Mr. N. Tripathi.
Both of these identifications are open to serious objections. As Jajpur
cannot be regarded as a corruption of Jayapura, and as it was known as
Viraja in the eighth or ninth century A.D. when it was held as capital by
the Bhauma kings of Orissa, the identification proposed by Dr. Banerji-
Sastri should be ruled out of consideration. As regards Mr. Tripathi’s
proposed identification, though no objection can be takento it from
phonetic point of view, several considerations prevent us from taking it as
conclusive. On an examination of the place-names mentioned in the
grants of the dynasty, it is revealed that Airavatta mandala which included
the vishaya of Potoda has been mentioned in the Talmul Plate of
Dhruvanandadeva and also in the Balijhari Plates of Udyotakesari
Mahabhavagupta. This mandala must be taken to have comprised a
tract of land along the Mahanadi river in view of the fact that the gift
village Kontalanda. mentioned in the last-named charter, has pointedly
been spoken of as situated on the bank of that river. So, if Jayapura is to
be taken identical with Jeypur of the Koraput district,we have to suppose
that the territories ruled over by Devananda and Dhruvananda extended far
to the south-west of the Mahanadi river on the north. But their dominion
over such vast territories is not warranted by their records which do not
even give the title of Maharaja before their names, nor mention a single
conquest to their credit. They must have been feudatories of some
paramount power in Orissa as is indicated by their titles Paramabhattaraka
MINOR MEDIEVAL DYNASTIES 143°
Samadhigatapanchamahasabda Mahasamantadhipati. Besides, Jayananda,
the first known ruler of the family. probably the founder of the dynasty, has
been credited with the conquest of the whole of Gondrama, which, as
will be shown below, meant the hilly tracts formerly ruled over by the
feudator:’ chiefs of Orissa, but never any tract along the Bay of Bengal.
The last but not the least important is the fact that. if these plates of the
Nanda family were issued from Jeypur of the Koraput district, it is rather
Strange that the southern influence so conspicuous on the copper plates
issued from Kalinganagara and Svetaka, should have been completely
absent from the palaeography of their records. The present writer, there-
fore, suggests the identification of Jayapura of our records with Jaipur, a
village situated in the Dhenkanal district from which and trom the
adjoining Narasinghpur subdivision all the three copper plate grants
mentioning the name of Airavatta mundala are reported to have hiaiied.
Jayapura, as its name suggests was possibly founded by Jayananda, the
first ruler of the Nanda family.
The donors of these copper plate grants called tnemselves
Nondodbhavas or simply as of Nanda-kula. Mr. N. Tripathy concludes
from these expressions that the family of Jayanande was an off-shoot of
the imperial Nandas of Magadha, but this conclusion does not seem to
have been based on sufficient data. What seems to be probable is that
the suffix gnanda was peculiar to the name of this family as tunga, kara,
stambha and the like were peculiar to the names of some other royal
families of Orissa. And as these suffixes gave distinct names to these
families, the suffix ananda did the same in the case of the royal family
of Jayananda. The confusion between nanda and ananda seems to have
been one as between kara and akara, illustrated in the case of the kara
family of Orissa, in which the second component part of some names is
not kara, but akara e.g. Subhakara. Nanda family of Orissa ts not known
from any other sources except from their copper plate records.
The Talmul Piate of Dhruvanandadeva records a date at the end
of the inscription, which was read by Mr. N. Tripathy as 283, but which
was corrected by Dr. D. R. Bhandarker into 293 and suggested to be
referred to the Harsha era of of A.D. 606. Since the Harsha era was never
used in any of the Orissan inscriptions, Dr. Bhandarker’s suggestion
can not now be accepted. The Bhauma era was not only used in the
Bhauma records, but also in the records of their feudatories and
contemporaries. The date 293 occurring in the abovementisned Talmut
Plate should therefore be referred to the Bhauma era of A. D, 736. Dhruva—
nandadeva was therefore ruling in A.D.1029. The family probably:
144 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Originated in the 9th century A. D. and they were the feudatories of the
Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamsis as their titles indicate. Like the other
feudatories of this period they have not referred to their overlords in their
copper plate records.
The Nandas have been described in their inscriptions as the
masters of Ashtadasa Gondrama. It was a geographical expression
meaning a group of eighteen tracts of land and seems to be the same as
Ashtadasa-atavi-rajya (eighteen forest chiefdoms) of the Betul Plates of
Samkshobha, The name Ashtadasa Gundrama appiied to these tracts was
probably due to the pre-dominance of the Ganda tribes over other ab-
Original tribes inhabiting these parts, and seems to have survived in the
geographical expression athara gadhjat applied to the former feudatory
states of Orissa by the people, though, as amatter of fact, their number
was not eighteen, but twenty-four. It should be noted in this connection
that the credit of having conquered the whole Gondrama given to the
rulers of this dynasty, may just be an exaggeration.
D. The Sulki Rulers of Kodalaka Mandala.
Pandit Binayak Misra gives a list of the nine copper plate grants
of this family and some more of their records are still being discovered.
But these records do not furnish us with any substantial information which
can enable us to throw some light on the history of this ruling family.
Fandit Binayak Misra gives their family genealogy as follows :
Kanchanastambha @lias Ranastambha I
Kanakastambha a/ias Ktilastambha I
alias Vikramaditya
Ranastambha J}
Kulastambha I! Jayastamba
Nidayastambha
But the following genealogy of -the Sulkis given by Dr. R.C.
Majumdar differs at some material points from the genealogy reconstructed
by Pandit Misra.
Kunchanastambha
Kalaha (or Kanada)—stambha alias Vikramaditya
Ranastambha @l/ias Kulastambha
Jayastambha
|
Nidayastambha
The origin of the family is not free from doubts. Some scholars
think that they were probably the Sulikas mentioned in the Haraha
MINOR MEDIEVAL DYNASTIES 145
inscription of the Maukhari king Isanavarman, while others trace their
origin to the modern Sulkis of Midnapore and the Saulika of the Brihat-
samhita and Martandeia Purana. They might have as well been the
Original inhabitants of Orissa. The copper plate grants of the Sulkis
mention some geographical rames which enable us to identify the terri-
tory over which they ruled. Their kingdom comprised the former states
of Talcher and Dhenkanal.
The Dhenkanal! Grant of Ranastambha contains a date which has
been interpreted by Pandit Binayak Misra as 103 which, when referred
to the Bhauma era of A. D. 736, gives us A. D. 839. They therefore seem
to have been the feudatories of the Bhauma- Karas.
E. The Tungas of Yamagartta-mandala.
Some copper plate records of the Tunga ruling family provide
us with a few facts about their history, Pandit Binayak Misra gives the
following tentative genealogy of the family.
Khadgatunga
Vinitatunga
Jagattunga
Salanatunga
Gayadatunga
It is claimed in their copper plate records that their forefathers
came from Rohitasa ( Moderg Rohitasagarh in Shahbad of Bihar ). The
territory over which they ruled was Yamagartta-mandala, identified with
Jamagadia in Angul or Jomurdi in Pallahara. Gayadatunga is described as
Samadhigata-panchamahasavda which is distinctly indicative of his
feudatory status. “The Talcher Plate of Sivakaradeva dated 149
(A D. 885) records a grant of land in Purvarashtravishaya by the Kara
king at the request of Ranaka Sri Vinitatunga. This Ranaka is probably
the same as ismentioned in the Banai Grant together with his son
Khadgatunga and grandson Vinitatunga II, ruler of eighteen Gundramas
including Yamagartta.” The above quotation taken from Dr. Majumdar’s
account of the Tungas willindicate that they were the contemporaries
and the feudatories of the Bhauma-Karas Like the Nandas and the
Sulkis, the Tungas claim to have been the masters of eighteen Gond amas,
but this claim is apparently an exaggeration. None of these above-
mentioned dynasties could have brought under their tule all the hilly
tracts of Orissa which vaguely came to be known as Ashiadasa
Gondramas.
146 HISTORY OF ORISSA
F. Jayasimha of the Unkown Family.
A single copper plate grant of Jayasimha was found in the former
Dhenkanal state and its text begins with ‘Mandakini-kula-vasakat-
praptapanchamahasavda” which clearly indicates that Jayasimha got his
rulership from the residence situated on the bank of the river Mandakini.
Since the river Mandakini still flows through Jajpur and the Bhauma-
Karas had their residence somewhere in this area, itis apparent that the
donor was a feudatory of the Bhauma-Karas. The village donated was
situated in Yamagartta-mandala which, as we have seen above, was also
included within the territories ruled bythe Tungas. Since Jayasimha’s
grant Coes not bear any date, it cannot however be said whether the
Tungas succeeded Jayasimha as rulers in the same territory.
G. The Varahas of Banai
The dynasty is known from two copper plate records found in the
former Banai state. They record the names of the following rulers of the
dynasty :
Uditavaraha
Tejovaraha
Udavavaraha
The family claims to have migrated from Chitrakuta which can-
not be identified. The donor Udayavaraha bears the title Paramasaugata
Samadhigatapanchamahasavda Maharaja Ranaka. which indicate that
he was a Buddhist by faith and his stafu; wasthat of afeudatory. It
cannot however be ascertained a3 to whose feudatory he was, ror can
the date of his record be determined as it contains no date whatsoever,
The seal bears a peacock and this suggests some sort of connection
between the Bhanjas of Mayurbhanj and the Varahas of Banai. Inthe
territories of both the dynasties, the killing of the peacock was _ prohi-
bitted. Besides, as we have already seen, one Dharani Varaha figures in
the inscription engraved on the pedestal of an Avalokitesvara image at
Khiching and we have suggested that this Dharani Varaha might have
been a member of the Varaha family of Banai. This suppossition gains
ground fromthe fact that both Udayavaraha and Dharanivaraha were
Buddhists The former bears the Buddhist title Paramasaugata and
the latter caused a Buddhist image to be carved. Rayabhanja to whom
Dharanivaraha has referred toin the above pedestal inscription, ruled in
the tenth century AD. Therefore Udayavaraha and his family can be
placed in the same century.
MINOR MEDIEVAL DYNASTIES 147
H. The Ohavalas.
About the Dhavala ruling family Dr. R. C. Majumdar makes the
following observation :
‘A copper plate grant now inthe Madras Museum, gives us the
name of a king named Narendra-dhavala, who is not known from any other
source. Some internal evidence shows that he was either a contemporary
of the Bhania king Silabhanja! or ruled before his time and his reign may
be placed in the tenth century A. D.
Kings with names ending in ‘dhavala’ are known to have ruled in
medieval Orissa, and even now the members of the Dompara Raj family
of the Cuttack district have similar name-endings. There was ev dently a
‘Dhavaia’ ruling family of whom the only ancient ruler so far known i3
Narendra-dhavala. The territory known as Dhavalabhumi or Dinalbhum may
be presumed to have derived its name from this ruling family.
1. Rashtrakutas
The existence of a Rashtrakuta ruling family in western Orissa is
proved by the Bargarh Copper Plate Charter edited by Dr. D.C. Sircar in
Epig:aphia Indica, Vol. XXX (P. 136 ff.) and elucidated by Dr. J. K. Sahu
inthe Proceedings of thz2 Orissa History Congress, 1978, (p. 28 ff). it
gives the following genealogy of the family :
Mahamandatesvara Mahamndalika
Ranaka Chamaravigraha
Dhamsaka
Ranaka Parachakrasalya
The charter dated in Samvat 56, was issued from Bagharakotta which
has been identified with Bargarh, awellknown town in the Sambalpur
region Dr. Sirtcar refers the Samvat 56 to the Chalukya—Vikrama era of
A.D. 1076 and thus gets AD. 1131-32 as the date of the charter. Dr. Sanu
rejects this view and rightly says that there is absolutely no evidence to
show that the Chalukya era was ever in use in western Orissa and that the
Chalukya king Vikramaditya Vi ever invaded Kosala which certainly included
the Sonepur-Sambalpur-Bolangir region. Dr, Sahu’s view that the Samvat
56 represents the regnal year of the donor appears to be Correct, We have
discussed above (Chapter-7, p.117) atsome length the Kalachuri occu-
pation of the Sonepur region and it need t.ot be repeated here.
148 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Another set of copper plates numbering three, discovered in the:
village Degaon in the Bolangir district also proves the existence of a
Rashtrakuta ruling family in western Orissa. The donor, whose name has
been read as Mugdhagandoladeva, acknowledges the overlordship of the
Somavamsi king Janmejaya who is apparently to be identified with
Janmejaya ll. The copper plates are now preserved in the Orissa State
Museum, Bhubaneswar and are yet to be edited and published. Their
discovery has been reported tothe present writer by Dr, B. K. Rath of the
Orissa State Archaelogy. | appears that the Rashtrakuta chief, the donor
of the Tarabha Grant., issued this grant during the rule of the Somavamsi
king Janmejaya as his feudatory.
We have stated earlier in- Chapter-6 (pp. 73-79) that the
Rashtrakutas under Govinda If! (A.D. 798—814) invaded Orissa in the reign
of the Bhauma king Subhakara |. The Sanjan Plates of Amoghavarsha state
that Govinda II] conquered Kosala, Kalinga, Vanga, Dahala and Odraka
Orissa). The evidence provided by the Sanjan Plates shows that the
Rashtrakutas under Govinda III either occupied Orissa or brought it under
their political hegemony. We have shown furtherin the above mentioned
Chapter-6 that the Rashtrakuta invasion of Orissa has been described in
the Madalavanji in a strangely distorted form as Raktavahu invasion and
that Rajamalla! (A.D. 817-853), the Western Ganga king of Mysore who
was the father of the Bhauma queen Tribhuvana Mahadevi | (A.D. 846),
put an end to the Rashtrakuta and Pala domination in Orissa. A passage
in the Rindol Plate of Subhakara III also appears to hint at a calamity that
had overcome Subhakara I.
Govinda III’s invasion of Orissa is thus supported by the epigraphnic.
records and the tradition recorded in the Madalapanji, but his invasion of
Kosala did not yet receive any corroboration from any source in Orissa,
The Bargarh and Degaon Charters seem to supply the needed corrobora—
tion It is almost certain that the founders of the Rashtrakuta ruling
families of Kosala were either the soldiers or the lieutenants of Govinda III’s.
army and they chose to settle down in western Orissa after the invasion.
Was Over.
J. Jayarnnama of Uncertain Family
A charter of three copper plates recently discovered at Kamalpur:
in Bolangir district and edited and published by the present writer in the
Journal of Orissan History, Vol. 1. No. 1, 1980. records the grant of the-
village Vadakela situated in the mandala of Kolada to a Brahmin named.
MINOR MEDIEVAL DYNASTIES 149:
Paramakara by Ranaka Sri Jayarnnama. The donor acknowledges the-
overlordship of the Somavamsi king Karnadeva who has been given the
full sovereign titles, and also records the seventh regnal year of his
overlord. The donor is represented as a member of the egg-born family
(andaja-vamsa), as the receiver of the boons from Stambhesvari and as
belonging to the Maharashtra family. These claims except the last one, are
also made by the Bhanja rulers in their copper plate grants. So it becomes
difficult to decide whether Jayarnnama was of the Bhanja or Maratha
origin,
A passage of the charter suggests that Kolada was situated along
the sea-coast. Kolada was the capital of one later Bhanja family and it
still exists under the same name in the neighbourhood of Bhanjanagara, a
subdivisional headquarters of the Ganjam district. The record therefore
proves that Karnadeva, the last Somavamsi king, was in possession of
Ganjam upto his seventh regnal year which according to our chronology
corresponds to A.D.1107. The Ganga king Chodaganga had not yet
succeeded in conquering the. Ganjam area.
The copper plate charter has been acquired by the Orissa State
Museum, Bhubsneswar, and is now preserved there. It requires further
study and elucidation.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. R.C. Majumdar The Age of the Imperial kanauj
(Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan)
2. B. Misra Dynasties of Medieval Orissa
3, R.D. Banerji History of Orissa, Vol. |
4. H.K. Mahtab Odisa Itihasa, 1977
5. K.C. Panigrahi Chronology of the Bhauma-karas
and the Somavamsts of Ortssa, 1961
6. U.K. Subudhi The Bhauma Karas of Orissa
7. B.K. Rath Cultural History of Orissa
(C. A. D. 885.1110)
8, K, C. Panigrahi Orissa Museum Plates of
Nettabhanja, Tre Ortssa Historical
Research Journal, Vol. XI, No.1,
1962.
150
2:
10.
11,
12.
K. C. Panigrahi
K. C. Panigrahi
P. Acharya
K. C, Panigrahi
HISTORY OF ORISSA
“Baudh Plates of Salonabhanja’”’
Epigrphia Indica, Vol. XXVI
“Baripada Museum Plate of
Devanandadeva’’, Epigraphia Indica,
Vol. XXVI.
“The Bonai Copper plates of Udaya
Varaha Deva’, The Journal of the
Bihar Rzsearch Society, Vol. XXVI
Part Hl, 1945.
Kamalpur Copper Plate Grant of the
Reign of Karnadeva’’,
The Journal of Ortssan History,
Vol, I], No. 1, PP. 1-—-5, 2 plates.
9. The Early Gangas
and
the Greater Gangas
We have given an account of the early Gangas in chapter IV,
From Devendravarman II their genealogy can be presented as follows :
1. Devendravarman-ltl
2. Rajendravarman-|
3. Anantavarman-IJ] 4. Devendravarman-lll
5. Rajendravarman-!] |
6. Satyavarman 7. Anantavarman-lib
8. Bhupendravarman
9. Devendravarman-IV
The rulers of the early Ganga dynasty leftto us anumber of
copper plate grants, but with no history, These records give us the order
of successio.) of the kings and mostly mention the years in the Ganga era
which, as we have observed earlier, commenced from A.D. 496 according
to a generally accepted view. They all ruled from Kalinganagara identified
with modern Mukhalingam in the Srikakulam district of Andhra It is not
yet settled whether the early Eastern Gangas were a branch of the Western
Gangas who ruled in Mysore. Mr. R. Subbarao gives the following reasons
to show that the Western Gangas and the Eastern Gangas did not belong
to one and the same dynasty : |
1. The early Gangas of Mysore were Jainas and belonaed to the
Ikshvaku dynasty and the Solar Line and their Gotra waS Kanvayana, but
the Gangas of Kalinga were Saivas and belonged to the Lunar Lie and
their Gotra was Atreya,
2. In the numerous copper plate grants of the Gangas of Kalinga
there is no mention that they migrated from Mysore,
3. The symbols and the seais on the copper plate grants of the
Mysore Gangas and the Kalinga Gangas are different.
These considerations have led Mr, Rao to conclude that the
Gangas of both the territories belonged to different dynasties, but
152 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Dr. D, C. Sircar thinks that they probably belonged to one and the same
dynasty. These early Gangas ruled in modern Srikakulam and Vizagapattam
districts, sometimes extending their power to Ganjam in which region the
Gangas of Svetaka were ruling, probably as_ the feudatories of the Gangas
of Kalinganagara. After Devendravarman 1V who issued a copper plate in
the Ganga year 397 (A.D. 895) no history of the Eastern Ganges is availa-
ble for about a century and the earliest history of the Greater Gangas began
from the close of the tenth century. Dr. D. C. Sircar however thinks that
there is some evidence to show that during this period the Gangas were
divided into five small principalities, of which the Ganga house of Svetgka
was one. During this period the Eastern Chalukyas sometimes encroached
upon the Ganga territories.
The Greater Gangas
The genealogies of the Gangas as given inthe earlier and tater
accounts and as adopted in Age of Impertal Kanuj (Bharatiya Vidya
‘Bhavan) are given below :
Greater Gangas (Earlier Accounts)
1.Gunamaharnava
2. Vajrahasta
|
3.Gundama 4. Kamarnava 5. Vinayaditya
6. Vajrahasta-Aniyankabhima
| |
7. Kamarnava 8. Gundama 9, Madhukamarnava
Greater Gangas (Later Accounts)
1. Virasimha
2. Kamarnava | 3. Danarnava 4. Gunarnava-] Narasimha Vajrahasta-l
5. Kamarnavea-l
6 Ranarnava
a a ae
6. Vajrahasta Il 7 Kamurnavaelil
8. Gunarnava J] (Gunamaharnava in the
-preceding uccount)
a i
9. Potankusa 10 Kalingalankusa 11.Gundama 12.KamranavalV 13- Vinayaditya
14. Vajrahasta Hi (Vajrahasta-
Aniyankabhima, No. 6in
the preceding account).
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 153
From Vajrahasta IV the still later genealogy of the Greater Gangas
is given below.
I]. Wajrahasta IV
2. Kamarnava VI 3. Gundama II 4. Madhukamarnava V
5. Vajrahasta V
6. Rajaraja J
7. Anantavarman Chodaganga
The earlier Gangas had not much connection with Orissa proper
and their rule was mainly confined to the Andhra region. Chodaganga was
the real founder of the Ganga rule in Orissa, From Anantavarman
Vajrahasta the genealogy of the Greater Gangas, sometimes called the
Imperial Gangas, has been given by Mr. R. Subhbarao as follows :
Anantavarma Vajrahasta V A.D. 1038-1069
Devendravarma Raja Raja I. A. D. 1069-1076
| |
1. Anantavarma Chodaganga Ulayaganda Permadideva
AD. 1076-1147
Peddajiyyanayani Chodaganga II
| alias Rajendrachodadeva
|
fl | _/ ea er
2. Kamatnava VII 3, Raghava 4. Raja Raja ll 5. Aniyanka Bhima
1147-1156 1156-11700 1170-1190 1190-1198
6. Raja Raja tll. 1198-1211
7. Anangabhima. 1211-1238
8. Narasimhadeva I. 1238-1264
9. Bhanudeva 1. 1264-1279
10. Narsimhadeva Tf. eee
11, Bhanudeva Il. fates
{2. Narasimhadeva IH. 1328-1352
13. Bhanudeva Hl. 1452-1378
14. Narasimhadeva IV. 1378-1414
15. Bhanudeva IV. sa ee
From the reign of Chodaganga the Gangas ruledin Orissa for
fifteen generations covering a total period of 325 years. They transferred
their capital from Mukhalingam to Kataka ( Cuttack ) which they called
Varanasi Kataka and_ settled down here permanently. Mr. Subbarao
154 HISTORY OF ORISSA
observes that the Gangas of Orissa became Oriyas for all practical
purposes. They imbibed Oriya customs and adopted the Oriya language.
They also became the patrons of the Orissan literature. Even after the
extinction of the dynasty as rulers in A. D., 1435 the remanents of the
Ganga ruling family became the strong upholders of Orissa’s interests.
Even in modern times the scions of the Ganga ruling family became the
front fighters for the cause of the Oriyas. Maharaja Gajapati Krishna-
chandra Narayanadeva of Paralakhemundi, where a branch: of the
Imperial Gangas of Orissa still exists, fought for the amalgamation of the
Oriya-speaking tracts forthe formation of the Orissa province and itis
largely due to his efforts that the Oriyas got a separate province. As
observed earlier, the history of these Greater Gangas of Orissa starts
from Chodaganga.
Chodaganga (A. D. 1078-1150 )
The forefathers of Anantavarma Chodaganga, beloning to the
Eastern Gangadynasty, ruled a kingdom roughly comprising the tract
between the present Ganjam district and the river Godavari, Taking
advantage of the weakness of the Somavamsis, then ruling in Orissa,
Devei.dravarma Raja Kajal, the father of Chodaganga, had grabbed a
portion of southern Orissa, but it was the latter who completed the
conquest of the whole of Orissa and founded init the Eastern Ganga
dynasty which ruled in an unbroken line of succession till it was over-
trrown by Kapilendradeva in. A.D, 1435. Chodaganga is therefore
regarded as the founder of the Ganga dynasty in Orissa.
After the death of his father he was crowned .in A.D. 1076 but
actually ruled from A. D. 1078 and continued to do so tillA.D. 1150. In
the initial years of his reign his kingdom was attacked by the Cholas of
the south and for a while Chodaganga lost to them a part of his kingdom
comprising the Visakhapatnam district, but he did not lose heart and
gradually recovered his lost territories.
Chodaganga, like his father, cherished the ambition of conquering
the whole of Orissa ard the weakness of the Somavamsi dynasty, then
ruling in Orissa, favoured the fulfilment of his ambition. The last three
kings of the Somavamsi dynasty, as has been shown earlier, were weak
and they had lost the western part of their kingdom comprising the
Sambalpur-Sonepur tract. Orissa under them meant only the coasts!
districts extending from Balasore in the north to Ganjamin_ the south
This small and mutilated kingdom lay between the powerful kingdoms of
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 155
the Palas inthe north andthe Gangas in the south. The Palas had
become powerful under Ramapala who was tryingto revive the lost
prestige of the Pala empire and the Gangas under Chodaganga had also
become powerful and were trying to extend their northern frontier at the
expense of the Somavamsi kingdom of Orissa. It was therefore a question
of time that Orissa would be annexed by one of these two neighbouring
powers.
The struggle that ensued between Ramapala and Chodaganga for
the occupation of Orissa, ended inthe victory of the latter, butin the
early stages of the struggle it was Ramapala who had the upper hand.
We know from the contemporary records that Ramapala’s general
Jayasimha ousted fromthe throne Karnakesari who can be no other
than Karnadeva, the last Somavamsi king known from his Ratnagiri
copper plate grant. Chocaganga however soon reversed the position In
his Korni copper plate graat issued in AD.1113 itis stated that he
reinstated the fallen lord of Orissa. It is therefore clear that Ramapala
had driven out Karnadeva from his throne, but Chodaganga helped him
to regain it, Chodaganga was not however helping Karna out of bene-
volent motives. He wasmerely seeking an opportunity to annex the
entire Somavamsi kingdom. That opportunity seems to have come when,
according to the tradition recorded in the Madalananji. Vasudeva, the
commander-in-chief of the last Somavamsi king, invited Cheodaganga to
occupy Orissa. The last Somavamsi king Karnadeva seems to have been
very weak and unpopular and therefore Chodaganga did not get much
opnosition while occupying jhis.kingdom. The exact date of the occu.
pation of Orissa by Chodaganga cannot be ascertained, but it appears to
have taken place about A.D. 1110.
[4aving becorne the master of Orissa Chodaganga next turned his
attention towards further conquests inthe north. After the death of
Ramapala his successors in Bengal became weak. Chodaganga took
advantage of this weak position in Bengal to push his northern frontiers
to the river Ganges. He defeated the Chief of Mandara and occupied
his capital Aramya, now known as Arambagh situated in the Hooghly
district and pursued him up to the bank of the Ganga. In his campaign
in southern Bengal Chodaganga seems to hava been assisted by
Vijayasena, the Sena king of Radha (south west Bengal!, who was hostile
to the Palas. By his victories in Bengal the Ganga king now became the
master of the whole stretch of land from the river Ganges in the north to
the river Godavari in the south and came to be recognized as the most
powerful king of the south-estern India.
156 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Although Chodaganga occupied the entire coastal strip of Orissa,
many of the territories formerly included in the Somavamsi kingdom,
still remained outside his state. He therefore attempted to occupy them.
The western frontier of Orissa comprising the Sambalpur-Sonepur-
Bolangir tract. was in the Somavamsi kingdom, but by the time Choda-
ganga conquered Orisga, this tract had been occupied by the Kalachuris
of Ratnapura. So he waged a war against the Kalachuri king Ratnadeva Il,
(A.D. 1120-1135) but he seemsto have been defeated in it. The
Sambalpur-Sonepur region continued to bein the occupation of the
Kalachuris till the reign of Chodaganga’s great-grandson Anangabhima-—
deva II1(A.D, 1216-1235) when it was again included in Orissa.
Chodaganga’s ancestral capital was at Kalinganagara identified
with Mukhalingam situated in the Srikakulam district of Andhra, but after
his occupation of Orissa he transferred his capital to Cuttack which was
more centrally situated in his vast kingdom. Here the Gangas ruled for
fourteen generations and gradually became Oriyas and lost their former
identity. Chodaganga also built a number of strong forts in Orissa, of
which Jajpur, Amaravati (near Chhatia), Choudwar, Cuttack, and
Sarangagath (near Baranga) became most famous.
Like his forefathers Chodaganga was Saiva in his earlier life,
but after his occupation of Orissa he became a devotee of Jagannatha and
built for him a magnificent temple which stands at Puri tillnow The
Madalapanji records a tradition that Anangabhimadeva (III), great-
grandson of Chodaganga, built the present-temple of Jagannatha but the
Ganga copper plate grants definitely state that it is Chodaganga who
erected this famous monument. From the time of Chodaganga the shrine
of Jagannatha gained in importance and assumed an _ all-India character
which it never lost afterwards. Orissan culture thus owes a deep debt to
this famous king.
He had many sons of whom four ruled after him successively. He
had also many wives of whom Kasturikamodini, Indira and Chandralekha
became the mothers of Raghave, Madhu Kamarnnava, Rajaraja and
Aniyanka Bhima, who ruled after him.
Chodaganga has been considered to be the most powerful king of
his time in eastern India. He had an indomitable courage which never
failed him even inthe reverses of his earlier fife. Ruling for long 72
years he founded the strong Ganga kingdomin Orissa which was destined
to survive for 325 years. By erecting the Jagannatha temple and by
Increasing the importance of this famous shrine he also earned immortat
fame in Orissan history.
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 157°
Anantavarma Chodaganga had several names such as Chalukya
Ganga, Vikrama Gangesvara, Vira Rajendra Chodaganga and Gangesvra
Deva-bhupa, which are found form inscriptions. He had also several
wives of whom the names of the three queens, who became the mothers
of hissons succeeding to the throne, have been mentioned above, The
name of one of his brother was Pramadideva who had the title Raja and
who was probably a ruler of a province. Pramadi’s son was Chodaganga
who adopted the name of his uncle, Raja Pramadideva donated a per-
petual lamp in the shrine of Kedaresvara at Bhubaneswar and caused an
inscription to be engraved, which still exists there. The inscription is
dated Saka 1064 corresponding to A.D. 1142. Chodaganga himself donated
a perpetual lamp in the shrine of Kirttivasa (Lingaraja) at Bhubaneswar
in the Saka year 1036, corresponding to A.D. 1114. and caused an inscrip-
tion to be engraved on the wall of the Jagamohana of the shrine. This
inscription supplies us with the evidence that he must have conquered
Orissa before A.D. 1114. Chodaganga’s further connection with Orissa is
attested to by a small lake near Dhauli hill which bears the name of
Kausalya Ganga, the excavation of which is attributed by the Madala-
panji to Gangesvaradeva who can be no other than Chodagangadeva. A
village near Dhauli is also known as Gangesvarapura. About twelve miles
to the north of Bhubaneswar and near the Barang Railway Station, are
to be found the ruins of a vast ancient fort, known as Sarangagada, with
the remains of its outer and inner walls, now hidden up in the dense
jungle, In 1822 when Stirling wrote his An Account of Orissa tradition
ascribed the building of this fort and also of one at Kataka- Choudwar. to
Chodaganga, a name which has survived as Saranga or Chudanga with
the fort near Barang. Another fort knownas Kasiagarh. about six miles
in perimeter. with walls of sandstone about ten feet thick, and with
gates and bastions, still exists in ruined condition in the dense jungle
near the village Dalua on the road from Chandaka to Khurda, about
fifteen miles from Bhubaneswar. Except some walls, the interior of the
fort reveals no signs of occupation, the mounds, the ruins of any sort
and potsherds are conspicuous by their absence. It seems that the
fort was meant for the temporary residence of the soldiers when they
were required to remain concealed in the dense jungle. The local
tradition attributes its building to Chudangaraja. Besides, a Satj
memorial column inside the fort is still worshipped by the villagers
as Chudanga Dariani i.e., the concubine of Chudanga. These evidences
indicate that this fort was also built by Chodagangadeva. It seems
that his long reign lasting for seventy-two years witnessed the.
building of a_ series of forts at strategic points and in dense jungles,
158 HISTORY OF ORISSA
which accounted for his military successes and the extension of his
territories from the Godavari in the south to the river Ganga near
Hooghly in the north. His inscriptions ate also found in other parts
of Orissa. Inthe Andhra region the inscriptions which refer to him,
are numerous, and they are particularly so at Draksharama in the East
Godavari district and onthe Simhachalam temple. His name seems to
have been also associated witha partof the Puri town which is still
known as Chudanga Sahi.
The chronology of the Gangas as given by Mr. R. Subbarao
shown above, has been modified by the later scholars. The reasons
forthe modification have been stated in a foot note given on page
224 of The Struggle fi Emptre (Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan), which we
quote below :
“The extreme kiown dates of the kings mentioned in this
para have been given in the parenthesis. No attempt has been made
to determine the years of their accession with the help of stone
inscriptions bearing original years along with dates in Saka year,
as there is no agreement between them. Sometimes regnal years
given in the stone inscriptions exceed the reign-periods mentioned
in the copper plates. In orderto meet these difficuities M. M.
Chakravarti suggests that regnal years given are as a matter of fact
anka years which will have to be calculated by a particular method
inorderto get the actual figures (Cf. JASB. LXXIl, 100; G.
Ramdas, JSORS, XVIII. 285; Subbafao, JAHRS VI. 208). But the
application of this system also docs not lead to the correct salution
of the problem.”
1. Kamarnava VII( A D. 1147-1156 )
Kamarnava who suceeded his father Chodaganga, was probably
his eldest son by his wife Kasturikamodini. It seems that on account
of the extreme old age of his father he was associated with his
administration towards the end of his life or had become the joint
ruler of the State. His name also appears as Jatesvara in some
inscriptions and he figures inthe Kalachuri records under the same
neme. Heis also otherwise known as Madhuxamarnava He conti-
nued the fight against the Kalachuris of Ratnapura which had been
begun by his father, but inthis fight he, like his father, was un-
successful. The fight, as we have observed earlier, was for the
possession of the Sambalpur-Sonepur-Bolangir tract of western Orissa,
which was once a part of the Somavamsi kingdom and which the Gangas
claimed as the successors of the Somavamsis. This tract continued
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 159 :
to be in the possession of the Kalachuris and, as will be shown below.
it was wrested from them by Anangabhimadeva lll. This king is
known from several stone inscriptions still to be found in the Andhra
region upto. the river Godavari He performed the Tulabharam
ceremony by which he weighed himself against gold and this gold was
distributed among his courtiers and the Brahmins.
2. Raghava (A. D. 1156-11790)
We learn from the Kendupatna Plates that Chodaganga had
by his queen Indira a son named Raghava who succeded his brother
Kamarnava. Some inscriptions bestow vague praises upon him, but
his reign appears to have been mostly uneventful. He died childless
and was succeeded by the two sons of Chandralekha, another queen
of Chodaganga, and they ruled after him as Raja Raja |! and Aniyanka or
Anangabhimadeva II.
3. Raja Raja i] (A. D. 1170-1190)
In The Strugvie fur Empire this king has been assigned a reign
from A.D. 1171-1192. Like his father and his brothers his name has.
also found mention in a number of stone inscriptions mostly found in the
Andhra region, but they do not provide us with any substantial infor-
mation about his achievements.
4. Aniyanka-Bhima or Anangabhima H
(A, D. 1190-1198)
The Meghesvara Inscription originally attached to the Meghe-
svara temple at Bhubaneswar, wirows welcome light on the reign of this
king It is stated inthis inscrintion that Svapnesvaradeva built the
Meghesvara temple anc excavated several tanks ard granted villages to
the Brahmins. The relation of Svapnesvara with Raja Rajall and
Anaiyanka Bhima I! has been given in the following genealogy to be
found in this epigraph ;
Gautama (Gotra)
Hvaradceva
MulJadeva
Ahijirama
Atrey (Gotra)
| | Chodaganys
| | His son, Raju Raja ll
Svapnesvara (donor) Sura miadevi= ie ita Aniyanka
Bhima
160 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Svapnesvara was thus the brother-in-law of Raja Raja Il and
Aniyanka Bhima I! and served asthe commander of the Ganga army
under both the brothers The date of the construction of the Meghesvara
temple cannot be determined accurately, but it was certainly construc-
ted towards the close of the twelfth century A. D.
5. Raja‘Raja Il! (A.D. 1198-1211)
The copper plate grants of the successors of this king represent htm
as the son of Aniyanka Bhima Deva by his chief queen Bughalla Devi.
His successors have bestowed high praises on him. but have recorded
no definite achievement to his credit. He figures in some stone inscrip-
tions engraved on the temple of Srikurmanatha. The chief interest of
his reign lies in the fact that from his time the Muslims started their
attack on Orissa. From the Tabagat-1-Na tri we learn that in A.D. 1205
Bakhtyar Khiliji sent two Khiliji brothers named Muhammad Sheran
and Ahmad Sheran for the conquest of Lakhnor (in Bengal} and Jajnagar
(Orissa), but on account of the premature death of Bakhtyar Khiliji in
his campaign against Kamarupa (Assam) and Tibetin A.D. 1205, the
Khiliji brothers returned to Devkot without conquering Orissa. The
first attempt of the Muslims to conquer Orissa thus became unsuccessful.
The struggle between the Gangas and the Muslim Governors of Benga!
however continued in the reigns of his successors.
6. Anangabhimadeva II! (A.D. 1211-1238)
The two major events of the reign of this Ganga king are his
conquest of the Sambalpur-Sonepur-Bolangir tract from.the Kalachuris
of Ratnapura and his struggle against the Muslims of Bengal. As observ-
ed earlier, the western part of modern Orissa was in the occupation of the
Kalachuris and Chodaganga and his son Kamarnava had failed to wrest
it from them. An ambitious king like Chodaganga who conquered the
entire south-eastern coastal territory from the river Godavari in the
south to the river Hooghly in the north, would not have failed to
recognise the utility of acquiring the Sonepur area which formed the
western frontier of his state, and which had for long remained a part of
Orissa during the supremacy of the Bhaumas and the Somavamsis.
Chodaganga as a successor of the Somavamsis in Orissa by conquest,
would have also found a sort of legal pretext to try to recover this
convenient western frontier from the Kalachuris of Ratnapura. The
Kalachuri inscriptions supply definite information about a course of
struggle that inevitably followed between the Gangas of Orissa and the
Kalachuris of Ratnapura in the early part of the Ganga rule in Orissa.
THE FARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 161
It is claimed in the Kalachuri epigraphic records that Ratnadeva {I and
Prithvideva I! respectively defeated Chodagangadeva and his son and
successor Jatesvara alias Madhu Kamarnava. One of these records
definitely states that the fight between tne Ganga and the Kalacnuri armies
took place at Seorinarayan, a wellknown place of pilgrimage on the left
bank of the Mahanadi, thirty-eight miles south-east of Bilaspur in the
Janjgir Tahsil of the Bilaspur district of Madhyapradesh. The position of
the battle field gives us an idea that the fight was for the possession of the
Sonepur tract, or else the hostility between the Gangas of Orissa and the
Kalachuris of Ratnapura at thisstage cannot otherwise be explaincd it
Cannot be supposed that the Ganga army was on the move in the Bilaspur
region with a view to conquer the Kalachuri kingdom of Ratnapura. Such a
supposition «ill overlook the position of the Ganga state, its extent, the
difficulties of communication and the general strategy which the Gangas
followed for the expansion of their enipire. The conclusion therefore
becomes inevitable that the struggle that ensued between the first two
Ganga kings of Orissa and the Kalachuri kings of Ratnapura, was for the
possession of the Sonepur region, but this struggle ended in the victory of
the Kalachuris. It is evident from the Kalachuri inscriptions that the Gangas
were defeated and consequently failed to occupy the Sonepur tract. In the
Ganga epigraphic records there is no mention of their fight with the
Kalachuris, a fact whicn indicates that they were defeated. Had they been
successful in their fight with the Kalachuris, such a fact would not have
failed to find me..tion in their epigraphic records which usually contain
references to their victories and ‘Conquests.
When was then Sonepur occupied by the Gangas? Both the
epigraphic evidence and the tradition combine to prove that Sonepur was
occupied by the Gangas during the reign of Anangabhimadeva Hl (A.D.
1211-38), who is known to have been a valiant fighter and to have
successfully defended his state against the Muslim inroads from the north.
Inthe Chatesvara Temple Inscription it is stated that Vishnu, the Brahmin
minister of Anangabhimadeva Ill, frightened the king of Tummana so
much so that the latter perceived him (Vishnu) everywhere in his kingdom.
Bereft of the poetical effusions the statement simply means that Vishnu,
the minister of Anangabhimadeva, managed to lead an army into
the territory of the king of Tummana which was the name of the
old capital of the Kalachuris (otherwise known as Chaidyas and
Haihayas) of Ratnapura. This Ganga expedition must have been intended
for the possession of the Sonepur tract, because, as already explained
above, it cannot otherwise be imagined that the expedition was intended
162 HISTORY OF ORISSA
for the conquest of the Kalachuri kingdom. Anangabhimadeva II! was @
contemporary of Pratapamalla who was aweak ruler and whose reign.
marked the decline of the Kalachuris of Ratnapura. It appears that
Anangabhima took advantage of the internal weakness of the Kalachuris
to revive the old claim of his predecessors for the possession of the
Sonepur territory and in this attempt, unlike his predecessors, he ultima-
tely succeeded. The Kalachuri records make no mention of their fight
with the Gangas inthe reign of Pratapamalladeva, a fact which indicates
that they were defeated and forced to relinquish their possession of
Sonepur.
The annexation of the Sonepur tract by Anangabhima is also
supported by the local tradition recorded in the Madalapanji, the temple
chronicle of Jaqannatha at Puri. Ina long proclamation purported to
have been issued by Anangbhimadeva for earmarking the total income
of his state for different purposes, it is stated that the king had increased
the income of the state by increasing the territories upto Sunupura
(Sonepur) in the west. Anangabhimadeva of this passage is to be_ identi-
fied with Anangabhimadeva III, because of the fact that he has been
described in it as the sixth king of the Ganga dynasty. Inthe genealogy
given inthe copper plate grants he also appears as the sixth king of the
dynasty.
There is yet another fact which indicates that Sonepur was
conquered during the reign of Anangabhimadeva II!. In the Commemora-
tive Inscription originally attached to the temple of Ananta Vasudeva,
situated on the eastern bank of Vindusarovara at Bhubaneswar, it is
stated that Chandrikadevi daughter of Anangabhimadeva II], had been
married to Paramardideva, the ornament of the Haihaya family, but
Paramardi after having successfully fought with the enemies of
Narasimhadeva |, son and successor of Anangabhimadeva Ill, ultimately
went to heaven and that after his death the widowed lady Chandrika
built the temple of Ananta Vasudeva in A.D. 1278. It seems that
Paramardideva fell fighting on the battle field in the long-drawn war
between the Muslim governors of Benga! and the Ganga kings of Orissa.
In the Tabaqat-i-Na.s1 it is stated that inthe fight that took place
between Narasimhadeva | and Yuzbak. the Muslim Governor of Bengal,
the Orissan army was commanded by Sabentar (Samanta Ray) who was
the son-in-law of the king of Orissa and who inflicted a defeaton Yuzbak
and that the latter lost a white elephant, The Muslim chronicle has not
made it clear whether the Samant Ray who commanded the Orissan army,
was the son-in-law of Narasimhadeva [or of his father Anangabhima-
deva lil. But from the evidence furnished by the Commemorative Inscrip-
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 163
tion of the Ananta Vasudeva temple quoted above, it becomes clear that
he was the son-in-law of Anangabhimadeva Ill and the husband of
Chandrikadevi. It is thus evident that after the death of Anangabhima,
Paramardi continued to serve his sonasthe commander of the Ganga
army bearing the designation Samanta Ray, and appears to have lost his
life on the battle field.
Since Paramardideva has pointely been described as a member of
the Haihaya or Kalachuri dynasty, it is permissible to infer that he was in
some way connected with the war that took place between the Kalachuris
(otherwise known as the Haihayas) of Ratnapura and the Ganga king
Anangabhimadeva II]. It is most probable that after the war an amicable
settlement was made between the warring parties and the Kalachuri king
agreed to cede Sonepur to Anangabhimadeva Ill who in his turn gave
his daughter in marriage to Paramardideva, a member of the Kalachuri
ruling family, and appointed him as the commander of his army. Or, it
may be that Paramardi was won overby Anangabhima and made an
instrument in his attempt to annex the Sonepur region. We have no clear
- evidence to warrant a definite conclusion in this connection, but from
What has been discussed above, it will be abundantly clear that Sonepur
was added to the Ganga empire in the reign of Anangabhimadava III.
We have stated above that the first attempt of the Muslims to
conquer Orissa became unsuccessful on account of the death of Bakhtyar
Khiliji. The next Governor of Bengal, Ghiyas-ud-din ‘lwaz’ renewed his
attempt to conquer Orissa in the reign of this king, but was repulsed by
the Orissan army. The Tabaqate#i-Nasiri states that the Muslim Governor
of Bengal took tribute from the Orissan king, but this statement
has been rejected by all scholars. Orissa remained unmolested by the
Muslims during the reign of Anangabhimadeva, but in the reign of his
successor Narasimahadeva | the hostilities were renewed,
We have observed earlier that Chandrika Devi, daughter of
Anangabhimadeva I!1, built the temple of Ananta Vasudeva at Bhubane-
swarin A. D. 1278, In the Commemorative Inscription of this temple she
has been represented as well versed in music and dance and as a devotee
of Vishnu from her childhood. The date of the temple indicates that she
built it in her old age when her father and her brother Narasimhadeva | had
ended their reigns and her husband Paramardideva had lost his life tn the
fight between the Gangas and the Muslims of Bengal. The temple still
stands on the eastern bank of the Vindusarovara at Bhubaneswar and
furnishes an excellent exmple of the Ganga art and architecture.
164 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Anangabhima invaded the eastern Chalukya kingdom of Vengi and
obtained sonie successes. Butheseems’ to have been defeated by the
Kakatiya king Ganapati of Warrangal and forced to cede to him the
territory which is now known as the East Godavari district.
The Mada'apanji represents this Ganga king as the great devotee
of Jagannatha, who recognised this great deity as the king of Orissa and
regarded himself as his deputy. We have no other evidence to show that
the Ganga kings formally surrendered their kingdom to Lord Jagannatha
and they regarded themselves as his deputies. But this tradition cannot
be brushed aside because of the fact that not only the Ganga kings, but
also the Suryavamsi and Bhoikings of Orissa actually considered
themselves as the servants of Lord Jagannatha. This custom still exists
and the Rajas of Puri, the traditional representatives of the
Gajapatis of Orissa, still perform the duties of sweepers at the time of
the Car Festival of this great deity. The Madalupanj: also attributes the
erection of the great temple of Jagannatha to this Ganga king, but scholars
have not accepted the statement of the Panji because of the fact that in
the Ganga epigraphic records Chodaganga has distinctly been stated as the
builder of this great temples Anangabhima might have however built or
completed some of the subsidiary structures of the Jagannatha temple,
and therefore the Madalapanji, compiled long after-the Ganga period, has
mistakenly attributed the erection of the monument to Anangabhima.
7, Narasimhadeval (A.D. 1238-1264.)
Narasimhadeva J, otherwise known as Langula Narasimha in
Orissan traditions, was the son and successor of Anangabhimadeva III
(A.D. 1211-1238.) By the time he ascended the throne the Muslims had
-conquered the north and south Bengal and_ had firmly established
themselves there. With their base in Bengal the Muslims wanted to
conquer Oriss2 and made several attempts during the reign of Ananga-
bhima II! to achieve their object, but the strong Orissan king was on his
auard and repulsed all their attacks When Anangabhima died in about
£..D. 1238 he left to his son the legacy of fighting with the Muslims.
Since A.D. 1194 when the Muslims under Bakhtyar Khiliji had conquered a
part of Bengal, a new political situation had arisenin the east and the
south-east India. Orissa was the neighbouring Stats of Bengal ard it was
therefore a question of time thatit too would be conquered by the
Muslims.
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 165.
Soon after his accession Narasimha | faced this new political:
situation and also realised its gravity. Two courses were left to him;
either, like his father, to repulse the Muslim attacks on his northern
frontier or to be engaged in an aggressive warfare against them.
He chose the latter alternative and thought that aggresssion was the
best means of defence. Few Hindu monarchs of Narasimha’s time
ever adopted his policy. He became determined to attack the Muslims
of Bengal without waiting for their attack on him.
Tovards the end of “D. 1243 Narasimha appeared at the
head of an army on the frontiers of the Muslim Bengal. [ts ruler
Tughril-Tughan Khan was no match for Narasimha either tn ability
or generalship. When the Muslim army wa:ted to fight, with the
Orissan army, it made a strategic retreat tothe frontier fort Katasimha
in Midnapore, which was surounded with jungles and cane~bushes
that provided streategic defence to them. In A.D, 1244 Tughril-
Tughan Khan appeared there at the head of an army, wanted to
take the fort by storm and obtained some initial successes. But the
Oriya soldiers hid themselves in jungles and cane-bushes and when
the Muslim army was engaged in their mid-day meal, they fell upon
it The Muslim soldiers were seized with panic and fled in hot haste,
pursued by the Orissan troops. Tughril Khan saved his life by flight.
Encouraged by this success Narasimha soon captured Lakhnor, the
secondary capital of Muslim Bengal, and the districts of Howrah. Hooghly,
Bankura and Birbhum became the part of his kingdom in consequence of
his victories. e
He next made a determined effort to capture Lakhnawati, the
capital of Muslim Bengal, andin March 1245 appeared there at the
head of an army and besieged it. Tughril Khan who had already sent
messangers to the Sultan of Delhi, remained besieged in the fort.
Fortunately for him the Sultan of Delhi ordered the governors of Kara-
Ma:ikpur and Awadh to come to his heip. When Narasin:! a heard of
the approach of the Muslim troops from the north, he raised the
seige and withdrew to his newly gained posssessions of south-west
Bengal.
Narasimha‘s campaigns in Bengal were boldly conceived and
brilliantly carried out. For a while he became the master of a portion
of soutn Bengal and nis vast kingdom extendad from the Ganga in the
north and the Godavari in the south. In the meanwhile there was a change
in the political situation in Muslim Bengal, Tughril Khan was considered to
be inefficient because of his defeat at the hands of Narasimha and was
166 HISTORY OF ORISSA
deposed. Yuzgak was appointed as the governor of Muslim Bengal,
and he made in A.D. 1253 severa! attempts to drive out the Oriyas from
Radha (south-west Benga!), His attempts were all foiled by the Orissan
army under the command of Paramardideva Samanta Raya who, as has
been shown earlier. was the son-in-law of Anangabhimadeva III, In the
third battle Yuzbak was so_ badly defeated that he appealed to the Sultan
of Delhi for help which appears to have been ultimately received by him
and which changed the situation for him for the better, The Orissan army
was in the end defeated and Paramardideva laid down his life in the battle
field. The Muslim authority in Radha was re-established.
Though Narasimha ultimately lost his hold on south-west Bengal,
the policy that he pursued bore abundant fruits, His strategy that aggre-
ssion is the best means of defence was a far-sighted one and it kept
Orissa independent for a long period. Narasimha lost his possessions in
Bengal in A.D. 1253 and Orissa lost her independence to the Muslims in
A.D. 1568. Therefore, despite the Muslim attempts to conquer Orissa, she
remained a staunch Hindu kingdom fora period of three hundred and
fifteen years even though she was surrounded by the neighbouring Muslim
states. This long independence of Orissa was, to a great extent, the indirect
result of Narasimha’s far-sighted policy which no other Hindu monarch of
his time pursued against the Muslims. Narasimha! stands as the most
brilliant Hindu statesman and general of his age.
His achievements in the field of art and architecture were as
brilliant as his achievements in the fields of politics and wars, He was
the builder of the world famous sun temple of Konarka, The only part of
this unique monument that has survived almost in tact now, is its
Jagamohana, The tower of the main temple has fallen, but its basement
still remains, The joint structures of the Vsmana (the main temple) and
J agamohana (the porch) were conceived in the form of a ratha or car, and
have therefore been based on an immense terrace with twenty-four gaint
wheels, being, as it were, drawn by seven huge horses, the remains of
which still exist on both side of the eastern doorway, The Jagamvhana had
three doors, but these have now been blocked and the interior filled with
sand. The roof of the Jagamohana is pyramidal in form, opening out into
three platforms containing life-size statues mostly with musical instruments,
There was also a separate structure of Natamandtra (dancing hall), of
which only the basement has survived,
Allthese three structures were very nicely decorated, Few
‘buildings can boast of such an unrestrained abundance of plastic decora-
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 167°
tions as the sun temple at Konarka can. The decorations consist of
innumerable patterns such as geomatrical designs, Nagas and Nagis.
obscene sculptures, conventional foliage, human and divine figures etc..
Even though the temple is in ruin and what has survived is only a fraction
of its former grandeur, it still excites the wonder and admiration of all
visitors.
The two huge war horses of stone thatare still to be seen at
Konarka with their dismounted riders, are most likely the war memorials
which Narasimha created after his victories in Bengal, From an inscription
On the Lingaraja temple it appears that he also defeated the great Kakatiya
king Ganapati of the Andhra coustry. Thus he was victorious in his wars
both in the north and south. His successes in wars and art and architecture
were equally great and therefore his reign is considered to be the golden
period of Orissan history.
We have briefly narrated above the fight between Narasimha |
and the Muslim Governors of Bengal, but a graphic picture of the fight
based on the Muslim sources has been given by Dr. K. R. Quanungo in
The History of Bengal, Muslim Period, 1973, pp. 48-52, which is worth
quoting here:
“Tughral Tughan slept over this dangerous aggression of Orissa
on his immediate frontier till the emboldened enemy actually began
ravaging his own possesions onthe Lakhnor side inthe dry season of
1243. Where were the army an@ the fleet of Tughral ? He could not take
the field to repel the Hindu invasion till the month of Shawwal 641 A. H.
(mid March, 1244 A.D.) when Minhaj-i-Siraj, the historian, also joined
in ‘this holy war.” The army of Tughral Tughan marched along the broad
highway of ‘Ilwaz as far as Lakhnor, and pushed further south-east after
having crossed the rivers Ajaya and Damodar. The army of Orissa retreated
without fighting to their frontier fortress of Katasin. tn a region full
of jungle and can3.bushes suited for amousi and surprise. Tughan’s
objective was perhaps some fort north of Vishnupur in the Bankura
district,
On Saturday morning 6th of Ziqadah 641 (16th April, 1244)
the Turks delivered an assault on the fort of Katasin, carried two ditches
after hard fighting and put the Hindus to flight who left some elephants
behind. Asit was the time of mid-day meal, Tughral Tughan_ recalled
his troops from the assault and ordered that nobody should vex the
elephants which were evidently left in their place on the other side of the
second ditch. The soldiers of the army of Islam were busy in preparing.
168 HISTORY OF ORISSA
or eating their meals. A party of Orissa soldiers madea_ sortie from the
direction of the fort to take away the elephants they had left behird
in the morning; and simultanxeously a small detachment of two hundred
footmen and fifty sawars stole their way from behind a cane-jungle and
rushed upon the rear of the Muslim army Thepanic spread to the
whole army of Tughral Tughan han. Atany rate the army of Orissa
kept up a hot pursuit, and the Turks did not make a stand even in their
own fort of Lakhnor, 7) miles nerthwest of Katasin. It will be idle to
suppose that the Muslim army was helpless before a handful of enemies
or that the Turk had forgotien his trade. Tughral Tughan Khan was
no doubt out-generalled by the king of Orissa who had drawn the enemy
far away from their frontier and must have concealed more than one
surprising party along the whole route of the enemy’s advance. A greater
disaster had not till then befallen the Muslims in any part of Hindustan.
“‘The Muslims,’ says Minhaj ‘ sustained an overthrow, and a great number
of those holy warriors attained martyrdom.’’
“The situation was critical at Lakhnawati. Tughan Khan after his
return from Katasin sent Sharf-ul-Mulk al-Ashari and Quazi Jalaluddin
Kashani to the Imperial Court to implore military assistance. The mission
was successful; Sultan Alauddin Mas’ud Shah issued orders to Matik
Qara-Qash Khan, governor of Kara-Manikpur, and also to Malik Tamar Khan
of Oudh to unite their forces and march at once ‘‘for exterminating the
infidels of Jajnagar.”” Meanwhile the Ray of Jajnagar followed up _ his
success by capturing Lakhnor and putting to sword Fakhr-ul Mulk
Karimuddin Langhri, the tief-holder of Lakhnor, along with a large number
of Muslims. The rule of the Turks was terminated in Radh, and Varendra
was invaded next year. On Tuesday, the 13th Shwwal 642 A..i. (14th
March, 1244) the army of Orissa consisting of a large number of parks
(infantry) and elephants actually arrived before the Muslim capital, and
drove Tughral Tughan to seek shelter within the gates of Lakhnawti. The
very next duy messengers are said to have brought news to Lakhnawati
that the army of Hindustan was near at hand;—perhaps a trick to hearten
the people of the city. However, the army of Hindustan was really on
its march through Bihar along the southern bank of the Ganges,
and within a few days reached “the Hill of Lakhnawati’ i.e. the
Rajmahal hills; and the Hindu army thus thereatened on the _ flank
withdrew from the neighbourhood of Lakhnawati. Instead of combining
to retrieve the prestige of Muslim arms and exterminate the Hindus,
the Muslims now fell out; Tughral Tughan Khan wished the army
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 169
‘Of Hindustan under Malik Tamar Khan of Oudh to march back as the Hindus
had already retreated: but he shared the unhappy fate of a prince who
calls to his aid a more powerful ally. MaliK Tamar Khan-i-Qiran,
bent on depriving Tughan Khan of Bengal laid seige to Lakhnawati and
daily skirmishes continued between the hostile forces. One morning the
two Khans fought till mid-day, after which both the armies retired for their
meals Most of the soldiers of Tughan Khan had gone into the city and a
few troopers who were feft with him in the camp outside the city-gate
had also alighted from their horses. Malik Tamar Khan stood ready for
battle in his camp and was waiting for news from the spies whom he_ had
set upon the movements of Tughral Tughan. He at once madea dash
for camp of Tughan Khan, who absolutely unprepared for such an
emergency, saved himself by fight within the city, on Tuesday the 5th of
Zilhijjah, 642 (4th May 1245 a Thursday).”
‘Malik Ikhtyaruddin Yuzbak, governor of Oudh, succeded Mas’ud
Jani in 650 A.H. The new governor was a habitutal rebel, having already
risen twice against Sultan Nasiruddin, and been each time pardoned and
promoted through the favour of Ulugh Khan Balban ‘‘Rashness ard
imperiousness’ says Minhaj-i- Siraj, ‘“were implanted in his nature and
constitution’? but he was a man of undobuted ability as a soldier and proved
a successful ruler too. After having consolidated his authority tn Varendra
he led an expedition the Radha in Q51 A.H. (c. November-December, 1253)
to retrieve the prestige of the Turkish arms. It proved a hard job, as a
vigorous chief of Orissa, ason-in-law and feudatory (Savantar, Oriya
Santra’ of Raja Narasimhadeva I, had consolidated a powerful vassal
kingdom with his capital at Madaran (Umardan of Minhaj) in the north-
eastern corner of the modern Hooghly district, a few miles west of
Chinsurah. During this campaign three battles were fought and in the last of
them Malik |khtyaruddin Yuzbak suffered a defeat with heavy loss, though
he “showed in comparison with Tughral Tughan greater courage and
grit”. He implored assistance from the Imperial Court which was itself
helpless on account of the temporary eclipse of the power of Ulugh Khan
Balban and the ascendancy of the faction of ‘Imaduddin Rayani and Masud
Jani, the latter having married scandalously Sultan Nasiruddin’s own
mother, Malka.i-Jhan. However, Malik ‘ikhtyaruddin Yuzbak reorganised
his own army and two years later (653 A.H/c. November, December 1255)
again invadad Radha. Grown wiser by his previous experience he avoided
frontal attacks which gave an advantage to the army of Orissa with its
170 HISTORY OF ORISSA
numerous elephants. According to the notions of the age, an elephant was.
considered worth ‘five hundred horsemen” even by a military expert like
Balban: because, unlike the ancient Romans who fought Pyrrhus, the Turks
had not yet discovered the weak points of this mighty animal. With his
superior cavalry Malik Ikhtyaruddin dealt swift and decisive blows by
resorting to the nomad tactics of stratagem and surprise against the slow-
moving Hindu infantry and won conspicuous success. By a well-planned
attack he captured Madaran, the capital of Savantar, and everything within
the city except the person of the Orissa chief fell into -his hands. He next
turned his arms to reducing the whole country of Radha, which was almost
completed with the second conquest of Nadia. Malik Ikhtyaruddin Yuzbak
now rebelled a third time against the Sultan of Delhiand commemorated his
new conquests by aspecial issue of a beautiful silver coin from the
Lakhnawati mint in the month of Ramzan 653 A.H. He was the first Shams!
Mamluk who openly assumed the title of Sultan, Sultan Mughis al-duniya
waal-din Abul Muzaffar Yuzbak al-Sultan.”
It was due to their frontier policy that Anangabhima and his son
Narasimhadeva | fought against the Kalachuris, the. Muslims of Bengal
and the Kakatiyas. We have said earlier that it was due to an old claim of
the Gangas to the Sonepur region, which was their western frontier, that
Anangabhima II! successfully fought against the Kalachuris of Ratnapura.
His clash with the Kakatiya king Ganapati resulted from his frontier policy
in which he seems to have been unsuccessful. As a result of this clash a
portion of his kingdom, now known as the East Godavari district, passed
into the Kakatiya possession. This lost portion seems to have been retrieved
by his able son Narasimha | who, in all likelihood. wrested that district
from Ganapati. In an inscription engraved onthe temple of Lingaraja at
Bhubaneswar (Indian Culture, Vol. I, pp. 221-226: Orissa Historical
Research Journal, Vol.!, No. 4, 1953, pp. 303; Indian Historical Quarterly,
1954, pp. 81-83), Narasimha | is stated to have frightened Ganapati with his
sword, and this Ganapati has been identifed with the Kakatiya king of
the same name. It seems that the conflict between the two monarchs was
due to a border dispute and in this dispute Narasimha seems to have been
victorious. The East Godavari district which originally formed a part of the
Ganga kingdom, was wrested by the Ganga king from his formidable rival
Ganapati and the river Godavari again became the southern boundary of the
Ganga kingdom and continued toremain so till the end of the dynasty,
Narasimha’s fight with the Muslims of Bengal was also largely due to his
forntier policy in the north. Chodaganga had conquered a part of the
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 171
south-west Bengal upto the river Hooghly and had created a secondary
capital at Aramya(Arambag) in the present Hooghly district, where he
must have placed a Governor and a strong army. In subsequent times, the
date of which cannot be accurately determined, this northern frontier was
lost by the Gangas and it was wrested from them by the Senas, probably
by Vijayasena, who was the erstwhile friend of Chodaganga at the time of
his conquest of this portion of Bengal. Subsequently the Muslims took
possession of that portion of Bengal which was once under the Gangas
and it remained in their possession upto the reign of Narasimha who found
in it a legal pretext to invade Radha (south-west Bengal). His fight with
the Muslims was therefore partly due to his attempt to recover the lost
northern frontier and partly due to stem the tide of the Muslim aggression
against Orissa. Narasimha did not succeed in keeping the reconquered
territory of south~west Bengal, but his operations there resulted in
keeping the Muslims at arm’s length,
When the Slave dynasty'was ruling at Delhi, Raja Raja Ill,
Anangabhima tI] and Narasimha ! were ruling in Orissa. Bengal was
formally under the Slave Sultans, where they appointed their Governors,
but since Bengal was far away from Delhi, the Governors appointed very
Often rebelled against the Sultans and sometimes declared their inde-
pendence. At Delhi there were succession disputes afrer the death of
each monarch.and after Balban, the Slave dynasty did not produce any
strong ruler. These circumstances explain why the Muslims of Bengal did
notrenew their attack on Orissa. Nature has provided Orissa with
protection in shape of hills, jungles and rivers, which were considered
difficult, if not insurmountable, barriers in the movement of fighting forces.
Besides, the Gangas had created a vast fighting force, which not only kept
their kingdom safe, but also challenged the external enemies. These
factors provided .Orissa with comparative freedom from the Mustim
danger, or else the Muslims did not respect the independence of Orissa
out of benevolent motives.
Narasimhadeva I!’s victories have sometimes been mentioned in
poetic language in the copper plate grants of his successors, One of the
copper plate records of Narasimhadeva II refers to the victories of
Narasimha in the following poetical language :
‘‘The (white) river Ganga blackened fora great distance by the
collyrium washed away by tears from the eyes of the weeping Yavanis
172 HISTORY OF ORISSA
(Muslim women) of Radha and Varendra and rendered waveless, as if by
this astonishing achievement, and was now transformed by that monarch.
(i. e. Narasimha 1) into the (blackwatered) Yamuna.”’
Vidyadhara who composed his Ekaval: in the reign of Narasimha |
refers to the Muslim of Bengal as Hammira, Yavana and Saka and repre-
sents his patron Narasimha as Yavanavani Vallabhava or the Lord of the
Yavana kingdom, and telis us that his patron defeated the WHammiras
(Amirs) of Bengal in Vanga sangara (the Bengal war). The Madalapanii
does not refer to the glorious victories of the Ganga king in Bengal, a fact
clearly indicates that at the time of its compilation the glorious deeds of
Narasimha | had been completely forgotten in Orissa. In their anxiety to
push back the beginni:g of the Oriya literature to remote antiquity, some
scholars in Orissa want us to believe that this chronicle was started to be
written from the reign of Chodagangadeva, but they do not tell us how
the most glorious achievement of this Ganga king have not found
mention inthe Madalapanji. We have shown in Appendix IV that the
Madalapanj:1is a very late work and it was compiled not earlier
than the last part of the sixteenth century.
8. Bhanudeva I ‘A.D. 1264—1279)
The reign of this king has appeared to historians as uneventful
not because that many events did not take place during his time,
but because of the fact that, like his father, hedid not fight with
the external enemies from whose sources we generally collect information
about the achievements of the Ganga kings. Bhanudeva |, other-wise
known as Vira Bhanudeva |, was the son of Narasimhadeva | by his
queen. Sita Devi, who appears in the inscriptions as the daughter of
Malachandra, king of Malwa. The chief events of his reign known from
inscriptions, centre round the fong stay in Orissa of Narahari Tirtha who
was the disciple of Ananda Ti:tha, the famous founder of the Dvaitg
Philosophy We know the history of his long stay and -vork in Orissa
during the reigns of Narasimhadeva |, Bhanudeva | and Narasimhadeva |]
from the Madhava Vijaya Kavya of Narayan a Pandit and the Narahari
Stotram and also from many inscriptions still to be found on the temples
of Srikurmanatha and Simhachalam. From these sources it becomes
evident that Narahari Tirtha lived in Orissa from A.D. 1264 to A D. 1293
and not only preached the Vaishnavaism of the Madnava sect, but
also became the Governor of a province inthe Ganga kingdom and the.
regent of Narasimhadeva II during his minority.
It is stated in the aforesaid literary works that Ananda Tirtha who
was also Known as Madhavacharya, instructed his disciple Narahari
THE EARLY GANGAS AND TH& GREATER GANGAS 173:
Tirtha to proceed to the kingdom of the Ganga king and to obtain from
him the images of Rama and Sita. Narahari lived in the Ganga kingdom.
for long and worked in the different capacities as mentioned above, and
ultimately obtained as his reward the required images of Rama and Sita
and placed them in the hands of his Guru. Itis stated that these images
were hereditarily worshipped by Ananda Tirtha and his disciples who
succeeded him. Narahari worshipped these images and also toured the
southern part of India for spreading the Madhava cult and ultimately died
on the bank of the river Tungabhadra,
Among the inscriptions which refer to Narahari Tirtha, one at
Srikurmam records that Narahari, the disciple of Ananda, set up the images
of Sri Ramanatha, Sita Paramesvari and Lakshmanadeva in Srikurmam
and made endowments for their daily worship, Another inscription states
that the village Korni was granted to fifteen Vaishnavite Brahmins by the
Order of Narahari Muni, the protege of king Bhanudeva. From these
records and others it becomes evident that his donations were made
exclusively for the worship of the Vaishnavite gods and forthe enjoyment
of Vaishnavite Brahmins. His long stay tn Orissa was mostly responsible
for the ascendancy of Vaishnavism in this country, which we shall have the
occasion to discuss at some !ength later.
Several votive inscriptions at Srikurmanatha aud Simhachalam
refer to this king, but although they throw some light on the religious and
administrative aspects of his kingdom, they do not add much to our
knowledge of history
In western Orissa one stone inscription of his reign, to be still
found in the temple of Stambhesvari at Sonepur, proves that the western
part of Orissa, reconquered from the Kalachuris by Anangabhimadeva III,
had formed an integral part of the Ganga kingdom and the arrangement
had been made by the Ganga kings for its administration The inscription
was originally in the temple of Vaidyanatha atthe village of the same
name situated onthe river Tel, tenmiles from Sonepur. It was sub.
sequently removed to Sonepur by the order of the local chief and preserved
in the temole of Stambhesvari. In the epigraph it is recordecdt that in the
seventh anba of Vira Bhanudeva Shankara, the’ ruler of the
western part of his kingdom, stationed at Sunapura Ketaka ( Sonepur ),
donatad twelve new oblation plates to the god Vaidyanathadeva for the
long life of the king Vira Bhanudeva. In this record the donor has been
given titles Samanta, Padiraya, Visavati and Paschimadesadhikart. From
the evidence furnished by this record itis clear that the Ganga rule had
firmly established itself in the western part their extensive kingdom.
(474 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Another inscription of the reign of this king has been recently
discovered in the compound of the temple of Lingaraja at Bhubaneswar,
It has been edited by the Jate Mr. B. B. Nath in The Orissa Historical
Research Journal, Vol. Ill, No.3, pp, 146-149, It records the donation of
two pots of cakes for Umadevi by one Bhima Bahika in the thirteenth
regnal year of king Bhanudeva. Since the inscription was found engraved
on the floor of that part of the Lingaraja compound which is very close
to the present temple of Parvati, it has been rightly concluded that the
cakes were meant for the daily offering of that deity, The deity in the
present temple of Parvati is an Arnapurnna image, So, it has been
suggested by the editor that this Arnapurnna image was probably a
‘subsequent substitute of the original image of Umadevi or Parvati, The
original image was probably destroyed during some raids by the
‘Muslims.
‘9. Narasimhadeva II (A.D. 1279—1 306)
Like his predecessors Narasimhadeva II is also known froma
Yarge number of votive inscriptions to be found on the temples of
Srikurmanatha and Simhachalam, but these records do not throw much
light on the events of his reign. Fromone inscription of the Srikurma-
natha temple itis evident that Narahari Tirtha was the Governor of
Kalinga inthe fifth regnal year of this king. It is dated Saka 1204 or
A.D. 1282. ;
From the Kendupatna Copper Plate Grants we learn that
Narasimhadeva II was the son of Bhanudeva and his queen Jakalladevi
of the Chalukya family. These grants of Narasimhadeva II were made
onthe occassion of a lunar eclipse in A D. 1295 from the royal
camp at Remuna in the Balasore district. The ealier interpretation
of a passage inthem was that the king issued these charters while
he was jubilant over anew conquest near the Gangés, butit is not
accepted by the later scholars. As amatter of fact, Narasimhadeva II
did not fight with any external enemy. During his reign Tughril Khan,
the Governor of Bengal rebelled against Balban, the Sultan of Delhi, and
when the Sultan himself led an expedition against him, he fled to
Jajnagar, but was ultimately captured and beheaded, This Jajnagar had
been identified with Orissa by some earlier scholars, but it is now defini-
tely established that Tughril Khan did not flee to Orissato escape the
fury of the Sultan, but he fled to Tippera, Evidently -the Muslims called
both Orissa and Tippera as Jajnagar.
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 175°.
10. Bhanudeva li (A.D. 1306—1328)
Bhanudeva II was the son and successor of Narasimhadeva I! by-
his queen Choda Mahadevi. Like his father he has also been referred to
in some votive inscriptions to be found at Srikurmanatha and Simhachalm,
but the main event of his reign is the invasion of Orissa by Ulugh Khan,
son of Ghiyas-ud-din-Tughlug, who later became famous as Muhammad-
Bin Tughluq (A D. 1325—51). Ulugh Khan, otherwise also known as Juna
Khan, had been sent by his fatherto subdue Prataparudradeva, king of
Warrangal, who had neglected the payment of tribute to the Delhi
Sultanate. Ulugh Khan after defeating this Hindu king and forcing him
to surrender and to proceed to Delhi with his elephants and treasures,
thought of raiding the eastern coast. He proceeded to Rajahmundry where
an inscription still to be found ina mosque, records that it was built in
A.D.1324 by Ulugh Khan. From Rajahmundry he proceeded towards
Orissa, but king Bhanudeva !I sent a large force to his southern frontier,
which checked his advance. The Muslim chroniclers make a very brief
reference to prince Juna’s invasion of Orissa, which indicates that he
was not successful in his invasion. The Puri Plates of Narasimhadeva !V
definitely state that Bhanudeva II scored a victory over Ghiyas-ud-din
Tughluq, which means that the invasion Ulugh Khan was successfully
checked by Bhanudeva !!. In The Delhi Sultanate (Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan, pp. 361-62) DrA.K. Rayrecords the following apprectative
remarks about the achievement of Bhanudeva I! :—
“The Puri Plates of Narasimhadeva IV give him credit for a
victory over the king named Gayasadina who has been correctly identi-
fied with the Tughluq Sultan, Ghiyas-ud-din. There is, however,
nothing to support the contention of R. D. Banerji that ‘Bhanudeva II
had fought with Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlug during his campaign in Bengal’.
The reference is obviously to the invasion of Orissa by Ghiyas-ud-din’s
son Ulugh Khan during the reign of the former, to which reference has
been made above. There seems to be little doubt that though Muslim
forces gained some successes at first, Bhanudeva ultimately forced them
to withdraw. Inthe days when one Hindu State after another was
crushing beneath the hammering blows of the Muslim hosts, it was no
mean achievement on the part of Bhanudeva II. It is significant that the
Muslim historians make only avery brief or passing reference to this
expedition’.
Itis to be noted that Bhanudeva il’s victory over Gayasadina as
given in the Puri Plates refers actually to the raids of DINGS Ulugh
Khan and notto the invasion of his father Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq. It
176 HISTORY OF ORISSA
has now been an accepted fact that the invasion of Juna Khan has been
represented in the Puri Plates as an invasion of his father. The Muslim
chronicles state that Ulugh Khan took away forty elephants from Orissa,
but there are reasons to doubt this statement also. Before subduing the
Orissan king he wasrepulsed by him and, therefore, there was no
occassion for him to take away forty elephants fromth2: Ganga king In
the list of the provinces under thecontrol of Ulugh Khan, given in the
Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Jajnagar or Orissa has not found mention, which
indicates that he failed to subdue the king of Orissa Ulugh Khan’s
attempt to conquer Orissa was therefore a passing show.
11. Narasimhadeva Ill (A. D, 1328-1352)
He was the son of Lakshmidevi and his own wife was called
Kamaladevi. From the votive inscriptions of Srikurmam and Simhachalam
we know the names of his other two queens, Gangadevi and Kommidevi,
His long reign of twenty-four years was mostly uneventful.
12. Bhanudeva Ill (A.D 1352—1378)
He was the son of Narasimhadeva II! by his queen Kamaladevi.
He is known from several records from Srikurmam, Simhachalam and
Mukhalingam. His inscription at Mukhalingam is interesting on account
ofthe fact that his immediate predecessors had practically neglected
Saivism and this inscription shows. that king Bhanudeva II} had still a
leaning towards it The chief event of histreign is the invasion of Orissa
by Firuz Shah Tughiuq, the Sultan of Delhi in AD. 1361. The circum-
stances leading to this invasion can be summarised as follows :
The Sultan during his campaigns in Bengal succeeded in forcing
Sikandar, the independent Sultan of Bengal. to pay him tribute and then
reached Jaunpur on his way back to Deshi. Then he suddenly conceived
of invading Orissaand after leaving his heavy baggages at Kara near
Allahabad, he marched towards Orissa ‘vith a large cavalry. He marched
through Bihar, modern Pachet and Sikhar inthe Manbhum district. He
then pushed forward through the defiles of Manbhum and Singhbhum
till he reached Tinanagar which has been identified with modern
Khiching, the ancient capital of the Bhanja rulers of Mayurbhanj. Then
marching through Keonjhar, the Sultan reached the border of the
Cuttack district and then proceededto the fort Saranghar where king
Bhanudeva lil was staying. The garrison of the fort fought bravely, but
were defeated by the Muslims. The Sultan then marched to the Ganga
capital Cuttack and then proceeded to the sacred city of Puri and
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 177
demolished the temple of Jagannatha and desecreted the images. From
Puri his troops marched to an island in the Chilika lake where a_ large
number of men, women and children had taken shelter. They were
mercilessly massacred. After this act the Sultan concluded his victorious
Campaign by an elephant hunt at Padamtala in oid Baramba State.
The Tarihk-i-Firuz Shahi and Sirat-i-Firuz Shahi are the two
Muslim chronicles from which most of the facts connected with Firuz
‘ Shaha’s invasion of Orissa have been collected by the modern historians,
but these two sources differ from each other at material points. The
translators of the Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi have also translated the accounts
of this invasion differently. For instance, in the translation of this work
by Elliot and Dowson the name of the king of Orissa has been given as
Adaya, while in the translation of a passage of the same work by Major
Raverty, the king’s name appeats as Bhanu Diw or Bir Bhanu Dev.
Shams-i-Siraj Afif, the author of the Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi received his
accounts of Firuz’s invasion of Orissa from his father, who accompanied
the Sultan and author of the Sirat-i-Firuz Shai depended for his account
even on still later sources. Inthecircumstances, the account of Firuz
Shaha’s invasion of Orissa that has come down tous, isa confused one.
The Muslim chroniclers have also exaggerated the achievements and the
atrocities of the Muslim troops during their operations in Orissa. A
modern scholar, Dr. M.A, Haque, after consulting the different sources,
has recently tried 10 throw some new light on Firuz Shaha’s invasion in
his article on The Route of Firuz Shaha’s Invasion of Orissa in 1360 A.D.
published in The Orissa Historica? Research Journal, Vol. XV, Nos. 3 and
4, pp, 62-68. He says, ‘it is douotful whether the account is wholly true
particularly in respect of the submission of the Bhanudeva Ill. It is
inconceivable how a mighty king with such a large empire and such great
resources could so easily submitto a hunting excursion party of Firuz
Tughlaq, Up till now there was no epigraphical record of Bhanudeva’s
reign to prove this event of his reign. In recent times a number of copper
plates have been discovered of Bhanudeva Ill’s reign. The copper plates
had been issued by Bhanudeva lil just after the year of invasion of Firuz
Shaha, but there is no mention in those copper plates about the invasion
of Firuz. Rather Bhanudeva Hl in that year had granted rewards to soine
of his generals for their meritorious services. Therefore, much doubts
have arisen about the accounts of Muslim chronicles, which had given
a vivid description of Firuz Shaha’s invasion of Orissa’.
We agree with the young scholar that the accounts of Firuz
Shaha’s invasion of Orissa have been grossly exaggerated, but we do not
178 HISTORY OF ORISSA
agree with him that the omission of any reference in the Ganga copper
plate grants to the Sultan’s invasion can canstitute a ground for doubting
the accounts of the Muslim chronicles. The copper plate grants, as a rule,
omit all references to the defeats, disadvantages and disgraces of the
donors and their predecessors. Therefore, we can hardly expect any
referenca to Firuz Shaha’s invasion inthe Ganga copper plate grants.
But the route of Firuz Shaha’s invasion in Orissa proper as indicated by
Dr. Haque may be taken as correct. He says thatthe Shaha first reached
Saranghar where the king was residing and Bhanudeva I!' fled towards
Choudwar and took refuge in the island of Dhavalesvara. The Sultan
pursued him and on the way spent some time in hunting wild elephants.
Then Firuz Shaha came towards Cuttack and destroyed the temple of
Jagannatha and when he received the news about the people of Orissa
who had taken refuge inan island “having abroad and long poo! of
water’, he ordered their general massacre. This broad and long poo! of
water has been identified by Dr. Haque with the Ansupa lake in the Cuttack
district and not the Chilika lake as identified by earlier scholars.
Dr. Haque has agreed with Dr. D.C. Sircar inidentifying the
temple of Jagannatha destroyed by Firuz Tughlug, with the Jagannatha
temple inside the fort of Barabati which had beenerected by Ananga-
bhimadeva Ill, and not with the temple of Jagannatha at Puri built by
Chodagangadeva. Itis statedinthe Muslim chronicles that under the
orders of the Sultan the temple of Jagannatha was totally destroyed and
razed to the ground. At present no trace of the temple of Jagannatha
inside the fort of Barabati is to be found, and this vouchsafes the correct-
ness of the Muslim accounts that it was razed to the ground. The temple
at Puri built by Chodaganaga still stands intact end thereis hardly any
evidence to shaw that any part of ithad been destroyed during the
Muslim invasions at any time. Therefore, the temple destroyed by Firuz
Shaha was not the temple of Jagannatha at Puri, but it was of temple of
Jagannatha builtby Anangabhimadeva IIl in the fort of Barabati at
Cuttack. The Muslim chroniclers tell us that the image destroyed by the
Sultan was made of stone, but, as we know, the image of Jagannatha at
Puri is of wood.
The story of Firuz’s invasion of Orissa as given by the Muslirn
chronicles shows that when the Sultan occupied Ganga king’s capital and
resided in the place of tha Ganga king, Bhanudeva submitted. The name
of the capital has been given as Banaras which is wilhout doubt Varanasi
Kataka or Abhinava Varanasi Kataka aa given inthe Nagari Plates of
Anangabhimadeva Ili, It is now represented by the modern city of
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 179
Cuttack Itis stated that the Ganga king sent to the Sultan one of his
ministers named Baki who, instead of speaking well of his master, bitterly
complained against him. He was, therefore, a traitor. The other traitor was
Khqan-i-Mu’azzam Ahmed Khan who had been expelled from Bengal by
the Sultan Shamsuddin and had taken shelter in the court of Bhanudeva.
The two traitors mentioned above, were among the five ministers deputed
by the king to represent his case to the Sultan. They are said to have
Stated that their king had already become a dependent subject of the
Sulian. On hearing this the latter replied that his intention was friendly
and that he had come to Orissa forthe hunt of elephants. According to
the negotiation made by the ministers, the Ganga king gave twenty large
elephants to the Sultan who tn exchange sent to him the robes of honour
and insignia and returned home after much difficulty with seventy-three
elephants which he had obtained from Bengal and Orissa.
The objects of Firuz’s invasion have been variously stated by the
modern and medieval writers. The two contemporary official sources
cited above, however, clearly state the objects of the Sultan’s expedition
These objects according to the Strat-i Firuz Shahi were ‘“extirpating Rai
Gajapati, massacring the unbelievers, demolishing their temples, hunting
elephants and getting aglimpse of their enchanting country.” It is
obvious that Firuz combined his object of procuring elephants with the
spirit of a bigot and vandal and he tried to emulate the example of
Mahmmud of Ghazni Like the sack of the Somanatha temple in Gujrat
by the latter he intended the sack*of the great temple of Jagannatha at
Puri but he failed to reach Puri probably due to the flack of the
geographical knowledge of his followers. In all likelihood he mistcoxk
the great temple of Jagannatha inthe fort of Barabati at Cuitack to be
the temple of Jagannatna at Puri and was, therefore, satisfied with the
destruction of the former. It is a wellknown fact thet Firuz Shaha was a
religous bigot and during his rule there was a revival of the persecution
of the Hindus and the destruction of their religious monuments. In
Orissa he must have destroyed many monuments of which we have no
history, but the monuments of Khiching, the ancient capital of
Mayurbhanj, through which the Sultan passed, still bearthe signs of
deliberate damage. The city of Cuttack must have originally a number
of Hindu temples. but at present no temple of great antiquity isto be
found in it. Firuz invaded Orissa when the best period of temple-
building in this kingdom had beenover Itis most likely that durirg
Firuz Shaha’s invasion many ancient temples of this country, particularly
18) HISTORY OF ORISSA
of Cuttack, were destroyed. Some architectural and sculptutal survivals of
the Cuttack temples can now be traced in the town as later fixations.
The massacre of innocent men, women and children ordered by the
Sultan also presents a woeful story. Even making an allowance for exagger-
ations of the Muslim accounts, one has to admit that the lurid picture of
the massacre described by them, constitutes a blot on the Sultan’s
character, which no amount of white-washing can efface. The terms of the
treaty concluded by the Sultan with the king of Orissa clearly indicate that
he had no intention of making Orissa a part of his empire. The conclusion,
therefore becomes unavoidable that Firuz’s invasion of Orissa was motivated
by his spirit of religious fanaticism, though the procurement of some
elephants was his subsidiary object.
The Muslim accounts clearly show that there was treachery among
the ministers of the king and they betrayed him instead of helping him in
the supreme moment of disaster. Orissa had so far expelled the Muslim
expeditions from the neighbouring province of Bengal: But Firuz Shaha’s
invasion represented an imperial expedition and, therefore, it produced a
demoralising effect both on the fighting forces and the common people.
Firuz Shaha’s invasion resulted in the loss of prestige of the Ganga
kingdom from which it did not recover in the subsequent time. The Muslim
accounts of his invasion testify to the prosperity of this great Hindu
kingdom, The Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi describes the country of Jajnagar
as very prosperous and happy. It is further stated that the author’s
father who was in the royal suite, informed him that this country was
in avery flourshing state and the abundance of corn and fruit supplied
ail wants of the army ard animals, so that they recovered from the
hardships of the campaign. It is also further stated that people had
spacious houses and fine gardens with fruit trees and flower plants, The
prosperity of the country must have declined after the invasion of
Firuz Shaha.
Ilyas Shaha, the independent Sultanof Bengal, raided Orissa in
the middle of the 14th century. The exact date of his raid is not known,
but in all likelihood his raid took place inthe early part of the reign of
Bhanudeva II!. The causes of his raid have been stated in avery lucid
manner by Sir Jadunath Sarkar in The History of Bengal, Muslim Period,
pp. 104: “To the south-west of Bengal there extends along the sea-board
from Suvarnnarekha to the Godavari a long stretch of alluvial plain.
with a hinterland of undulating tract. This country had grown into a
highly prosperous kingdom in the 13th and 14th centuries. Its wealth and
myriads-of«temples e, g., of Maghesvara, Balaram, Krishna and Subhadra
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 181
at Ekamra (modern Bhubaneswar), Chatesvara at Kishanpur in the
Padamtala Taluk of the Cuttack District, of the Sun-god at Konark and
of Jagannath at Puri had long excited the cupidity of the Muslim Sultans
of Bengal, But the arms of its rulers, especially Anangabhimadeva Ill,
Narasimha ! and Narasimha II gave it security against invasion’ for a
century and a quarter’’.
These causes actuated Ilyas Shaha to launch upon a rapid raid in
Orissa. He carried everything before him till he reached the Chilika lake.
It is not known whather he destroyed Hindu monuments during his raid,
but it is known. that he returned to Bengal with immense booty including
forty-four elephants The Madalapanji, the temple chronicle of Puri makes
no reference whatsoever to the Muslim raids in the reign of Bhanudeva III
which must have disturbed the peace of the country, resulted in the loss
of wealth and prestige and shocked the sentiments of the people. This
chronicle records in a stereotyped manner the reigns of six Narasimhas
who, according to it, were succeeded by six Bhanus, This account is
utterly at variance with the succession of the Ganga kings, that we find
from their copper plates. The plain fact seems to be that this chronicle was
not compiled during the Ganga period and when it was compiled towards
the close of the sixteenth century the traditions about the Muslim invasions
had been forgotten.
Bhanudeva not only became embroiled with the Muslim invasions
from the north, but also with the difficulties of defending his southern
frontier which from the day’ of Chodaganga has been fixed at the river
Godavari. By the end of his reign dramatic developments in the politicat
fieid had taken place beyond this river. In AD.1347 the great Muslim
kingdom of Bahamani had been founded with its capital at Gulbarga and the
great Vijayanagara empire had already started its political role since its
foundation in A.D. 1336. The arms of Vijayanagara had rached the river
Krishna. A small but fertile and rich Hindu kingdom had been founded
by the warlike Reddis between the rivers Krishna and Godavari, With
the help of the Hindu Bellamas of Rachakonda aid Devarakonda, who
were the implacable enemies of the Reddis, the Bahamani Sultans were
trying to conquer this fertile and rich Hindu kingdom. The Vijayanagara
emperors were trying at this time to push their frontier beyond the river
Krishna by conquering the Reddi kingdom. The alignment and activities
of these powers beyond the southern frontier of Orissa were a real menace
to the security of the Ganga kingdom,
The conflict between Orissa and the Reddi kingdom seems to
have started during the reign of Bhanudeva lil when the Reddi_ king.
182 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Anapota (A.D, 1355-1365) appears to have led an expedition against
Orissa His successors Anavema_ succeeded in conquering the Ganga
territory upto Simhachalam in the Vizagapatam district. This violence of
the southern Ganga frontier by the Reddis brought them into conflict
with the Ganga rulers wo eversince attempted to recover their lost
territories. Bhaaudeva Hl diedin the midst of the difficulties and was
succeeded by his son Narasimha IV.
13. Narasimhadeva lV (AD. 1378-1414)
From two of his Puri Plates we learn that his mother’s name was
Hiradevi who was a princess of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. The
Eastern Chalukyas had by this time lost their independent status and had
become the feudatories of the Gangas and their strong ‘supporters in the
southern frontier. Their marriage alliances with the Ganga kings appear to
have strangthened their position in their chiefdom. Besides Narasimha’s
copper plate grants, alarge number of inscriptions to be found at
Srikurmam and Simhachalam constitute the sources of our knowledege
about the events of his reign. During his reign the independent kingdom
of Jaunpur was founded by Khwaja Zahan, who according to some earlier
writers, wanted to enforce the terms of treaty concluded with the Sultan
Firuz Shaha by king Banudeva II]. It was maintained that according to
this treaty, the king of Orissa was to supply annually to the Sultan a
number of elephants as annual tribute. Butthis account of the earlier
scholars has not bsen accepted by Dr. A. K. Ray who states that the so-
called treaty of the Orissan king with Firuz Tughluq was merely ‘‘a formal
but meaningless recognition of the authority of the Sultenate.’’ He has
pointed out that in the list of the territories over which Khwaja Zahan
established his authority, the name of Orissa does not appear. He has also
discarded the accounts of Ferishta and Nizam-ud-din that the Sharqi king
levied tributes trom the ruler of Bengal. He has also dismissed Major
Raverty’s statement that the Bahamani king Firuz invaded Orissa and
carried away a number of elephants.
it would appear that Narasimhadeva IV was comparatively free
from the Muslim in.asions, but the Reddis of Kondavidu were a real
menace to the safety and security of Orissa. Duetoa civil war caused
by a disputed succession, the Reddis fora while remained embroiled in
their difficulties and this gave .an opportujity to Narasimhadeva IV to
recover some of his territories in the southern trontier. The Reddis,
however, again became powerful under their famous king Kumaragiri
who in A. D. 1390 invaded Orissa and reached the shores of the Chilika
dake. The Reddi king did not mean to conquer any part of Orissa, but
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THEGREATER GANGAS 183
by a show of his military strength he wanted to threaten tha powers of the
Ganga king in his southern frontier. This invasion must have reduced the
prestige of the Ganga kingdom.
14, Bhanudeva IV (A.D. 1414—1434)
Copper plate grants, votive inscriptions at Srikurmam and
Simhachalam, Muslim chronicles, the Madalapanji, the temple chronicle
of Puri, and the Sanskrit drama Gangavamsanuchairtam are the sources of
our information about the events of his reign. The main events are his
conflict with the Reddis, the invasjon of Orissa by Hushang Shah of
Maiwa and usurpation of the Ganga throne by Kapilendradeva,
His conflict with Reddis : After the death of Kumaragiri there
was a civil war in the Reddi kingdom, Kumaragiri had divided his kingdom
into two parts with Kondavidu and Rajahmundry as their capitals and had
given the province of Rajahmundry to his brother-in-law Kataya Vema and
the province of Kondavidu to Peda Komati Vema. But even this
arrangement.did not bring peace to the Reddi kingdom. The rulers of both
the provinces came into conflict and this gave an opportunity to Bhanudeva
IV to attack Rajahmundry which was at that time administered by Altada,
the general of Kataya Vema. He seems to haves achieved some success,
but his interference tn the affairs of the Reddis seems to have induced the
Vijayanagara emperor Devaraya to send an army tohelp Allada who
ultimately managed to establish friendly relations both with Orissa and
Vijayanagara.
Bhanudeva’s friendly relation with the Reddi kingdom stood
him in good stead when Hushang Shah itnvaded Orissa’ The story
of his invasion as recorded in the Muslim chronicles is briefly as
follows :
For his war with Gujrat the Sulten of Malwa was in need
of elephants and since Orissa was the fabled country of best elephants,
he fed an expedition to it in the guise of a dealer in horses. He
took with him horses of different colours which the king of Orissa
prized most. When Bhanudeva with small band of followers wanted
to examine the horses brought by the Shah, he was treacherously
seized and made captive and was not released till he promised to give to
the Sultan some of his best elephants. The returned journey of Hushang
Shah was not however safe. He was badly defeated by the Reddi chief
Allada who got the horses of the Sultan to be plundered.
This event seems to have found mention in the Madalapanji in
which it is stated that a Suvaor a Navava came to the kingdom
184 HISTORY OF ORISSA
of the fast Ganga king and Kapili Rauta was deputed by the king to meet
him and to negotiate with him. Kapili pleaded that since his rank was not
very high, the king should send his-younger brother or his minister to meet
the Navava Thereafter the king conferred to him the title of Bhrama-
ravara Which is indicative of a higher rank and after that Kapili proceeded
to meet the Navava. The result of his meeting has not been given
in the chronicle. There is little doubt that Suva orthe Navava of the
Madalapanji refers to a Muslim invader. whoin the light of facts
known to us, should be identified with Hushang Shah. The Muslim
version of the story is that the Ganga king was seized by Hushang Shah,
but the Madalapanji’s account indicates that he never met the
invadar, It may not be unreasonable to conclude that Hushang
Shah got some elephants from Bhanudeva through negotiations
conducted by his able officer Kapili who can be no other than the
Kapilendradeva, the founder of the Suryavamsi dynasty. The story of
the seizure of Bhanudeva by Hushang Shah appears to be a fabricated
one.
In describing the defeat or the disgrace of the Hindu rulers
by the iMuslim invaders the Muslim chronicles have repeated some
stories which do rot appear to be credible. The Muslim sources
have stated that a Bakhtyar Khaliji entered the city of Nadiya in
Bengal in the guise of a dealer in horses, We find the same _ story
repeated inthe accountof the invasion of Orissa by Hushang Shah
of Malwa whois also said to have entered the Ganga capitalin the
guise of adealer of horses. During the ,invasion of Orissa by Firuz
Shaha Tughluq in the reign of the king Bhanudeva Ill the Sultan is
said to have seized the king. Inthe case of Hushang Shah’s invasion
of Qrissa it is also stated that he seized the king Bhanudeva !V and did
not release him till after he promised to give to him his best elephants.
In these stories one finds an attempt of the Muslim chroniclers to
magnify the explotts of the Muslim invaders. ff the capture of
Bhanudeva II! by Firuz Shah was true, it becomes inexplicable how
Bhanudeva IVY did not profit by the discomfiture of his grandfather
and met Hushang Shah with such a smatl band of followers that
he could be easily captured by him. We, therefore, give greater
crece!.ce to the evidence of the Madalapanji that it is Kapili Rauta who
appeared before /‘ushang Shah and negotiated 4 peace with him. As
we have said earlier, this Kapili Rauta was no other than Kapilendra-
deva, the founder of the Suryavamsi dynasty in Orissa. For his
success in warding off the Muslim danger, he was promoted to the
rank of a Bhramaravara which gave hima very respectable and high
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 185
position in the State, and which he utilised later in usurping the Ganga
throne.
There is nothing to indicate that Bhanudeva IV was mad or
half-mad, but the Madalapanji has described him as Matta Bhanu (mad
Bhanu). We find from various sources that he continued to fight bravely
with the Reddis for preservation of the integrity of his vast kingdom
even after the invasion of Hushang Shah. The Reddi chief Allada, who
had made friendly alliances both with Vijayanagara and Orissa, died
about A.D, 1423 andthis provided an opportunity to Bhanudeva to
invade the Reddi country In his war with the Reddis he was strongly
supported by the Bellamas of Rachakonda and Devarakonda, who, as_ we
have said earlier, were the implacable enemies of the Reddis. No records
of the Reddis of Kondavidu for the period between A. D. 1425 and 1433,
and of Rajahmundry between A.D: 1423 and 1428. have been discovered
in series, indicating that during this interval Bhanudeva !V succeeded in
occupving the Reddi country.
But his success seems to have been short-lived as he had soon
to face the arms of the mighty Vijayanagara empire. He could no longer
count upon the support of the Bellamas who had inthe meanwhile been
subdued and made feudatories by the Bahamani Sultan. He had, there-
fore, to fight single handed against a great empire. The result was that
he was driven out from the Reddi country and the Vijayanagara army
advanced as tor as Simhachalam in the Vizagapatam_ district ard
occupied it. The Orissan king was ’unable to resist the arms of Vijaya-
nagara, though only for a short while, he seems to have recaptured
Simhachalam as his inscription at this place dated A. D, 1430 indicates.
Bhanudeva was ultimately drivan out fromthe Reddi country before
A.D. 1434, While he was busy in his wars inthe south for long there
was a revolution athis capital which resulted in the occupation of the
throne by Kapilendradeva. Bhanudeva hurried back to Orissa to supress
the revolution and to regain his throne, but failed. The circumstances
under which he failed to regain his throne are not known, but according
to the Sanskrit drama Gangavamsanucharitam after his failure he captured
a small! principality called Gudari Karaka, identified with Gudari in the
Gunupur subdivision of the present Koraput district, and lived there for
the rest of his life
With the usurpation of the throne by Kapilendra in A. D. 1434
the Ganga period, whichis the longest in Orissan dynastic history, came
to an end. The Gangas established their contact with Orissa ever since
the foundation of their kingdom in Kalinga about A.D. 496, from which
186 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the Ganga era started according to a generally accepted view. When
Chodaganga conquered Orissa about A.D. 1110, the Gangas became
intimately connected with the Oriya people. with the protecticn of ihetr
country and its administration and development. As we have said earlier,
they virtually became Oriyas speaking Oriya, patronising Oriya litera-
ture and priding themselves in the glories of Orissa’s past. In the accounts
of the Muslims, the Portuguese, the Telugus and the Tamils the Ganga
kings have been referred to as Oriya kings and their kingdom as the
Oriya country. As observed earlier, Chodaganga transferred his capital
fram Mukhalingam to Cuttack which occupied a central and a strategical
position in his vast kingdom and from this time the Gangas gradually
became transformed into Oriyas. The transformation appears to have been
complete by the reign of Anangabhimadeva III,
The Ganga kingdom has been described as an empire by some
writers. It sometimes actually assumed the extent of an empire parti-
cularly in the reigns of Chodaganga and Narasimhadeva |, but this
extent could not be maintained all through the Ganga supremecy in
Orissa. Wehave, thetefore, described it as a kingdom which was
indeed a vast one. The Ganga kings seem to have’ been actuated by the
principle of legitimacy and acting uponit they always tried to preserve
the original extent of their kingdom as it existed since the days of
Chodaganga. We have seen that Chodaganga attempted to wrest the
Sonepur-Samoalpur tract from the Kalachuris of Ratnapura and in doing
sO he was merely trying to enforce 4 legal claim to this tract. He claimed
to be the successor of the Somavamsis by conquest and, therefore, he «was
trying to establish his legal claim to this western frontier of his kingdom.
He fatied to achieve his ambition, but it was fulfilled by his grsat-
grandson Anangabhimadeva Ii] who succeeded in occupying that western
frontier of Orissa, Narasimha 1|’s invasion of Bengal seems also to have
been originated from this principle of legitimacy, Chodaganga had
conquered a part of south-west Bengali up to the river Bhagirathi and had
established a secondary capital a} Aramya (<.ramb2g_ in the Hooghly
district, but subsequently this portion of Bengal was reconquered by the
senas. Narasimha I, therefore, launched upon an aggressive waifare partly
with a view to stem the tide of the Muslim aggression against Ovissa and
partly due to recover the lost territory of his ancestor. The Gangas held
a portion of the Telugu-speaking tract uptoriver Godavari on the same
ground of legitimacy. Kalinga was the cradle of the Ganga power and,
therefore, the Greater Gangas claimed that portion as belonging to their
kingdom and fought with other powers when they tried to encroach upon
THE EARLY GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 187
the land north-east of the river Godavari. The last Ganga king
Bhanudeva !V lost his throne while he was engaged in his fight with the
Reddis and the Vijayanagara empire in defending his southern frontier.
The Gangas seems to have no intention of conquering any part of the
Telugu country beyond the river Godavari and if they ever pushed their
territory beyond that river. it was due to their attempt to safeguard
boundary of their kingdom, permanently fixed by the river
Godavaii.
The greatest achievement of the Gangas is that they succeeded In
keeping their vast kingdom independent when the Hindu countries one
after another were falling victims to Muslim aggression. During the early
part of the Ganga supremacy in Orissa the Muslims conquered the
neighbouring Bengal towards the close of the twelfth century and in the
later part of their rule, the kingdom of the Kakatiyas, which too was a
neighbouring Hindu kingdom of Orissa in the south, was conquered by
the Muslims in A.D. 1310. Orissa was thus surrounded by the
Muslim powers both in the north and the south. It reflects no small credit
on the Ganga rulers that they succeeedd in preserving the independence
of their xingdom and its integrity. From the Muslim sources we get the
exaggerated accounts of the invasions of Orissa by Firuz Shah, Ilyas Shah
and Hushang Shah, but such invasions were mere raids originating from
their lust for procuring some elephants, killing the infidels ard destroying
their temples. These invaders did not succead in making Orissa subordinate
to the Muslim power. We have got one-sided versions of these invasions
or military raids from the Muslim writers who wanted to magnify the
exploits of the invad.rs, but such versions do not tell us why the invaders
did not subjugate the independent Hindu kingdom of Orissa The accounts
of Firuz Shaha’s invasion as giveninthe Muslim sources testify to the
prosperity of Orissa even in the declining period of the Ganga supremacy,
They tell us that grains and fruits were in plenty in this country and the
people lived in spacious houses with the gardens of fruit trees and flower
plants’ This evidence furnished by the enemy sources indicates that the
Gangas has made Orissa prosperous.
It is sometimes maintained that since Orissa was full of hills and
jungles, the physical features of the country provided a natural protec-
tion to it and tnat the Muslims had no intention of subjugatiny Orissa,
which did not seem to them to be a source of profit. This view cannot,
however, be accepted if wetake into consideration the fact that the
Muslim arms did never care for the geographical difficulties presented by
other Hindu countries, which they conquered one by one. According to
188 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Muslim historians Orissa was a prosperous country under the Ganga rule
and there was no reason for them to think that this country, after
subjugation, would prove to be unprofitable. The Ganga rulers possessed a
vast army which was the source of their strength. The one-sided Muslim
accounts of the Muslim raids of this period, have belittled the opposition
of the Ganga army and have represented the Muslim raids as if they were
the hunting excursions.
The Gangas united Orissa politically and culturally. The process
had started from the days of the Somavamsis who united the three separate
regions, then known as Kosala, Utkala and Kongoda, into one kingdom,
which facilitated the growth of a homogeneous culture and language The
Gangas accelerated this process by bringing all these tracts under their
rule and by furthering the growth of a homogenous culture in their kingdom.
The shrine of Jagannatha at Puri which assumed an all-India character
during their rule, became a great centre of cultural fusion among the
Oriya people. The Gangas built the great temples like those of Jagannatha
at Puri and of the sun god at Konarka and myriads of other smaller temples
in various cultural centres of Orissa, and these shrines became the centres
of cultural unification. The Ganga rule in Orissais thus a great landmark of
Orissan history.
The greatest cause of the fall of the Ganga rule was treachery
among the Ganga officers. The officers deputed by Bhanudeva {Il to meet
Firuz Shah, instead of speaking well of their king, complained against him,
and received as rewards the robes of honour from the invader. Bhanudeva
IV's long absence in the south provided an occasion for the treacherous
officers to help Kapilendra to usurp the Ganga throne, We have seen that
it was due to the treachery of the officers that the last Somavamsi king
Karnadeva lost his throne. The same type of treachery was at the root of
the fall of the Ganga dynasty.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. R. D. Banerjee
2. H.K. Mahtab
3. R. Subba Rao
History of Orissa, Vol. |
Orissa Itthasa, Part I.
“History of the Eastern Gangas of
Kalinga” in dournal of Andhra
Historical Research Society. Vols,
Vi,VI, VILG@ VIII. The History of
Bengal, Muslim Period.
The Struggle for Empire (Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavan).
The Delhi Sultanate
(Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan)
4. Jadunath Sarkar
9. R.C. Majumdar
6. R.C. Majumdar
s
11.
iz.
13.
14.
THE EARI.Y GANGAS AND THE GREATER GANGAS 183 :
W. W. Hunter
H.C, Ray
Wolseley Haig
Shams-i-Siraj Afif
Muhammad Qasim Ferishta
Minha-udedin
K. C. Panigrahi
C. V. Ramachandra Rao
Orissa. |and Il
Dynastic History of Northern India,
Vol. |, 1931.
Cambridge History of India,
Vol. Ill.
T arikh-i-Firuz Shahi, Bibliotheca
Indica, Calcutta.
Gulshan-i-Ibrahimi, trans. by Briggs,
London, 1827-29.
T abaqat-i-Nasiri. trans. by H. G.
Raverty, Caicutta, 1873-97.
“Sonepur Inscription of Bhanudeva,”’ ©
The Orissa Historical Research
Journal, Vol. X, 1962, No. 4.
Administration and Society
in Medieval Andhra under the Later
Eastern Gangas and the Suryavamsa
Gajapatis, Nellore, 1976.
10. The Suryavamsis
Kapilendradeva, the founder of the
Orissan Empire (A.D. 1435-1467)
We have stated earlier that the circumstances under which
Kapilendra occupied the Ganga throne are not knownto us_ The
only source, the Madalapanji, which gives an account of his early
life and the circumstances under which he became a_ successor of
Bhanudeva,is not a_ reliable one. It tells us that Kapili Rauta
(Kapilendra) was extremely poor and in his early life he was
working as acow-herd in the house of a Brahmin family. One day
while he was tending cows, he fell asleep under a tree, when a
cobra spread its hood over his face to protect it from sun. It is
also stated that Kapilendra was a thief inhis early life and he made
Kasidasa, a member of his former gang, his Purohita, when he
became king. It ts further stated that Kapilendra was begging for
food in the temple of Jagannatha when Bhanudeva, the last king of
ithe Ganga dynasty, saw him and adopted him as his son according
to the command of Lord Jagannatha, whigh he had received in a
dream in the previous night. We have seen that this chronicle
also tells us that Kapili Rauta or Kapilendra was deputed by
Bhanudeva IV to meet the Navava (Hushang Shah) and to negotiate
a peace with him.
These are the few facts which are known to’ us from the
Madalapanji about the early life of this great king, but these facts
cannot all be accepted as true on account of their legendary character. It
may be that Kapilendra was a member of a poor tamily, but he does sot
seem to have been so poor as has been described by this chronicle. tn the
midst of the legendary account of the temple chronicle we however find
some historical facts. Kapilendra was a member of the Ganga ariny when
Hushang Shah invaded Orissa and he was made a Bhramaravara by
Bhanudeva before he met the invader. The title Bhramaravara was
indicative of a very high rank and it was generally borne by the members
of a royal family. This title came down to modern times and the present
THE SURYAVAMSIS 19T
writer knows that it was being borne by one of the members of the ruling
family of Keonjhar. It seems that Hushang Shah’s invasion gave an
opportunity to Kapilendra to rise to a higher rank inthe Ganga army,
which he utilised Iater in usurping the Ganga throne. The Gangavam-
sanucharitam, which was composed by acourt puet of one of the
descendants of Bhanudeva IV at Gudari Kataka, tells us the truth that
the founder of the principality of Gudari Kataka was engaged in his wars
inthe south when Kapilendra usurped his throne. We cannot accept
the statement of the Madalapanji that Kapilerdra was adopted ag son
by the last Ganga king as he was childless. Had Kapilendra been
adopted son of Bhanudeva, he would have been described as a Ganga King
in his records and i:: the records of his successors. Buthe and his son
and grandson have all been described as the members of the Suryavamsa
in all epigraphic records of the family, {t seems that a story was circu-
lated by Kapilendra and his supporters that he had been chosen as
successor of Bnanudeva by Lord Jagannatha. This story has found
mention not only in the Madalapanji but also in the Gopinathapura Stone
inscription engraved under the orders of his minister Gopinatha
Mahapatra. The relevant verse has been translated as follows by the
late Manamohan Chakravarti, the editcr of the epigraph
“By the order of the Lord of Nilagiri (blue hill) (whois) the lord
of the three worlds (Jagannatha), tnere was born in the Odradesa a king
named Kapilendra, the ornament of the Solar-Line (Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal, Vol. LXIV, 1907, p. 175)”.
From this contemporary epigraph we get the definite information
that Kapilendra was a Kshatriya of the Solar dynasty and that he was boin
in Odradesa or Orissa, It was customary with the ruling families to
connect their origin with gods or with the persons of Puranic or histori-
calfame. After ascending the throne Kuipilendra might have connected
his origin ‘vith the legendary Solar d nasty, even theugh in his early
life he might have been a member of a humble Kshatriya family. fhe verse
in the above-quoted epigraph tells us definitely that he and his family
were the natives of Orissa and like Gangas and the Somavamsis they did
not come to Orissa from the neighbouring territories. Some scholars
have unjustifiably stated that Kapilendra was aman of Gauda (Bengal,
This view about his origin cannot now be accepted.
If the evidence of the Madalapanji is to be accepted. Kapilendra
was crowned at Krittivasa Kataka i.¢ Bhubaneswar. This illegal
change of regime does not seemto have been tacitly accepted by all
feudatories. Among the feudatories there were the Matsyas of Oddadi,
192 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the Silavamsi chiefs of Nandapur (in the present Koraput district )
and the Vishnuvardhana Chakravartins of Panchadharla in the Vizagapa-
tam district and the feudatory chiefs of the hilly tracts of Orissa. The
Vishnuvardhana Chakravartins, who claimed to be the descendants of
the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi, were very powerful and they, as we
have already seen, had matrimonial alliances with the Ganga ruling
family, All these feudatories would not have tacitly acquiesced with
the change of the ruling dynasty introduced by Kapilendra. One of his
inscriptions engraved underhis orders on the dagamohana of the
Lingaraja temple at Bhubaneswar, records an order passedin the /th
year of his reign and addressed by him to the feudatories in the presence
of the royal spiritual preceptors, Vasu Mahapatra and Bhuvanesvara
Mahapatra. Itrunsthus: ‘all kings in my kingdom of Orissa should
work forthe good of the paramount sovereign and should keep to
virtuous ways and not remainin bad ways. If they act badly towards
their sovereign, they will be expelled from the kingdom and all their
propoerty confiscated.”” This order was obviously meant for those
who were reluctant to recognise him as the king of Orissa,
From the very beginning of his reign he was also confronted with
the difficulties that had loomed large in his north and _ south frontiers,
On the north there was the danger of Muslim invasion from Bengal in
which the later Ilyas Shahis andthe Abyssinian Sultans were ruling.
inthe south the Vijayanagara emperor Devaraya li! had occupied the
territories upto Simhachalam inthe Vizagapatam district. Kapilendra
started his task of empire building in the midst of these difficulties.
From the date of his coronation at Bhubaneswar an era started
and it is now known as Kapilabda, which finds mention in all Oriya
calendars, This era helps us to fix tne beginning of his reign
accurately: Since the era commenced from A.D. 1435 there is little
doubt that Kapilendra ascended the throne in that year. The title
Gajapati borne bythe founder of the Suryavamsi dynasty and his
successors did not originate from 4D. 1435. We find evidences from
the Muslim and Telugu sources that this title was also being used by the
Later Ganga kings. Therefore, to describe Kapilendra and his successors
as Gajapati kings does rot appear tobe quite correct. The dynasty
founded by him can better be described as the Suryavamsi dynasty
A recently discovered copper plate grant of Raghudeva-narendra
(Indian Archaeology, 1955-56, p. 31) furnishes the pedigree of Kapilendra.,
Barring its legendary portion which starts from the sun and ends with
Kusa, the son of Rama of the Ramayana fame, the real genealogy of the
family given in the above record stands as follows :
THE SURYAVAMSIS 193
Kapliesvara
Jagesvara
Kapilendra m. Parvati Balarama Parsurama
Purushottama m Rupambika Raghudeva-narendra
Prataparudra m. Padmavati Tirumala Rauttaraya
ee
| |
Virabhadra Ramachandra Purushottama
From the Veligalani Copper Plates we learn that the name of
Kapilendra’s mother was Bellama which is nota Telugu name as some
scholars have taken it to be. It is an indigenous name, the meaning of
which is obscure. We know fromthe Madalapanji andthe Ganga-
vamsanucharitam that before capturing the Ganga throne, Kapilendra
assumed at least three different titles viz. Rauta, Mahapatra and
Bhramaravara. Rauta is a military title which indicates that the holder
of the title was a horseman. Mahapatra was a general title conferred on
the distinguished officers of the Ganga army and Bhramaravara, as we
have observed earlier, is a very high title generally used by the members
of royal families. From these titles we can guess the gradual rise of
Kapilendra to high position in the Ganga army. He was originally an
humble horseman, but next became a Mahapatra andthen a Bhramara-
vara. Inthe Gopinathpura Inscription Kapilendra has been described as
Bhramaravare nripati. Dr. R. Subrahmanyam thinks that Kapilendra
assumed this title after conquering Bhramarakutta, mentioned in the
epigraphs of the Mahakosala chiefs of the twelfth century AD., and he
identifies Bhramarakutta with the modern town of Umarkot now in
Koraput district of Orissa. But, as we have said earlier, Bhramaravara is
not a place-name, but it is a title borne by the members of Orissan ruling
families even up to a very late date. Wethus gather a few facts about
the early life of Kapilendra, but we are absolutely in the dark about
the status and activities of his father and forefathers. In all probability,
they were the persons of ordinary status. This explains why in the
copper plate records of this dynasty nothing is said about the achieve-
ments of the ancestors of Kapilendra. In the epigraphic records the name
of the founder of Suryavamsi dynasty appears as Kapilendra and
Kapilesvara. Though the latter name has been used more often in the
inscriptions, the name Kapilendra has been chosen by the scholars and
therefore, we have used it in this work,
194 HISTORY OF ORISSA
It is not possible to describe Kapilendra’s career of conquest in a:
chronological order as the details of his exploits and activities have not
been mentioned in our sources ina chronological manner. We may,
however, presume that his earliest task would have beento supress the
feudatories who refused to recognise, him as the king of Orissa and who
might have declared their independence during the last part of
Bhanudeva IV’s reign. The powerful chiefs, as noted earlier, were the
Silavamsis of Nandapura, Matsyas of Oddadi and the Vishnuvardhana
Chakravartins of Panchadharla. They were all suppressed and sub-
jugated by Kapilendra in the early part of his reign. We also learn
from the Madalapanji that he suppressed the revolt of Khemundi which.
appears to be one of the chiefdoms of the present Ganjam_ district,
bearing the names Sana Khemundi, Bada Khemundi and Paralakhemundi.
Kapilendra and Bzngal: Even during the declining period of the
Ganga supremacy Orissa held extensive tracts in south western Bengal
and itis not unlikely that during the turmoil of the later Ilyas Shahis of
Bengal the Gangas pushed their frontier to the river Bhagirathi This
appears to have been the cause of his conflict with Nasiruddin Abul
Muzaffer Mahmad, a descendant of Ilyas. In an inscription dated A.D. 1447
Kapiiendra has been given the title of Gaudesvara which means the
conquerer of Gauda or Bengal. In the same inscription it is stated that
he conquered Malika Parisa which has been interpreted by the scholars
as meaning the Muslim rulers of Gaur in Bengal. We do not know the
details of the conflict between Kapilendra and Mahmad, but it has been
accepted by all scholars that he succeeded in conquering a large portion
ot south west Bengal up to the river Ganges.
Conquest of Rajahmund#y : We have seen that the Reddis of Rajah-
mundry had conquered a part of the Ganga territory up to Simhachalam -
Virabhadra J, the contemporary king of Rajahmundry, failed to take
advantage of the confusion caused by the usurpation of the throne by
Kapilendrain Orissa, because of the fact that the existence of his king-
dom was being threatened at this time by the Bellamas of Rachakonda.
and Devarakonda and by the Sultan of the Bahamani kingdom. The
principalities of the Bellama chiefs lay to the west of the kingdom of the
Reddis and they had in their possession such strong forts as Devarakcnda,
Rachakonda and Warangal. They fought against the Reddis as the allies
of Vijayanagara when Kondavidu was occupied by DOevaraya II. Vira-
bhadra’s last date, known from his inscriptions, is A.D. 1437. By this.
time the kingdom of Rajahmundry had become completely subservient to
Vijayanagara An inscription, dated A.D. 1444 at Draksharama which.
THE SURYAVAMSIS 195
records the donations by Virabhadra and also by Mallappa Odeyar who
was an officer of Vijayanagara, indicates that the Reddi kingdom was
‘completely under the control of the Vijayanagara empire. Dr. R. Subrah-
manyam makes an inference from the contents and the position of this
inscription that Mallappa Odeyar had probably been appointed by the
ViJjayanagara emperor to check the advance of Kapilendra. It is not,
however, known whether there was actually a fight between Vijayanagara
and Orissa at this stage. Devaraya II died in A.D.1446 and was
succeeded by his son Mallikarjunaraya who was very weak. The Reddis
of Rajahmundry did not receive any support from him. Kapilendra took
advantage of this position in the kingdom of Rajahmundry and sent his
son Hamvira with a large army and succeeded in defeating the Reddis
very easily. The kingdom of Rajahmundry was thus brought under the
sway of Kapilendra before A. D. 1448.
Conquest of Kondavidu; After the death of Devaraya lI] the
hold of Vijayanagara on the kingdom of Kondavidu also became slack.
The feudatory chiefs of the kingdom like those of Bapatia and Narasara-
opet declared their independence at this time, as is indicated by the
fact that they made no reference to any overlord ‘in their inscriptions.
Kapilendra seems to have taken advantage of this situation in Kondavidu
and occupied it before A.D, 1454, The earliest inscription of the
Orissan king in this region is that of Ganadeva, which is dated A.D.1454
and which describes Ganadeva as the Pariksha (Governor) of Kondavidu,
Addanki and Vinukonda, The epigraph conclusively proves that by A.D.
1454 Kapilendra had become the master of the former Reddi kingdoms of
Rajahmundry and Kondavidu.,
Conquest of Telingana : Having become the master of the Krishna-
Godavari delta Kapilendra thought of conquering Telingana which lay
between the former Reddy kingdom and the Bahamani kingdom of the
Deccan. We have stated earlier that Rachakonda, Devarakonda and
Warangal were the most important forts of Telingana and they were
under the occupation of the Bellama chiefs, They were hostile to the
Reddis, but were at first triendly to the Bahamani Sultans, Their
friendship with the Sultans however came to anend when they sided
with king Devaraya | of Vijayanagara in a war against Firuz Shah
Bahamani. Ahmad Shah who succeeded Firuz on the Bhamani throne,
wanted to punish the Bellama chiefs. They again sided with Vijayana-
gara king Devaraya |] against Anmad Shah ina war fought in A.D. 1425.
Sultan Ahmad Shah sent Khan-i-Azim to suppress the Bellama chiefs
and to bring them under the control of the Bahamani ikingdom. This
196 HISTORY OF ORISSA
able general succeeded in reducing the whole of Telingana within four
months, The Sultan next appointed Ibrahim Sanjar Khan as the Governor
of the conquered territories of Telingana with the instruction to reduce
the remaining forts of the territory, Sanjar Khan fulfilled the desire of
his master and succeeded in bringing the whole of Telingana under
Muslim authority by A,D,1435,
The conquest of the Krishna~Godavari delta brought Orissa face
to face with the Bahamani kingdom of the Deccan, The Bahamani
Sultan had appointed Sanjar Khan as the Governor of the newly conquerad
Telingana highland. It is stated in the Burhan-i-Ma’nasir that Sanjar
Khan was engaged in capturing Hindu non-combatants with a view to
sell them as slaves in the Muslim kingdoms, Alauddin Ahmad Shah II,
the then Sultan of the Bahamani kingdom, is stated to h.ve said that it
was dangerous onthe partof the Khan to meddle with the affairs of a
man like Kapilendra who possessed two hundred thousand war elephants,
while the Sultan himself did not possess even two hundred. This
warning went unheeded and Sanjar Khan continued in his activities un-
abated and thereby outraged the Hindu sentiments. During this period
two notable nobles of the Sultan, Jalan Khan and Sikandar Khan, raised
the standard of revolt against him, but were subdued. Alauddin Il
died in A,D.1457 and was succeeded by his son Humayun whose
tyrannical acts threw the Bahamani state into disorder, Immediately after
his accession he made drastic changes in the administration. He appointed
Malik Shah as the Governor of Telingana and conferred on him the title
Khwaja-i-Jahan. Sikandar Khan, who was the son of Jalal Khan,
become disappointed, as he too wanted to be the governor of
Telingana. He joined his father Jalal Khan at Nowlgoond and raised
the standard of revolt in Telingana against the Sultan, In this rebellion
they seem to have been supported by Linga, the Bellama_ chief of
Devarakonda. The Sultan first sent an army against them under Khan-
i-Jahan, Governor of Berar, but since he failed to suppress them,
Humayun himself marched against the rebels. In the battle that followed,
Sikandar Khan was killed by the elephant on which Humayun was
mounted, Sumayun next forced Jalal Khan to surrender, but pardoned
him and kept him in confinement in a castle till his death.
The Sultan next wanted to punish the Bellama chief Linga who
hed aided the rebels, and sent avast army under Khwaja-i-Jahan and
Nizam-ul-Mulk to attack Devarakonda. They besieged Devarakonda ard.
there upon the Bellama chief appealed to Kapilendra to come to his aid.
THE SURYAVAMSIS 197
The king of Orissa lost no time and by forced marches appeared at the
head of anarmy at Devarakonda so quickly that the Bahamani army was
seized with panic. The besieged garrison sallied out from the fort and the
Bahamani army, caught between the two Hindu armies, was completely
routed, The Muslim historians admit that the Bahamani forces ‘sustainad
a total defeat. The brilliant success achieved by the Hindus at
Devarakoida, was an outcome of Kapilendra’s superior generaiship The
battle of Devarakonda took place in A.D.1458.
Encouraged by this succass Kapilendra entrusted the task of conquer-
ing the whole of Telingana to his son Hamvira, who proved equal to the
task and captured alli important forts including the notable fort of Warangal.
Humayun had stationed Khwaja Mahmad Gawan at Warangal, but
Hamvira defeated him and occupied the fort. An inscription dated A.D.
1460, of this Oriya prince still exists at Warangal which gives us an
account of his father’s achievements.
Humayun died in A.0.1461 and was_ succeded by his son
Nizam Shah who was only eight years old. Humayun’s tyranny had
thrown the kingdom into disorder and many of the officers had fled
from the country. The queen mother Makhdumah Jahan and the able
statesman Mahamud Gawan wanted to restore order in the kingdom, but
the minority of the king encouraged external foes to attack the Bashamani
kingdom. At this stage there seems to have been a conjoint effort of the
Hindu chiefs of Telingana and the king of Orissa to attack the Bahamani
kingdom collectively and to overthrow the Muslim supremacy in the
Deccan. Kapilendra, acknowledged to be best general of the age, put
himself atthe head of a vast Hindu army and marched against the
Bahamani capital Bidar.
The Hindu army, while proceeding towards Bidar plundered
and devastated the country and were scon at a short distance of ten
miles from Bidar. Itis stated by Sayyid Ali and Feristta thatthe Sultan
sent Shah Mohib Ullah with a messege and with an escort of one
hundred and sixty men to present an ultimatum to Kapilerci:adeva
immediately to retreat and to promise to pay tribute to the Sultan or
else the Sultan would not allow a single man of his army to escape. It ts
further stated that this small escort of one hundred ard sixty men
attacked the Hindu army so boldly that the Hindus, thinking that the
whole army was in motion, fell back and took refuge in é@ tort the name
of which is not given. The Orissan king was forced to pay a large sum
of money to the Sultan and the Hindu army started their retreat
unmolested by the Muslim forces.
198 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Alf notable scholars are now agreed that these accounts of the
Musilm historians bear on them the stamp of untruth Dr. R.
Subrahmanyam quotes the remarks of Briggs as follows : ‘‘Ferishta had
exercised neither discretion nor even much research in not endeavouring
to account for the sudden retreat of the Hindus; for it is absurd to
- suppose that the mere appearance of one hundred and sixty men would
alone have broken up a confederacy which seems to have been so
seriously formed for the recovery of Tullingana’. Prof R. D. Banerjee
and Mr. P. Mukherji have also passed similar remarks exposing the
untruth of the Muslim accounts. Prof. R.D. Banerjee refutes the
statement of Sir T. W. Haig, the editor of the Cambridge History of
India, Vol. til, that the Orissay king purchased peace by paying money,
and then comes to a conclusion that it was tha Sultan who purchased
‘peace by paying money tothe Hindu king. Such a conclusion is not
however warranted by the sources of our information.
Dr. Subrahmanyam has explained the real causes of the retreat
of Kapilendra. He had shown that the main bulk of the Orissan army
was at this time engaged inthe war of the south and just then Orissa
was threatened with an invasion from Jaunpur under the leadership of
the Sultan Hussain Sharagi. These causes were responsible for the retreat
of the Hindu army from neighbourhood of Bidar,
Conquest of a part of Vijayanagara empire ; We have seen that
Kapilendra first came into conflict with the Vijayanagara empire over
the possession of the territories of his own kingdom in the Vizagapatam
district. which Vijayanagara had accupied as faras Simhachalam. After
succeeding in recapturing these territories, he mext attempted to
annex the kingdom of Rajahmundry and Kondavidu which
were then under the control of the Vijayanagara empire.
Having succeded in. conquering both the’ kingdoms, he next
attempted to conquer further territories from the Vijayanagara empire
along the coast of the Telugu-speaking tract. The death of Devaraya Il
in A.D. 1446 and the succession of his weak son Mallikarjunain AD.
1447 provided an opportunity to Kapilendra to take such a bold step. It
is stated in the Gangadasa-vilasa charitam of Gangadhara that the
Gajapati in combination with the WHayapati (the Bahamani Sultan)
wanted to humiliate the young emperor with a view to wipe out the
disgrace of their former defeat from Vijayanagara. The Anantavaram
Plates of Prataparudra. the graridson of Kapilendera, state that Kapilendra
sent his son Hamvira to conquer Hampi, the capital of Vijaypanagara, and
that his able son succeeded in conquering it and forcing the Vijayanagara
THE SURYAVAMSIS 199°
emperor to pay tribute. We thus find evidences from both the sides
that Hamvira had actually proceeded upto the capital of Vijayanagara
with a view to conquer it, but the result of this invasion has been
differently stated in the above mentioned work of Gangadhara. He assigns
the victory to his patron Mallikarjuna and tells that his patron sallied
forth from the capital like the cub of a lion from his den and routed the:
combined armies of tha Gajapati and WHayapati. In the face of these -
conflicting statements of both the sources it becomes difficult to ascertain
the out come of this campaign, but we agree with Dr. Subrahamanyam-
that Hamvira succeeded in’ defeating the armies of Vijayanagara in
open battle but was unable’ to pierce through the defences of the.
Vijayanagara capital and ultimately retreated without fulfilling his main:
object.
Some portions of the Telugu-speaking region to the south
of theriver Krishna were under the controlof the Vijayanagara
emperor as iS evidenced by the insciptions referring to him and found
in this region but his hold on it seems to have been nominal as there are
also evidences to show that the local chiefs like those of Bapatla and
N arasaraopet were behaving like independent monarchs. The occupation
of this region by Kapilendra from A.D. 1454 is proved by an_ inscription
in which his officer Ganadeva appears as the Pariksha (Governor) of
Kondavidu, Addanki and Vinukonda. Having conquered’ the entire
region to the south of the river Krishna and making ‘%rrangement for its
administration, the Orissan king next thought of acquiring further terri-
tories of the Vijayanagara ernpire. After the accession of Mallikarjuna
the internal affairs of the empire became far from satisfactory. Satuva
Narasimha the subordinate ruler of Chandragiri, was trying to capture
the powers of the empire with an ultimate view to become emperor.
Kapilendra must have Studied the internal affairs of Vijayanagara and
formulated his plans to conqu2r parts of it.
The first step in furtherance of his plans was the conquest of the
Udayagiri fort which occupied a very strong and strategic position of
the Vijayanagara empire in the coastal regions. The fort was conquered.
about A.D. 1460 by his {fteutenant Tamma Bhupala, as an inscription
dated A D. 1460 on the top of the Udayagiri hill recording the construc-
tion of a temple, clearly proves. After its conquest Basava Bhupala, son.
of Tamma Bhupala, was appointed as its Governor
The gradual conquest of the costa! districts of the Vijayangara.
empire up to Tanjore andthe south Arcot district by Kapilendra, is
attested to by a number of inscriptions. In this task he was helped by
° 200 lIISTORY OF ORISSA
his valiant son Hamvira who was one of the ablest generals of his age.
The epigraphic records show that Kapilendra was at Srisailamin A.D
1460, where he made gifts to the god on the occassion of a lunar eclipse,
A Jayastambha (the pillar of victory) seems to have been set up in this
region asis indicated by a fragmentary inscription of one of his lieute-
nants. It isstatedin one Telugu work that Vira Saiva Pontiff of the
matha at Srisailam offered resistence tothe invading army, but his
‘resistence was overcome by Madaya Linga, the Bellama chief, who had
‘become a lieutenant of Kapilendra after his conquest of Devarakonda.
With Udayagiri as one of their bases the Gajapati armies under
Hamvira made further incursions into the coastal regions of the Vijaya-
nagara empire. Mallikarjuna appears to have tried his best to stem the
tide of the invasion by transferring Saluva Narasimha, his subordinate
ruler of the Chandragiri-rajya of Vijayanagara with that object. The
result of this transfer was not, however favourable to Mallikarjuna
Saluva Narasimha after becoming ths ruler of a_ central division
with the capital at Vinukonda, became more powerfu = and
cherished the ambition of usurping the Vijayanagara throne. The
defence of the Chandragiri-rajya also became weak after the
transfer of its strong rular Saluva Narasimha, One inscription indicates
that Mallikarjuna visited Vinukonda in A.D.1459 on ‘rajakarya’ (state
duties). This visit was probably intend to hold consultations with
his officers for checking the advance of the Orissan army, but this
attempt was not successful. After the transfer of Saluva Narasimha the
defence of the Chandragiri-rajya seems‘to have been entrusted to
Saluva Ramachandrar2ya, but he was unable to protect it against
the Orissan invasion. Pusapati Tamma Bhupati, a lieutenant. of
Kapilendra, attacked the fort of Chandragiri and occupied it before
A.D. 1464. Mallikarjuna appears to have made futher attempts to
check the advance of the Oriya forces under Hamvira, but he met with
no success. An inscription at Srirangam temple near Trichinapolli which
records a gift of cows in A.D.1464 by ‘Dakshina Kapilesvara Hamvira
Kumara Mahapatra clearly proves that Orissan army nad occupied that
region, After the conquest of Tanjor and Trichinapolli regions Hamvira
seems to have stopped his further incursions. After these conquests,the
Orissan empire stretched from the river Gangesin:north to the
river Kaveri in the south. Kapilendra made arrangement forthe admini.
stration of his southern conquests by appointing his grandson Kumara
Kapilesvara Mahapatra as the viceroy of the conquered dominions
A, D. 1464,
in
THE SURYAVAMSIS 201
The earlier view was that Kapilendra’s conquest of the south was
a mere raid, but this view has not been accepted by later scholars. Prof.
R.D. Banerjee after examining all epigraphic records has come to a
conclusion that a portion of the Vijayanagara empire up to the river
Kaveri was under the occupation of Oriss a at least for ten years. but this
seems to be an overestimation. By A.D.1470 when there was a civil war
In Orissa for succession after the death of Kapilendra, the conquered
territories of the south were rost to Orissa. So it is reasonable to conclude
that the Tamil districts were under the occupation of Orissa for six to
seven years. Several inscription of this region refer to the Oddiyan (Oriya)
disturbances and state that in consequence of such disturbances, the
repairs and worship of certain temples in this region had been neglected.
Certain controversial points connected with Kapilendra’s
conquests may now be considered. As stated earlier, Gangadhara, the
court poet of Mallikarjuna, states that the king of Orissa and the Sultan of
Bahamani made a combined effort to conquer the capital of Vijayanagara
but the combined armies of both were’ defeated and driven out by the
young emperor. This statement is now believed by scholars, Kapilendra
had come into conflict with the Bahamani Sultan and so, the relation of
both the king was far from cordial. The Orissan king also wanted to pose
himself as the champion of the Hindu cause in Telingana. Sanjar Khan’s
capture of Hindu non-combatants witha view to sell them as slaves in
Muslim kingdoms, must have embittered the feelings of the Hindus against
the Muslims and Kapilendra raust have taken advantage of their feelings
to pose himself as the champion of Hinduism. An allignce with the Muslim
Sultan of Bahamani witha view toconquer' thecapital of the Hindu
Vijayanagara empire would not have been considered desirable in
Kapilendra’s own interest. Wedonotfind -any reference in any of ihe
contemporary inscriptions that Kapilendrahad allied himself with the
Bahamani Sultan to attack the Vijayanagara capital. Gangadhara has
evidently attempted to tarnish the image of Kapilendra in the eyes of the
Hindus.
We have stated earlier that one of the causes of the retreat of the
Hindu army under the command of Kapilendra from the gates of Bidar,
was the threatened invasion of Orissa from the north by Sultan Mahmud
Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur. It is not known whether the threatened invasion
ever took ptace. We do not find any evidence whatsoever from any Hindu
source about this invasion. But Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad states that the Sharqi
Sultan collected an army of three lakhs of horse men and fourteen hundred
202 HISTORY OF ORISSA
elephants and advanced towards the country’ of Orissa. The author of
Tabaqat-i-Akabari claims thatthe Sultan invaded Orissa and forced the
Orissan king to couclude a humiliating treaty by offering thirty
elephants, one hundred horses and several other goods by way
of tribute. This claim of the Muslim sources has not been accepted
by the modern scholars. There was indeed a threatened invasion of
Orissa by the Sharqi Sultan, but itis doubtful whether Kapilendra, the
most powerful king of south-eastern India of the time, so easily submitted
to a distant northern power and concluded a humiliating treaty.
There are references in the Orissan epigraphs about Kapitlendra’s
conflict with Malwa ard Dethi, Such references are to be found in the
Gopinathapura Inscription of his own time and also in a copper plate grant
of his grandson Prataparudradeve. Some scholars have completely ruled
out the possibilities of such conflicts with the distant monarchs of Malwa
and Delhi. It is not however improbable that Kapilendra came into confict
with them in alliance with the Muslim powers of Bahamani and Jaunpur.
During his reign the Sultans of the Bahamani kingdom were at war with
the Sultans of Malwa and the Sharqi Sultan was at war with the Delhi
Sultan In these wars of the Muslim powers Kapilendra might have taken
a part by furnishing troops to the Sultans of Bahamani and Jaunpur, and
this part taken by him has been exaggerated inthe Orissan records as
his invasions of Malwa and Delhi.
By A.D. 1464 Kapilendra had become the master of an empire
stretching from the Ganges in the north to the Trichinapolli in the south
along the coast, and we find from the epigraphic records that he had
assumed the proud titles Gajapati Gaudesvara Navakoti Karnata Kalavar
-gesvara, Each of these titles had a special significance. The title Gajapati,
as observed earliar, was also borne by some Later Ganga kings and
Kapilendra bore it as a successor of the Gangas by usurpation. He’
conquered a part of Gauda (Bengal) and was therefore justified in bearing
the title Gaudzsvara. His conquest of apart of the Bahamani kingdom
and his expeditions to Bidar gave him the title of Kalavargesvara, It may
be noted that the name of the earlier capital of the Bahamani kingdom
was Gulbarga from which the word Kalavarga was an Oriya corruption.
After conquering parts of the Vijayanagara empire he assumed the title
Navakoti Karnata (Usvara). |n his time the Vijayanagara empire was also.
known as Karnata. Navakoti (nine crores) seem to refer to the total
population of the part of Bahamani and Vijayanagara, which he conquered.
THE SURYAVAMSIS 203
Last part of Kapilendra’s Reign:
The last part of Kapilendra’s life was not happy. One of his
inscriptions in the Jagannatha temple at Puri dated A.D.1464, states
that he had been forsaken by his former soldiers and servants, There-
fore, he entreats Lord Jagannatha to allow him to treat them as they
deserve. It is stated in the Madalapanji that Kapilendra suppressed
a rebellion at Kondajori, which Dr. Subrahmanyam tekes to be an Oriya
form of the river Krishna. It may be noted that in Oriya jori means
a river, Dr. Suhrahmanyam further supposes that there was a combined
revolt of Hamvira and his son Kumara Kapilesvara Mahapatra against
the emperor and this revolt was the result of Kapilendra’s nomination
of Purushottamadeva as his successor. It is very likely that Kapilendra
had several sons and some copies of the Madalapanji state that he had as
many as eighteen sons. The Mukhalingam Kaifiyat says that Purusho-
ttama was the youngest son of his father. We are unable to determine
the order of seniority of Kapilendra’s sons, but our sources give us a
correct impression and information that Hamvira was the ablest of them
and it is he who helped his father in his southern conquests. The
Warangal Fort Inscription dated A.D.1460, furnishes us with the
definite information that Hamvira was the son of Kapilendra, but it
does not tell us whether he was the eldest son. In the. inscriptions of
Purushottama and Prataparudra Hamvira does not find mention as the
son of Kapilendra. Soit will always remain a disputed point whether
Hamvira or his brother Purshottama was entitled to the throne according
to the law of primogeniture. Purushottama’s name does not appear in the
records prior to his reign, but we have seen that Hamvira appears in
several of them, it tshe who captured the fort of Warangal and also
led the Orissan army to the very gate of the Vijayanagara capital. As
already observed, his son Kumara Kapilesvara Mahapatra had become the
viceroy of the conquered territories of his grandfather in the south by
A.D.1464. This grandson of Kapilendra must have been sufficiently
oid when he assumed such a great responsiblity and his father would have
been about fifty years old.
In the light of these evidences it appears that Hamvira was elder
brother of Purushottama. The fatter was atthe capital and he seems io
have enjoyed the confidence of the standi:ig¢ army and the uigh officers
of the state. It is stated in the Madalapanji that Kapilendra, unable to
nominate any of his sons as his successor, prayed to Lord Jagannatha
and Lord Jagannatha told him in a dream to chose Purushottama as the
next king. Lord Jagannatha’s will expressed in dreams, was a clever
204 HISTOY OF ORISSA
means of propaganda adopted by the new kings and their supporters.
We have seen that it was given out by Kapilendra and his supporters
that Lord Jagannatha had nominated him as the successor of Bhanu-
deva IV. These stories cannot be believed, but they point to the fact
that the kings who created such stories, had no !lega! claim to the
throne.
From the above circumstances it appears that Purushottama was
not eldest son of his father. itis ststed in ithe Madalapanji that his
father crowned him on the banks of the river Krishna. This suggests
that Purushottama and his father had proceeded to the south to suppress
the revolt raised by Hamvira and his son. Kapilendra seems th have
hastily arranged the coronation of Purushottama at such a distant place,
but not in his capital at Cuttack, Puri or Bhubaneswar, which were the
usual places where the previous Orissan kings were crowned.
We may believe the information furnished by the Madalapanii
that after Purushottama had become king, Hamvira by forced marches
came from the south with an army and reached the Gajapati capital,
Cuttack. Purushottama first shut himself up in the fort, but eventually
there was a great battle between the two brothers, in which Hamvira
was completely defeatad and was forced to flee to the south. The
Madalapanji does not tell us whether this fight took place immediately
after the succession of Purushottama or at a later date, butsuch a fight
seems to have been an_ inevitable consequence of the disputed
succession.
Towards the close of his reign Kapilendra suffered from the
loss of territories both in the north and south of his empire. !n_ the
north Ruknuddin Barbak (1459.1474), the Sultan of Bengal seems to
have reconqured the fort of Mandaranin the Orissan. frontier. This is
evident from the biographical account of a popular saint of north
Bengal named Shah Ismail Ghazi, given in the work entitled Risalatus-
Shuhada compiled in 1633 by one Pir Muhammud Shattari. The work
is a very late one and it refers to the traditional account of the reoccu-
pation of Mandaran by Ruknuddin Barbak. We have seen that in the
early part of Kapilendra’s reign he conqured a part of Bengal extending
up to Mardaran in the Arambag subdivision of the Hooghly district.
Satganw and Triveni were also in the possession of the Orissan king.
There were always border clashes between the Hindu and the Muslims
inthis area and Satganw seems to have changed hands several
times. It may be recalled that since the time of Ghodaganga who
THE SURYAVAMSIS 205
conquered this area first, the Orissan kings, when they felt strong, wanted
to recapture this territory from the Muslims of Bengal. In the subsequent
periods Narasimhadeva | and Kapilendradeva reconquered it. Towards
the close of the reign of the latter it was lost to Orissa. The above
mentioned Muslim chronicle furnishes the evidence that the Oriyas were
driven out from Mandaran and it was reoccupied by the forces of Bengal.
Neither the data nor the details of the campaign have been given in this
work, but its reoccupation by the Muslims has been accepted as a
historical fact by historians (The History of Bengal, Muslim Period,
pp. 132-33). Thereis a large gate, south of Mandaran, which is known
as Utiya Mardana, which indicates that the Oriya army stationed in
this fort were defeated at the southern gate. The Muslim chronicle tells
us that the king of Orissa was captured but this has not been
believed by any scholar. It was perhaps the commandant of the fort
who was captured by the Muslim forces.
In the south Kapilendra started losing territories towards the end
of his life Saluva Narasimha who had been transferred to Vinukonda,
was again put back in the Chandragiri rajya as its subordinate ruler
under Virupaksha, the successor of Mallikarjuna. Virupaksha too was a
very weak king like his predecessor and the powers of the empire were
virtually captured by Saluva Narasimha. As_ the first step of his
aggrandisement he started the systematic expulsion of the Oriyas from
the occupied Tamil districts, From the village Munnur we find two
inscriptions, one of Dakshina Kapilesvara Kumara Mahanatra, dated A.D.
1464 and another of Saluva Nurasimha, dated A.D. 1466. Inthe latter
inscription Saluva Narasimha has been described as the ruler of
Chandragiri, conclusively proving that the Saluva chief had driven out
the Oriyas from this region by A,D.1466, The Saluvabhyudayam, a
Sanskrit work, which describes the achievements of Saluva Narasimha
tells us that after the accession to the Governorship of Chandragiri his
first work was to wage a war against Kalinga (Orissa}. From these eviden-
ces it is apparent that even before the death of Kapilendra his empire
suffered mutilation in the south.
The loss of territories ard the quarre! among his sons for succession
would have told upon the health of the war-worn aged emperor and so
he seems to have hastily arranged for the transfer of royalty even before
his death. we find epigraphic evidences that his son Purushottamadeva
started his reign from 1467, but this does not mean that his father had
died by that date. There is a controversy among the scholars about the
exact date of Kapilendra’s death. Prof. R.D, Banerjee puts it in 1470
206 HISTORY OF ORISSA
on the strength of the evidence furnished by the Burhan-i-Ma’asir that
the death of “the Ray of Orissa who was the principal Ray of Telengana’”’
was received fn the court of Bidar in A.D. 1470, But the death news of
Kapilendra received by the Bahamani Sultan in 1470 does not preclude
the possibility that he had died earlier Dr. R. Subrahmanyam puts
the first regnal year of Purushottamadeva in A. D, 1465-66 which may be
taken as correct so far as the beginning of his reign is concerned, but it
does not furnish us with the sure evidence that Kapitlendra had died by
that time. Itis a fact that Kapilendra had crowned his son Purushottama-
deva while he was alive. So, the exact date of the death of Kapilendra
cannot be determined but it must have taken place before 1470 when
the news of his death was received in the court of Bidar.
An Estimate of Kapilendra’s Achievements :
It has been stated earlier that the family in which Kapilendra
was born, has been described in the inscriptions as Suryavamsa or
the Solar dynasty. a legendary origin claimed by many a ruling
family of ancient and rmedieval India, but in fact he was a man of
humble origin holding a rank of some importance in the Ganga
army, when he effected a violent change of the regime. We have
also stated earlier that Kapilendra was a native of Orissa, and the
founders of the previous Ganga and Somavamsi dynasties had all
come from outside. So, after centuries an Oriya ruled his own people
giving them asense of pride and self-respect, hopes and aspirations,
leading them to battle fields for his extensive conquests and opening
to them anew geographical horizon, Kapilendra is only next to Kharavela
in building up an Orissan empire. As ageneral he became unsurpassed
in his age. His abilities endeared him to the people and the soldiers of
Orissa. He enlisted the support of the people by making Orissa a
strong military state in which the protection and the extension of the
kingdom came to be a joint responsibility of the ruler and the ruled,
Militarism penetrated into all ranks of people irrespective of their castes
and all the castes bore military titles which are numerous in Orissa
even today. A love for Orissa and for its tanguage and literature
become the order of Kapilendra s reign, and inspired by this new idealism
Sarala Dasa,a Sudra by caste, created the first and the vast Oriya
literature which, in its quality, contents and bulk, is still considered to
be the greatest single Oriya literature. Thus during the rule of Kapilendra
a new age of renaissance started in Orissa.
After centuries Kapilendra brought Orissa into the arena of all-!ndia
politics and broke her isolation. His contemporaries Nasir-ud-din,
THE SURYAVAMSIS 207
Humayun Shah Bahamani, Satuva Narasimha and Mallikarjuna were
all out-generalled and defeated by him. In consequence he succeeded
in building up a far-flung empire stretching from the river Hooghly in
the north to the river Kaveri inthe south. This was no mean achieve-
ment of aman who made his way tothe throne from a humble position.
The distant monarchs like those of Jaunpur, Delhi and Malwa felt the
weight of his powers. From his reign Orissa become the standard-bearer
of Hindu culture and she maintained this position inthe reigns of his
son and grandson also. As observed earlier, Kapilendra enlisted the
sympathy of the non-Oriya Hindus by siding with them against the
aggression of the Muslims. This was certainly one of the causes of his
success in Bengal and Telingana where he conquered territories from the
Muslims, We are unable, to believe that Kapilendra or his son or
grandson Kumara Kapilesvara Mahapatra had ever neglected the repairs
and the worship in certain Hindu temples of the Tamil districts, as some
South Indian Inscriptions of his reign indicate. It has been stated in
such inscriptions that on account of the Oddiyan Ga!abhai (disturbances
of the Oriyas) the repairs of some temples had been neglected and the
worship in such temples had been keptin abeyance. This information
is strongly contradicted by the Srirangam Temple Inscription wherein
itis stated that Kumara Kapilesvara Mahapatra donated cows for the
maintenance of a perpetual lamp in the temple. It is also contradicted
by the information obtained from another South Indian inscription that this
prince made arrangement for Hamvira-bhoga in a particular temple, no
doubt for the success of his father Hamvira.
it has generally been stated by some scholars that though Kapile-
ndra was a great general, he lacked statesmanship. They say _ that
Kapilendra should have concentrated his powers and energies in fighting
with the Muslim power of Bengal which was areal menace to the
security of the Hindu kingdom’ of Orissa. tis also stated that Kapile-
ndra should not have involved himself in a war against the Hindu
kingdom of Vijayanagara. They hold thet, because of Kapilendra’s
aggression against Vijayanagara, the kings of this country became the
hereditary enemies of the Orissan king and in the reign of Krishnadeva
Ray this enmity was responsible for the disintegration of the Orissan
empire. This criticism about the character and achtevements _ of
Kapilendra may be partially true. It may, however, be remembered that
an all India conception of Hinduism was alien to theage in which
Kapilendra lived. The kingdom of Vijayanagara grew up into an empire
mainly at the expense of the neighbouring Hindu kingdoms. Devaraya_ Il,
208 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the king of Vijayanagara, first gave offence tothe Oriya Hindus by
seizing a part of their kingdom in the southern frontier. Kapilendra
was a Creature of his age and he is notto be blamed if he had not the
higher conception of an all-India Hindu policy. Kapilendra was, without
doubt, one of the greatest kings of his age in India.
Purushottamadeva (A.D. 1467-1497)
As stated earlier, there is no evidence to show that Purushottama
was the eldest son of Kapilendra. Hamvira who occupied a pre-eminent
position among the sons of his father by virtue of his outstanding
abilities and the war-like qualitles, which were the pre-requisite qualifica-
tions for rulership during this age, should have become the_ successor of
his father. But his claim to the throne seems to have been set aside
through machinations atthe capital. The revolt of Hamvira aided by
his son, would have been the result of his father’s partiality towards
Purushottama. As observed earlier, there is absolutely no evidence that
Purushottama ever helped his father in any of his campaigns through
which he created his empire, but yet this prince was chosen as the
successor to the throne. Itis not known definitely whether Hamvira
revolted against his father before or after his father’s nomination of
Purushottama, but itis most probable thathe revolted when his claim to
the throne was set aside. Purushottama seems to have been the favourite
son of his father tnrough the influence of his mother whose legal position
among the wives of Kapilendra has been amaiier of discussion among
the historians. The evidences that we get trom ali sources about her
position, point to the fact that she was not a queen of Kapilendra, much
less his chief queen. the evidence provided by the Rajavamsavali of the
former Bamanda state, cited by Dr. Subrahmanyam, represent Purusho-
ttama as a bhogini-nandana (sonofa mistress). Mr. Mukherjee thinks
that Purushottama’s mother was a phula-vivahi wife of Kapilendra. A
class of wives of the rulers of Orissa occupied an intermediate position
between concubines and queens, The phula-vivahi occupied the inter-
mediate position. Purushottama’s mother seems to have occupied this
positions. Ferishta writing aboutthe events of Orissa observes that
‘“Mlangula Ray, a brahman and adopted sonofthe late king was ruling
Orissa in A. D. 1470-71’’. Mangula Ray was probably the real name of
Purushottama and after his accession to the throne he bore the second
name. He was not the adopted son of Kapilendra as Ferishta’s account
represents him to be,
THE SURYAVAMSIS 209
It will appear from the above discussion that he was the son of a
Phula-vivahi wife of Kapilendra. Ferishta represents him as a brahman most
probably on account ofthe fact that his mother was a brahmani. The
Anantavaram Plates of Purshottama’s son Prataparudra represents him as
the son of Kapilendra, but they leave us in doubt whether he was the
legitimate son of his father. The Sarasvativilasam, composed by
Prataparudra, describes his father as the son of Kapilendra by Parvati, but
adds nothing more about the status of Parvati among the wives of his
grandfather.
Whatever may be the truth about the legitimate claim of Purusho-
ttama to the throne, two factors went greatly in his favour. He was
nominated as successor by his father and it was also given out that Lord
Jagannatha had commanded Kapilendra in a dream to chose Purushottarna
as his successor. The people of Orissa greately believed in the divine
dispension of Lord Jagannatha, who had been conceived as the real king of
Orissa since the days of the Gangas. Inthe tbeyginning part of his reign
Purushottama propitiated the brahmins by abolishing chaukidar: tax on
them-and by renewing the old grants, as is evidenced by one of his
inscriptions in the Jagannatha temple. Having thus received the
favour of his father, the divine dispension of Lord Jagannatha
and the sympdainy of the brahmins, Purushottama _— strengthened
his position in Orissa so firmly that his rival Hamvira could not oust him
from it.
Troubles in the Ea-ly Part of His Reign:
The troubles in the early part of his reign were mostly due to his
two great rivals, viz his brother Hamvira and Saluva Narasimha, The latter
had become by this time the virtual ruler of Vijayanagara, even though offi-
cially he was a subordinate ruler under it. As observed earlier, his first and
foremost task was to drive out the Oriyas from the southern districts. In
this attempt he was greatly successful. Hamvira and his son Kumara
Kapilesvara Mahapatra could hold the southern possessions of Kapilendra
because of a constant supply of men and materials from the capital of
Orissa, but after the occupation of the throne by Purushottama this
supply must have been stopped because of the rivalry between the two
brothers, Hamvira thus found his position untenable in the south and
Saluva threatened the position of the Oriyas and pushed them northwards.
The Saluvabhyudayam, a Sanskrit work, which describes the exploits of
Saluva Narasimha, states that he ted a campaign against Kalinga (Orissa)
210 HISTORY OF ORISSA
and during this campaign the king of Orissa, after being defeated, shut
himself up in a fort. which Dr. Subrahmanyam identifies with the fort of
Udayagiri. The Jaimini Bharatam, another literary work, credits Narasimha
with a victory over the king of Oddi (Orissa’. Another literary work, Varaha
Puranam, states that Isvara Nayak, a general of Saluva, captured
Udayagiri. Prof. R.D. Banerjee does not believe the evidences furnished
by these literary sources about the discomfiture of Orissa in the early part
of Purushottama’s reign, but we accept these evidences in the light of the
fact that the rivalry between Purushottama and Hamvira had greatly under-
mined the position of Orissa in the south and due to the lack of co-ordina-
tion between the capital and the southern part of the empire, the position
of the Oriyas in the south had become untenable.
Having been pressed from the north by his brother and from the
south by Saluva Narasimha, Hamvira was compelled to seek the assistance
of the Bahamani king Muhammad Shah IIl, Ferishta and Sayyid Ali furish
us with an account of the assistance which he received from the Sultan. It
is stated that the Sultan evinced a great interest inthe affairs of Orissa
when Ambur Ray (Hamvira Ray) represented his caseto him for the
throne of Orissa, because of the fact that Muhammad also wanted to
wrest from Orissa the provinces of Rajahmundry and Kondavidu. He sent
Nizam-ul-Moolk to help the Orissan prince against his brother Purushottama.
The combined armies of Hamvira and Nizam-ul-Moolk succeded in
capturing Kondapalli and Rajahmundry and after making administrative
arrangements for the security of both, they proceeded to the Orissan capital
Cuttack. Purushottama was defeated and Hamvira placed _ in the posession
of his hereditary dominions. tn broad outlines both the Muslim scurces.
agree, but in some details they differ. The dates assigned to these events
do not tally, the names of the forts captured by Nizém-ul-Moolk asd
Hamvira also differ, but Dr. Subrahmanyam concluded on these evidences
recived from the Muslim sources, that Purushottama was ousted from the
throne and Hamvira was placed on it. Dr. Subrahmanyam strengthens his
conclusion by giving another ground that from A.D. 1472 to AD. 1476
no inscription of Purushottama is tobe traced in any part of Orissa.
According to him this is an indication that Purushottama had been
ousted from the threne during these years.
Prof R.D. Banerjee does not accept the Muslim’ version that.
Hamvira had been installed onthe Orissan throne with the assistance of
the Bahamani Suitan. Hesays that Ferishta’s account of the Orissan.
THE SURYAVAMSIS 211
wars of the Bahamani Sultan bears on it the stamp of untruth, We are
inclined to accept Prof. Banerjee’s view. The Muslim accounts of the
dramatic change of the rulers in Orissa are not supported by any other
source. The mere fact that we do not find Purushottama's inscriptions in
any part of Orissa for the above-mentioned period, does not give us the
Sure evidence that he had been ousted from the throne for that period. If
Hamvira had occupied the throne for this short period, some evidence in
the shape of inscriptions or traditions would have been available to us,
But there is absolutely no evidence from any other source that Hamvire
had become king fora short period. Dr. Subrahmanyam maintains that
Hamvira drove away his brother to forests and accupted the throne, but
he could not maintain his position in Orissa when he ceased to receive any
assistance fromthe Bahamani Sultan on account of a great famine then
raging inthe Bahamani kingdom. Dr. Subrahmanyam’s supposition does
not seem to be correct. If Hamvira had become the master of Orissa, he
could have held his position with the help of his own resources. It is also
not clear from Dr. Subrahmanyam’s supposition how Purushottama, who
had been driven away to forests, could regain the throne without armies
or resources
Dr. Subrahmanyam’s reliance on ‘the evidence of the Sarasvativi-
lasam is also unacceptable. In this work itis stated that Purushottama
succeeded in bringing his rival Hamvira to his knees. Purushottama had
actually defeated his brother and. forced him to submit. This fact has
found mention in an usual exaggerated form inthe above mentioned
Sanskrit work. It does not furnish us with any evidence that Hamvira had
ousted Purushottama from the throne and the latter ragained it by defe-
ating the former. Mr. G. Ramadas also questions the truth of the accounts
of the Muslim chroniclers about the fact that the Bahamani Sultan
installed Hamvira on the throne. Hecondemns the Muslim accounts as
myths. The main point to be considered in this connection is that we do
not find any information whatsoever from any other source except from
the Muslim sources, regarding the installation of Hamvira on the Orissan
throne. We, therefore, agree with Prof. R.D. Banerjee and Mr. G.
Ramadas that the Muslim accounts are unreliable.
Purushottama’s Attempts to Recover the Lost Territories :
We have stated earlier that Saluva Narasimha had started the
the expulsion of the Oriyas from the southern districts since A.D. 1467. By
A.D, 1475 he gradually extended his power along the coast towards the
north and reached Musulipatam with the ultimate aim of putting an end to
212 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the Gajapati empire and also of regaining the Krishna-Godavari delta which:
once belonged to Vijayanagara, He found Kondavidu and Rajahmundry
already occupied by the Bahamani Sultan and their reoccupation would
mean a war with the Sultan. He started instigating the Hindu chiefs of this
region against the Bahamani king as the first measure for the preparation
of a war against the Muslim power.
During this period agreat famine was raging inthe Bahamani
kingdom and boththe army and the people were suffering terribly.
According to Ferishta the Bahamani garrision stationed at Kondapalli,
revolted against the Muslim Governor of the fort, ‘and killed him, and then
they made Hamvira the Governor of the fort. Notwithstanding the fact
that Hamvira was already in the camp ofthe Bahamani Sultan, he sent
secret messages to his brother Purushottama to give him aid against the
Bahamani Sultan for maintaining his position in the fort, and for the
recovory of the southern territories of Orissa. The only condition which
Hamvira attached to his request, was that after the recovery of the
territories they should be shared by both.
Purushottama readily accepted the proposal sent by his brother.
The great famine in the Bahamani kingdom, the mutinous conduct of
the Bahamani army, andthe readiness of the Jamindars of Telingana
to assist him in a war against the Sultan, provided an excellent
opportunity to him. He proceeded atthe head of an army towards the
south. An inscription at Simhachalam cated A.D. 1476 proves that he was
on his way to Rajahmundry and had reachad that place, where he made
offerings to god Narasimha, no doubt for the success of his arms Ferishta’s
accounts read with those of the Burhan-i-Ma’asir indicate that there was
an Oriya invasion of the south-eastern portion of the Bahamani kingdom
in A.D. 1476 or A.D. 1477 and in consequence the Bahamani Sultan lost
both Rajahmundry and Kondavidu provinces.
When the Oriya forces were reconquering the Krishna-Godavari
delta, Saluva Narasimha was marching northwards with an army and
appears to have reached Rajahmundry. In fact there seems to have been
a simultaneous attempt both from the south and the north for the conquest
of the Krishna-Godavari delta. Had both the Hindu powers combined and
presented an united fornt against the Muslim kingdom of Bahamani, its
position would have been precarious, but both the Hindu powers worked
for cross-purpose and this provided an opportunity to the Bahamani
Sultan to defeat the Orissan army andto recapture Rajahmundry and
Kondavidu,
THE SURYAVAMSIS 213
On hearing the approach of Purushottama and his siege of
Rajahmundry, Muhammad Shah If! speedily collected a great army and
proceeded to oppose him. According to the Muslim sources, at the
approach of the Muslim army the Hindu = army left Rajahmundry and
retreated towards their country. The fort was occupied by the Sultan and
then he pursued the ‘Orissan army far into their territories and forced
Purushottama to conclude a treaty, as aresult of which the Bahamani
king recovered his territories and received twenty-five elephants from
him. This account has not been accepted by historians. Prof. R.D. Banerjee
comments on the treaty as follows:
‘It is necessary to receive these statements of Ferishta with
very great caution, In ‘the first place, if Muhammad It had really retired
from the capital of Orissa after receiving twenty-five elephants, then it
is to be admitted that he was compelled to turn tail by a superior force.
No victorious Musalman army had ever fet off a defeated Hindu king at
such a small cost. Ferishta’s story reminds one of the retreat of Seleukos
Nikatar from India with a present of five hundred elephants from Chandra-
gupta Maurya after ceding four of the fairest provinces of Alexander’s
ampire to the Indian monarch, As soon as he received twenty-five
elephants, Muhammad’s intention to occupy Orissa permanently
vanishes. No indemnity or permanent cession of territory is demanded
and the Musalman_ king retires with his so-called victorious army. This
story is accepted without any caution by Sir Wolsely Haig who adds
that Muhammad captured Kondavidu and made Rajahmundry his
headquarter: for three years.”’
The truth seem to be that Purushottama could not retain his hold
on Rajahmundry and retreated towards his own kingdom when he heard
of the approach of the Sultan’s army. The Sultan’s pursuit of the Orissan
army. his raids far into their territories and Purushottama’s treaty with
him by presenting him only twenty-five elephants. do not appear to have
been based on truth We have stated earlier that Saluva Narasimha was
camping with a great army on the banks of the Godavari when there was
a conflict between the Orissan forces and the Bahamani forces. but yet he
did not join either of the parties, The main causes of his inaction were
that he considered both Purushottama and Muhammad Shah i! as his
enemies and wanted that they should weaken themselves by mutual
fights. The occupation of the Krishna-Godavari delta was his smaller
ambition, his main ambition being the occupation of the Vijayanagara
throne. He retreated towards ‘his kingdom without engaging his forces tn
214 HISTORY OF ORISSA
battle. He remaind awaiting an opportune time when he could fulfil his
ambition of occupying the Krishhr.a-Godavari delta.
Purushottama’s attempts to recover the territories of his father
thus proved abortive and he, like Saluva Narasimha, remained awaiting a
favourable opportunity to recover the Krishna-Godavari delta, Muhammad III
placed Muslim Governors at both Rajahmundry and Kondavidu.
After driving out the Oriya forces from the coastal region,
Muhammad II! started a war against Saluva Narasimha. There was a
revolt at Kondavidu in A.D. 1480 and the rebels sought the help of
Narasimha against the Bahamani Sultan. The rebels were supressed but
this provided a cause for the Sultan to starta war against the Saluva
king. The second cause of the war was that Saluva Narasimha was
systematically instigating the Hindu chiefs of Telingana against the
Sultan. The Muslim chroniclers informus that the Sultan raided up to
Kanchi in A.D. 1481 and then returned to his camp Malur. While he was
camping at this place, Nizam-ul-Mooik Hasan Bahri forged a letter
purporting to have been written by Mahmud Gawan, the general and
the adviser of the Sultan, to the Orissan king Purushottama, in which
the former was supposed to have sought help from the latter against the
Sultan. Without investigating into the truth of the allegation, the Sultan
in a fit of anger acted upon the forged letter and ordered the immediate
execution of Mahmud Gawan. Historians are of the opinion that with his
death wisdom departed from the Bahamani kingdom, The Bahamani king
realised that he had committed a great blunder by ordering the execution
of his most experienced and trusted servant. Soon after his execution the
disintegration of the Bahamani kingdom started and although Muhammad II!
wanted toarrest the process of the disintegration, he faild, Amidst
difficulties and disappointments the Suitan died in A.D. 1482 and was
succeeded by his imbecile son Mahmud, only twelve years old.
Purushottama’s Recovery of the Southern Territories:
In the court of Bidar the party factions between the foreigners
and the Deccanis were accentuated soon after the accession of Mahmud
Shah and their dissnsions bothinthe army and the administration
hastened the disintegration of the Bahamani kingdom. Purushottama had
now no fear of an attack from the Bahamani kingdom, and this provided
him an opportunity to try again to regain his lost territories in the south.
Sometimes before A.D. 1484 he proceeded towards the south and
conquered the whole territory including Rajahmundry and Kondavidu.
The details of his campaigns are not available, but that he occupied the
whole coastal region up to Kondavidu, is proved by an_ inscription
THE SURYAVAMSIS 215
dated A.D. 1484, in which one of his generals made a gift of the
village Mutukumilli situated in the Vinukonda taluk of the Guntur
district for the success of his master Purushottamadeva on the occassion
of alunar eclipse. By A. D. 1484 Purushottama must have driven out
the Bahamani garrisons and officers both from Rajahmundry and
Kondavidu which is only thirteen miles from Guntur. Some of the
accounts of Ferishta. however, create.an impression that the Bahamani
king was in the possession of the Rajahmundry even after this date but
these accounts, as Dr. Subrahmanyam observes, are confused, and donot
seem to have been based on truth, Purushottama could not have
become the masterof Kondavidu without becoming the master of
Rajahmundry.
Having occupied the entire Krishna-Godavari delta, Purusho-
ttama next turned his attention towards the recovery of the southem
districts from Saluva Narasimha, who had by this time strengthend his
position in Udayagiri-rajya. Purushottama gained the sympathy of the
people by abolishing taxes on marriages in the occupied areas, and next
proceeded against Udayagirl.
It will be recalled that Kapilendra, after conquering the fort of
Udayagiri, situated inthe Nellore district, had entrusted it to Pusapati
Basavabhupala, son of Tamma, who had helped himin conquering it.
But when Purushottama lost his southern territories to Saluva Narasimha,
Basavabhupala was forced to acceptthe overlordship of Saluva. He
however seems to have again helped the Orissan king when he approa-
ched Udayagiri with an army. The date of the conquest of the fort is
not definitely known, butit must have taken place before Saluva
Narasimha’s death in A.D.1490 Udayagiri remained under the
occupation of the Oriyas till A.D 1513 when Krishnadeva Raya reconqu-
red it. In reoccupying this fort Purushottama was greatly helped by
Basavabhupala as is proved by the Prabodhachandrodaya a Sanskrit epic,
which refers to the conquest of Udayasila (Udayagiri) by Vira Basava-
evidently for the Gajapati Basava seems to have been made the
Governor of the fort by Purushottama; whose dominions again extended
far into the south up to the Nellore district.
The Tradition of Kanchi-Kaver: :
Orissan traditions persistently refer to the conquest of Kanchi by
Purushottama. Although they differ in deteiis, the main story as presented.
by them, is as follows:
216 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Purushottama wanted to marry the daughter of the king of Kanchi,
but the iatter refused to give his daughter in marriage toa king who
performed the menial duty of a sweeper onthe occassion of the Car
Festival of Lord Jagannatha every year. The Orissan king took it to be
an insult to both Lord Jagarinatha and himself and promised to capture the
Kanchi princess Padmavati or Padmini by force. Accordingly. he fed
two expeditions to Kanchi, but the first one proved to bea failure. Then
he propitiated Lord Jagannatha who promised in a dream to help him in
the war It isstated that in hissecond expedition Lord Jagannatha and
his brother Balabhadra proceeded ahead to Kanchiin the guise of two
horsemen and, therefore, ihe second expedition of his devotee and the
servant Purushottama proved successful. The king succeeded in capturing
Padmini or Padmavati and bringing herdown to Orissa. To avenge the
insult hurled at Lord Jagannatha he wanted to give her in marriage to a
sweeper, but his clever minister saved the situation by presenting her to
him when he was doing the duty of a sweeper atthe time of the Car
Festival at Puri. Theking then agreed to marry her and the incident
thus ended in comedy.
The story with some variations occurs in the Madalapanj. and a
work named Kanchi-Kaveri. |It also migratedto Assam and Koraput in
Orissa, where the stories on the lines of the Kanchi-Kaveri traditions of
Orissa can be traced. The stucco sculptural representations of Lord Jagannatha
and his brother Balabhadra in the guise of hersemen proceeding ahead to
Kanct.i, are to be found on the wall of the Jagamohana of the Jagannatha
temple at Puri. These representations have been referred to in the
Vedhapartkrama, an Oriya work by Balarama Dasa, a contemporary of
Purushottama’s son and successor Prataparudra, and therefore cannot be
taken to be later creations. The work was meant as_ pilgrims’ guide and
it states that ‘After visiting this you will find the representations of the
two brothers gallopi.g valiantly towards Kanchi, on the wall of the
Jagamohana.’ The two brothers are, without doubt, Jagannatha and
Balabhadra.
Itis also stated in the above story that Purushottama brought
from Kanchi an image of Ganesa, animage of Sakshigopala now to be
found in the temple of Sakhigopala in the Puri district, anda jewelled
throne which is identified with the present Ratna Simhasana on which
the images of Jagannatha, Balabhadra and Subhadra are now installed.
The identification of these objects has been a matter of controversy.
in the Chaitanyacharitamrita of Krishnadasa Kaviraja it is stated that the
THE SURYAVAMSIS 217
image of Sakshigopala was brought by Purushottama from Vidyanagara.
It may be noted that the capital of Vijayanagara and also Rajahmundry
were both known as Vidyanagara. In the Gaudiya Vaishnava literature
Vidyanagara always meant present Rajahmundry which is sometimes
mentioned as Mahendradesa or Mahendranagara Not only in the above
literature, but also in the Oriya Mahabharata by Sarala Dasa the present
Rajahmundry is described as both Vidyanagara and Mahendranagara.
Most of the scholars discussing the story now think that the image of
Sakshigopala was brought by Purushottaina mot from the Vijayanagara
capital but from Rajahmundry. He never conquered Vidyanagara, the
capital of Vijayanagara. There is still an image of Ganesa in the compound
of the Jagannatha temple which is taken to have been brought by
Purushottama from Kanchi. The jewelled throne, as already observed still
serves as the pedestal of Lord Jagannatha.
Prof. R, D, Banerjee considers the story as a mere romance, but
Dr. Subrahmanyam and Mr. Muxherjee recognize its historicity. It may
be pointed out that a historical tradition in course of time gathers round
it alot of embellishments and for that rnatter iis historicity is not
completely rejecied. Tha Kanchi-Kavari tradition should not ba rejected
as completely unhistorical. All scholars have identified the Kanchi
king of the tradition with Saluva Narasimha who was a_ contemporary
of Purushottama. There are ample historical evidences that there were
wars between the two kings. The name of the capital of saluva
Narasimha was not Kanchi, but Chandragiri, but the former was the most
sacred and important place of his kingdom. Kanchi was the capital of the
famous Pallava dynasty and as such, had become famous as a poltical
and cultural centre. We-may mention inthis connection that Kapilendra
actually invaded Bidar, the new capital of the Bahamani kingdom, but
in the Orissan inscriptions he has been represented as Kalavargesvara,
Kalavarga has been identified with Gulbarga, the old capital of the
Bahamani kingdom by all scholars. Ina similar manner Kanchi has
taken the place of Chandragiri in the Kanchi-Kaveri tradition,
In the Sarasvativilasam the name of the mother of Prataparudra,
son and successor of Purushottama, appears as Rupamvika. We know
from the southern sources thatthe name of Saluva Narasimha’s mother
was Mallamvika and his wife’s name was Tippamvika. It is not unlikely
that the original name of Saluva Narasimha’s daughter was Rupamvika
which was changed into Padmini or Padmavati after Purushottama’s
218 HISTORY OF ORISSA
marriage with her. The custom of changing the name of the bride after
marriage, was prevalent in Orissa and in other parts of India. The name
of Prataparudra’s daughter was changed into Tukka after her mariage
with Krishnadeva Raya. So, it is not surprising that in the Kanchi-
Kaveri tradition the original nama Rupamvika appears as Padmini or
Padmavati.
Purushottama’s marriage with the daughter of Saluva Narasimha
has not been referred ta in any of the contemporary records of the
south The marriage of Prataparudra’s daughter does not also find
mention in any of the Orissan documents, even though it was a
historical fact. Political marriages under compelling circumstances
were being considered as disgraces to the king and the country and
therefore, no references were made to such marriages in the records of
the countries concerned. So, it is not surprising that we do not find any
evidence of Purushottama’s marriage with Saluva’s daughter in any
southern record
The date of the Kanchi-Kaveri tradition, which resultedin the
marriage of Padmavati by Purushottama, has been a matter of
controversy. Mr. P. Mukherji thinks that it took place in A. D. 1469
in the early parts of Purushottama’s reign. This does not appear to be
improbable though Purushottama’s expedition to Kanchi at this stage of
his reign is not attested to by inscriptions. The expedition seems to have
been a dashing raid and, therefore, no record is available of it. Rupam-
vika’s (Padmavati’s) son Prataparudra succeeded his father in A. D.
1497 when he was sufficiently old. If we identify Purushottama’s
queen Rupamvika with the daughter of Saluva Narasimha, we should
presume that the marriage had taken place in the early part of his reign
and not in the later part when he defeated the Saluva king and humiliated
him by capturing Udayagiri.
The Madalapanji states that Kapilendra invaded Kondameru
shortly before his death and brought Chandravati Dei as prisoner.
Kond.meru can be identified with Kondavidu and Chandravati with
Padmavati of the Kanchi-Kaveri tradition. If these identification are
acceptable, then it has to be admitted that the marriage of Purushottama
with Saluva Narasimha’s daughier would have taken place before the
death of Kapilendra. Before his death he had actually led an expedition
to the south to supress the revolt of his son Hamvira, in course of
which he might have also reconquered Kondavidu and defeated Saluva.
THE SURYAVAMSIS 219
Narasimha who seems to have been in league with his son, and forced
him to give his daughter in marriage to Purushottama. The peculiar
circumstances under which the marriage was performad appears to have
given rise to the romantic story of the Kanchi-Kaveri tradition.
Although we accept the historicity of the tradition, we do not
accept the supernatural and romantic elements that have got into it.
All that we intend to say is that Purushottama married tne daughter of
Saluva Narasimha under peculiar and pressing circumstances and the
Kanchi-Kaveri tradition is based on this historical fact.
_ Last days of Hamvira: This valiarit son of Kapilendra had taken
a great part in building up an empire for his father, but he appears as a
tragic figure in Orissan history. We have already stated that through
machinations he was deprived of inheriting any part of his father’s
empire. The circumstances under which he revolted against his tather
are not knownto us, butit seems that his father’s partiality towards
his brother Purushottama was the cause of this revolt, or else there is no
evidence to show that atany time he had disregarded his father’s
wishes. Onthe other hand, we find evidences to show that he was the
most obedient son of his father. We find absolutely no evidence that
Purushottama hed ever taken part in any of the wars through which
Kapilendra buili up an empire, but yet this son inherited his vast
kingdom and was reluctant‘even to share it with his valiant brother
Hamvira. This led to a war of succession in which Hamvira was defeated
and was forced to seek the help of the Bahamani Sultan, Even when he
was in the camp of the Sultan. he sent secret messages to Purushottama
to assist him to maintain his position at Kondapalli and to conquer the
territories which had been lost to the Sultan. His brother does not seem
to have given him full support, and the only result of his secret commu-
nications with Purushottama was thathe lost the favour of the Sultan
and was driven out from Kondapalli.
What happened tohim after thisis not known to us from any
source. [tis not unlikely thathe was killed either in action or by the
orders of the Bahamani Sultan, The whereabouts of his son Kumara
Kaptlesvara Mahapatra, who had been appointed as the viceroy of the
conquered territories of the south by his grandfather Kapilendra, cannot
also be traced from any source. Itis not unlikely that by fighting for
his father’s cause, he might have lost his life in a battle. Hamvira had
another son named Narahari Patra, who survived him and who was
220 HISTORY OF ORISSA
captured along with Virabhadra, son of Prataparudra, at Kondavidu when
Krishradeva Raya conquered it.
Dr. R. Subrahmanyam thinks that there was a compromise
between Purushottama and Hamvira, and after the latter was defeated, the
former allowed him to go to Khimidi, where he ruled as a vassal of his
brother. Dr. Subrahmanyam has based this conclusion on local records
which are not trustworthy. The later rulers of Parlakhemundi claimed
their descent from the Gangas and not the Suryavamsis. Therefore we
are unable to accept Dr. Subrahmanyam’s view that Hamvira and his
successors formed a line of suboridinate rulers under the Gajapatis of
Orissa. Hamvira and his son Kumara Kapilesvara Mahapatra are the
tragic figures of Orissan history and even the traditions of Orissa are
silent about them. The Madalapanji only once records the name of
Hamvira in connection with his fight with Purushottama for the throne,
but tells us nothing more about him after his defeat by the fatter Had
Hamvira inherited his father’s empire, its history would have probably
taken adifferent turn. Hamvira, one of the best generals of his age,
would héve probably everted the disintegration of the empire soon after
Kapilendra’s death. Lord Jagannatha’s nomination of Purushottamia to the
throne, whichis said to have been communicated to Kapilendra ina
dream, and which was circulated among the people, became the best
weapon in the hands of Purushottama in ousting his brother from the
throne. C
An Estimate of Purushottama : ('n the early part of his teign he
lost his father’s southern possessions, but, as we have already seen, he
recovered them as far as Udayagiri in the later part of his career. The
political conditions of both the Bahamani kingdom and the Vijayanagara
empire favoured him in recovering his father’s possessions, Though
there is no evidence to show that, like his brother Hamvira, he was a
successful genera! before his accession to the throne, after getting the
throne he showed the diplomacy and the energy of a king who was the
master of such large territories.
Mr. P. Mukherii has observed that Purushottama neglected the
affairs of his northern frontier between A.D. 1467 and AD. 1493. The
Abyssinian nobles Shahzada, Malik Andil and Sidi Badr made their ways
to the throne through blood in Bengal, and the country was in a state
of turmoil. Mr. Mukherji thinks that had Purushottama invaded Bengal
at this stage, he would have crippled it and would have secured his.
THE SURYAVAMSIS 221°
northern frontier from the Muslim attacks. Mr. Mukherji also states that
Purushottama’s war with the Hindu Vijayanagara empire was an unwise
step, which made the kings of Vijayanagara the hereditary enemies of
Orissa, The charge of failure to build up a Hindu solidarity against the
Muslims, is also levelled against Kapilendra by some scholars. It may
however be noted that pan-Hindu conception was alien to the age in
which both the Orissan kings lived and ruled.
Purushottama seems to have been a learned man, a patron of
learning and the author of some works in Sanskrit, wnich we shall discuss
tater. He looms large in Orissan traditions because of the Kanchi-Kaveri
tradition discussed above.
Prataparudradeva (A.D. 1497—1540 )
Eayly Part of His Reign: Prataparudra’s accession to the throne
was without a hitch and therefore, at the outset of his reign there was
nothing to prevent him from pursuing his plans of consolidating his
vast kingdom and recovering the lost territorizs of his grandfather's
empire. Inthe early part of his reign the political conditions in the
Bahamani kinadom and the Vijayanagara empire were also favourable
to him for pursuing his plans. Inthe Bahamani kingdom the imbecile
young Sultan Mahmud was hardly in a possition to contro! his turbulent
and ambitious officers, who ,started the disintegration of the vast
Bahamani kingdom in his reign. Prataparudra had no fear from an attack
of tne Muslims in the south.
The political conditions of the Vijayanaqara empire were also
favourable to him. Saluva Narasimha died in AD, 149! and Narasa
Nayaka, who was his trusted servant and best general, .became the
regent of his young son !mmadi Narasimha. who succeeded him.
Narasa Nayaka became the virtual ruler of Vijayanagara and like his
master Saluva Narasimha pursued the policy of putting an end to the
Saluva dynasty. Narasa Nayaka was an energetic ruler and supressed all
the revolts against him, but failed to recover Udayagiri and Kondavidu
from the Orissan king. Prataparudra’s possession of these forts is
attested to by his Anantavaram and Rajavolu Plates. The Anantavarm
Plates, dated A.D. 150U, prove that he was camping on the bank of
the river Krishna before or in that year, but it is mot clear \whether he
was proceeding to the south for consolidating his possessions up to
Udayagiri or was out on an aggressive warfare against Vijayanagara for
222 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the recovery of the Tamil districts. The position is obscure, but the fact
remains that he was unable to conquer any partof the south beyond
Udayagiri in the Nellore district. Even though there was dissensions in
the Vijavanagara empire Narasa Nayaka succeeded in keeping it intact and
no part of it was lost as long as he lived.
But the recovery of Raichur from the Bahamani Sultan and
Udayagiri and Kondavidu from the king of Orissa, was always a matter
of concern to the rulers of Vijayanagara- In A.D. 1503 Narasa Nayaka
died and was succeeded by his son Vira Narasimha who imprisoned
tmmadi Narasimha and ultimately killed him Thus the Saluva dynasty
came to an end andthe new Taluva dynasty came into existence. This
change of dynasties was again followed by a period of turmoil and
dissensions and this provided an opportunity to Prataparudra to attempt
again to recover the lost Tamil districts. He invaded the Vijayanagara
kingdom in A.D. 1509, but it appears that he failed to achieve any
success.
The most important cause of his retreat towards his capital
without achieving any success in his southern expedition, was _ that
Orissa was invaded from the north by Ala-ud-Din Abul Muzaffar Hussain
Shah, the Sultan of Bengal, who was an energetic and ambitious ruler.
The author of the Tabaqgat-i-Akbari tells us that Hussain Shah conquered
the country up to Orissa and levied tribute. The Madalapanji states
that Amura (Amir) Surathana (Suratrana, i e. Sultan) the Patisa (Badshah)
of Guada advanced as far as Puri and destroyed the images of Lord
Jagannatha, Balabhadra and Subhadra. This Patisa (Badshah) Suratrana
(Sultan) of Gauda can be easily identified with Hussain Shah, the
Sultan of Bengal. Therefore, there was actually a Muslim invasion
from the north before A.D. 1510, the date of the Velicherla Plates, in
which it has been stated that the king of Gauda fled on the approach of
Prataparudra. The invasion, therefore, seems to have taken place in
AD. 1509 when Prataparudra was on a southern expedition. The
Madalapanji further tells us that on hearing the invasion of the Sultan,
the Gajapati returned to Orissa by forced marches, defeated the invader
and pursued him to Bengal. The Sultan then took shelter in the fort of
Mandaran in the Arambag sub-division of the Hooghly district.
Thereafter Prataparudra besieged the fort, but his trusted general Govinda
Vidyadhara turned a traitor and went to the side of the Sultan. Treachery
in his army seems to have prevented the Gajapati from following his
further operations against the king of Bengal.
THE SURYAVAMSIS 223
Campaigns of Krishnadeva Raya againat Orissa: Prataparudra’s
own inscriptions, the Tabaqat-i-Akabari and the Madalapanji thus
combine to show that he was busy in his wars up to A.D, 1509 in his
faf-flung kingdom stretching from the Ganges in the north to Udayagiri
in the Nellore district in the south, but nowhere he achieved noteworthy
success. The fortune and the circumstances did not favour him, but
his operations clearly indicate that he was an energetic ruler and was no
coward. When Krishnadeva Raya ascended the throne of Vijayanagara in
AD. 1510. Prataparudra’s chances of recovering the Tamil districts became
extremely srnall. All historians agree thatthe new Raya was the most
energetic and war-like king of the Vijayanagara empire From the beginn-
ing of his reign he resolved to recover the fortresses of Mudgal, Raichur
and Udayagiri, which once belonged to Vijayanagara, buthe did not all
at once start a war against Orissa. If the local literature is to be believed,
Krishnadeva Raya first proceeded against the Sultan of Bijapur wha
had offended him by using insolent words against him, and defeated
him, He had perhaps the plan of recovering the forts in the Muslim
possession first, but his able minister Saluva Timma persuaded him to
start war against Orissa first.
The war that thus stSrted, tasted for seven years and the Raya
succeeded in breaking up the Gajapati empire during these years. He
directed his campaign agaist Udayagiri in A.D. 1512 and succeeded in
capturing it in A.D 1513. The siege lasted for eighteen months and the
Raya engaged thirty four thousand infantry and eight hundred elephants
against it. Even then the Orissan garriso; held out for one year and a
half. The fort was naturally strong because of the hills sorrounding it. The
Raya prepared new routes by breaking up stones and led his army through
them and finally captured it. Tirumala Rautraya, an uncle of Prataparudra,
was captured and made captive.
Krishnadeve Raya next turned his attention towards Kondavidu
which was the strongest of forts in the possession of the Gajapati in the
south. Situated on the summit of a hill ata distance of thirteen miles
from Guntur, it was considered to be most impregnable Saluva Timma
was placed in charge of the operations against it, though fora while the
Raya himself was also present there and he ordered the erection of
movable wooden platforms to enable his soldiers to stand on a level with
the defenders. The siege dragged on for several months and the fort was
ultimately captured by starving inmates of the fort. The inscriptions.
and the contemporary literature prove that the Oriya noblemen and
the soldiers did not surrender, but held on. The Amuktamalyada, a literary
224 HISTORY OF ORISSA
work, states that the Oriyas assembled in the fort of Kondavidu ‘‘went to
heaven without any wounds on their bodies’’. The Mangalagiri Pillar
Inscription records that Saluva Timma starved the Oriyas to death. It
states : ‘when Saluva (or the Hawk) surnamed Timma......--- having
captured the swan-like kings appointed by Gajapati at Kondavidu, is
planning an attack (9n the fort), the hostile princes, secretly absconding
tormented by hunger and thirst. are searching for herbs and the (rain
giving) clouds, in the mountains, the towns, the oceans and the earth.
(Further Sources of Vijayanagara History, Vol.1. pp. 203-5)’ The
Mangalagiri Inscription is a record of the victor and it bears on it the
stamp of untruth. The statement that tha hostile princes i.e, the Oriya
noblemen secretly absconded tormented by hunger and thirst, and
searched for water in herbs, clouds, towns, the oceans and the earth,
is wholly untrue. If the Oriya noblemen had actually absconded from
the fort, there was no necessity for them to search for water in the
above mentioned objects and places. After their escape from the _ fort,
water must have been easily available to them. So. this statement of
the Mangalgiri Pillar Inscription cannot be accepted. The real cause
of the Oriyas going ‘‘to heaven without wounds on their bodies’” was
that thay were starved and the water-supply in the fort either ran short
or was cut off- The Orissan garisson in Kondavidu§ showed a rare
instance of hzroism and patriotism in defending the fort, and preferred
death to defeat and dishonour.
When the fort of Kondavidu was ina state of siege Krishnadeva
Raya’s forces were also occupying the minor fortresses of this region
belonging to the Gajapati. These fortresses were Addanki, Vinukonda,
Bellamkonda, Nagarjunakonda, Tangenda and Ketavaram, and they were
occupied even betore the fall of Kondavidu on thethird June, 1515.
Kondavidu fell in the hot season and therefore the Orissan garrison was
in greater need of water, and when it became scarce they died of thirst.
The Portuguese wrirer Nuniz tells us thatthe numerical strength of the
army employed by the Raya, was far greater than that of the besieged
army in the fort. The Amaravati, Tiruvannamalai and Kalahasti
inscriptions of Krishnadeva Raya supplemented with Nuniz’s accounts,
give us a list of the Orissan noblemen captured at Kondavidu. They
were Virabhadra, son of Prataparudra, Narahari Patra, son of Kumara
Hamvira Mahapatra, Mallu Khan, Udanda Khan and_= Balachandra
Mahapatra etc. Of these names Mallu Khan is definitely a Muslim name,
and therefore, Prof. R. D. Banerjee makes the following observation
about him :
THE SURYAVAMSS 225
“The acquisition of help from a Musalman neighbour to fight
with a Hindu adversary involved a moral and political degradation in the
Hindu world which can be easily understood by those who are familiar
with Rajput history, but this was not the only occassion when
Prataparudra employed Musalman mercenaries against Hindus.”
It may, however, be noted that Hindu kings of Orissa were not
the only rulers toemploy the Muslims in their army. The Vijayanagara
emperors employed Muslim soldiers and generals in large numbers. A copy
of the Koran was placed on the throne of Vijayanagara, so that the Muslims
in the army would have no objection to salute the Hindu monarch. The
Muslims employed inthe Vijayanagara army were not always fignting
against the Muslims, but they -were also fighting against the
Hindus. Hindu sentiment or Muslim sentiment was not the guiding
factor in wars; it was the self-interest that was the guiding factor in them,
There is no definite evidence that Mallu Khan was an officer of the
Adil-Sahi Sultan of Bijapur.
While the Oriya armies were being defeated by the Raya at
Udayagiri and Kondavidu Prataparudra was not sitting idle. He was
present both at Udayagiri and Kondavidu with an army but was defeated
and driven out from both these places.
The Raya’s army next .crossed the river Krishna and invaded the
fort of Kondapalij near Bezwada, Here the best soldiers and generals of
Orissa had assembled in adesparate attempt to stem the tide of Raya’s
invasion, but even then the fort, of which the commandant was Praharesvara
Patra, was taken by storm. The Kalahasti Inscription supplies us with a
list of the persons who were made captives, They were Sirsachandra
Mahapatra, Bijili Khan and Bodhan Mahapatra. Nuniz states that aqueen
of Prataparudra also fell into the hands of the victor, but this statement
has not been accepted by other scholars. It becomes improbable that a
queen of the Gajapati was staying tna fort which was likely to be
invested andcaptured, After capturing Kondavidu§ the Raya’s army
captured several minor fortressess, such as Anantagiri, Nalagonda,
Kambhammettu, Kanakagiri, Sankaragiri etc. The conquest of these
fortresses shows that apartof the Telingana upland, which was still in
the possession of Orissa, was also lost during this campaign.
The Raya‘’s army next proceeded towards Orissa and finding no
opositionon the way reached Simhachalam. Here Krishnadeva Raya
halted his army and sent word tothe Gajapati several times to meet
226 HSTORY OF ORISSA
him in a battle, but Prataparudra did not meet him, He seems to have been
busy in preparing himself for an eventual fight with the Raya in his own
homeland of Orissa. The Raya setup a pillar of victory at Simhachalam
commemorating his success in his advance towards Orissa.
The Manucharita and the Amuktamalyada record the details of
further advance of Krishnadeva Raya up to the Gajapati Kataka (Cuttack)
The latter work states that Krishnadeva Raya went to Puri, worshipped
god Balarama and Subhadra there, and from there started towards Kataka
(Cuttack) and that Prataparudra was scared away by the very noise of his
war crums. The statements of these local works have not been believed
by scholars, but Or. R Subrahmanyam thinks, on the basis of the infor.
mation supplied by them, that it is not improbable that Krishnadeva Raya
actually burnt Kataka and forced the Gajapati to take to flight in panic.
He depends on the panegyrical accounts of these local works, which are
not supported by any other evidence. Krishnadeva Raya recorded in
inscriptions all his victories over his Orissan adversary in his advance
towerds Orissa. Had the Raya reached the Gajapati capital, burnt it and
scored a victory over the Orissan king, these facts would not have failed
to find mention in some of his inscriptions. Since no epigraphical evidence
Is available about the fact that Krishnadeva Raya had actualiy reached
Kataka, we can not take it to be a historical one.
It seoms that the Gajapati was preparing himself for a fast fight at
his capital, but the Raya'’s army never reached Kataka. In the mean -vhile
avery sad event took place and this hastened the Gajapati to co:clude
a treaty with the Raya. Virabhadra, thevaliant son of Prataparudia, who
had been captured at Kondavidu, committed suicide atthe capita! of
Vijayanagara and this sad news seems’ to have damped the militant
smirit of his father. [n his depressed state of mind the Gajapati might have
thougnt that further fight with Vijayanagara would not be conducive to the
best interests of his kingdom. Therefore a treaty was concluded with the
Rayain 4.D 1519 as result of which the river Krishna was fixed as the
boundary between the two states. A daughter of the Gajapati was given
in Marriage to Krishnadeva Raya. Asa result of this treaty Krishnadeva
Raya’s seven years war with Orissa ended. The military strength of Orissa
was crippled and she was forced to give up her ambition of becomirg an
empire. It must, however, be noted that Krishnadeva Raya was not
vindictive or ravengeful in extracting terms from the defeated Gajapati.
The object of the Raya seems to have been to secure permanent
peace with his Hindu neighbour. As result of this peace
THE SURYAVAMSIS 22/7
treaty Prataparudra finally lost the hope of recovering his grandfather’s
conquered territories, but even after the conclusion of the treaty Orissa
continued to be a big kingdom stretching from the Ganges in the north to
the Krishna in the south.
Circumstances leading to Virabhadra’s death: It will be recalled
that this prince was captured at Kondavidu and carried away as captive
to Vijayanagara. Krishnadeva Raya treated him kindly and appointed him
as the Governor of Male-Bennur-sima in Mysore. Dr. Subrahmanyam,
however, states ‘that he was not made the Governor of the above
mentioned territory, but was assigned by the Raya its revenues to erable
him to maintain the status of aprince. About his death there are also
differences of opinion. According to one version the prince was quite
loyal to the Raya, as is evidenced by an inscription at Davangere dated
A.D. 1515-16 which proves that Virabhadra exempted certain taxes due to
his palace in the Male-Bennur-Sima. Before doing so the prince obtained
the sanction of the Raya and wished in this record his prosperity along
with that of his father Prataparudradeva.
From all accounts itis evident that the prince was sufficiently
grown up, so that his father had entrusted him with the administration of
Kondavidu, He was famous as a great swordsman and was very dexterous
with both sword and dagger. Krishnadeva Raya once summoned him to
his presence and asked him to fence with a person who was not of royal
blood, but was an expert in fencing. Virabhadra wanted to please the
Raya by showing his skill in tencing, but when he learnt that the person
appointed for the purpose was a man of lower rank he felt greatly insulted
and killed himself on the spot. The prince represented the spirit of the
Oriya noblemen of his age, who preferred death to dishonour. The death
of a son possessing such heroism and self-respect, must have weighed
down the mind of the Gajapati and would have hastened him to conclude
a traaty with the Raya.
The Gajapati Princess: Accordingto the terms of the treaty
concluded with Krishnadeva Raya, Prataparudra gave his daughter in
marriage to him. The name of this princess variously appears in the
records as Jaganmohini, Bhadra and Tukka. The last name seems to have
been given to her after her marriage with the Raya. There is no reference
to her marriage with the Raya in any of the inscriptions which none
engraved under the orders of Krishnadeva Raya along the route of his
advance towards Orissa up to Simhachalam. Therefore, some scholars
doubt whether such a marriage had ever taken place. They doubt the
228 HISTORY OF ORISSA
accounts of Nuniz and the loca! literature in this regard. It may, however,
be noted that al! the inscriptions of Krishnadeva Raya recording his exploits
during his Orissan campaigns, were engraved before A.D, 1519 when he
concluded a treaty with Prataparudra. Therefore, the omission of this event
in them is easily imaginable.
Nuniz tells us that the princess was not happy after her marriage
and tried to avenge her brother’s death and father’s humiliation by trying to
poison the Raya. This story seems to have been based on the court
gossip Krishnadeva Raya had a very large number of wives and among
them the Oriya princess became one. The Raya was in advanced age
when he married her. It seems that the Raya was even older than the
princess’s father ard he predeceased Prataparudra. The marriage was the
result of a political exigency and, therefore, it was bound to be a failure.
Krishnadeva Raya deserted her and she spent her fife at Kambham in the
Kurnool district, where she seems to have died. She was an accomplished
princess, well-versed in Sanskrit. A collection of five verses known as
Tukka Panchakam, traditionally attributed to her, bears witness to her
knowledge of Sanskrit. In these verses she bemoans the neglect of her
husband and her separation from him. Her father supplied her with large
sums of money and she also sold her jewels and with the money thus
obtained, she excavated a very large water reservoir near Kambham. The
ill-treatment accorded to her by the Raya would have been also a_ source
of sorrow to her father.
Prataparudradeva and Sharqi Sultan of Jaunpur: At the end of
the Sarasvatinlasam, the authorship of which is attributed to
Prataparudradeva, his titles appear as follows :
Shri Vira-Gajapatt Gaudesvara Navakoti Karnata
Kalavaragesvara Yamunapuradhisvara-Husana Sahi Suratrana-
Saranarakshana etc,
Dr, R. Subrahmanyam infers from the titles Yamunapuradhisvara
Husanasahi Suratrana-Saranarakshana that Hushang Shah, the Sharqi
Sultan of Jaunpur, led the armies of Bengal into Orissa when Alaud-din
Hussain Shah of Bengal invaded Orissa in the early part of Pratapa-
rudradeva’s feig::, and that he was probably defeated and taken prisoner
by the Orissan king and this gave an occassion to Prataparudra to
assume these titles. Butit seems that Prataparudra’s father Purushottama
assumed these titles towards the end of his reign. Sharqi Sultan
Mahmud Shah and his younger brother Hussain Shah warred against the
Delhi Suitan Bahalul Lodi several times but eventually Hussain was.
completely defeated by the Delhi Sultan and was driven to Bihar where he
THE SURYAVAMSIS 229
Occupied a small principality and ruled there for sometime. Even
when he was in Bihar, he was intriguing against the Delhi Sultan,
and therefore, Bahalul’s successor Sikandar Lodi drove him out from Bihar.
Hussain then took sheiter tn the court of Alaud-din Hussain Shah of
Bengal, Tne Sharqi Sultan was finally defeated by Bahatul in A. D.
14793, and therefore his flight to Bengal must have taken place in the
reign of Purushottama, After having been driven out from Bihar the
Sharqi Sultan might have sought shelter from Purushottama as well.
At any rate, the compound Sarana-rakshana means the giver of pro-
tection to one who seeks shelter; it does not carry any implication
that Purushottama or his son Prataparudra had defeated the Shargi
Sultan.
Prataparudra and the Sultan of Golkonda: During the reign of
Mahamud Shah the great Bahamani kingdom was dismembered and five
new kingdoms came into existence. The Sultanate of Golkonda (near
modern Hyderabad) was one of them. It was founded by Quli Qutb
Shah, one of the generais of Mahamud Shah Bahamani. who declared
his independence in A.D. 1512. When Krishnadeva Ray a started his
war against the Gajapati and remained continuously engaged in it for
seven years, it provided an opportunity to Sultan Quli to subdue the
Hindu principalities in Telingana. After concluding a treaty with
Prataparudra Krishnadeva Raya became engaged in a war with Sultan Ismail
Adil Shah of Bijapur in A.D. 1520 and tried to wrest Raichur from him.
This also provided another npportunity to Sultan Quli to grab some
territories of Telingana. Because of the preoccupation of the Raya in
his fight with Bijapur, there was no possibility of a combination of
the Hindu powers of Vijayanagara and Orissa against Golkonda. Orissa
had became considerably weakned after her seven years war with
Vijayanagara, and therefore, it could not check Muslim inroads into her
territories in Telingana. It may be noted that after the conclusion of the
treaty with Krishnadeva Raya Prataparudra had still in his possession such
important forts as Kondapalli, Kambhammet a:'d Rajahmundry Of them,
Kondapalli, ( near Bezwada ) was most important and Prataparudra
now made it the seat of his southern viceroyalty in place of Kondavidu.
The Gajapati placed his officers in each of them and thus tried to
consolidate the remnants of his southern possessions, but because of
the constant incursions of Sultan Quli, he had ultimately to loss them,
The accounts supplied to us by the Muslim sources for the
history of this period are neither clear nor unimpeachable itis stated
230 HISTORY OF ORISSA
that Quli Qutb Shah attacked Sitapati, the chief of Kambhammett,
who was a feudatory of the Gajapati. Thereupon the chief appealed to
Prataparudradeva who promptly came to his rescue, but both of them
were defeated by the Sultan. An inscription from Kondapalli dated A. D.
9525-26 proves that Prataparudra was camping on the banks of the
river Krishna and was constructing a temple at Mangalagiri. The epigraph
indicates that Gajapati had personally come down to fight with Sultan
Quli, but neither the Gajapati nor his officers at Rajahmundry and
Kondapalli seem to have succeeded in resisting the Sultan. The
reduction of the fort of Kondapalli by the Sultan Is proved by an inscription
dated AD. 1531 ~~ The fallof this important fort led to the fall of other
forts as well It is stated in the Muslim sources that the conymandant
of Kondapalli was Ramachandra, son of the Gajapati, and he had bee
joined by Sitapati. The Gajapati army, according to these sources,
consisted of three hundred thousand foot and thirty thousand
horse and they all marched against the Sultan under the command of
Ramachandra, but were defeated. A treaty was ultimately made by
which the river Godavari became the boundary between Golkonda and
Orissa.
As observed earlier, the history of the last part of Prataparudra’s
rule is notclear. It, however, seems that during this period most of the
territories to the south of the river Godavari were lost to him. The
date of his death has become a matter of controversy, Scholars like Prof.
R.D. Banarjee and Mr. P. Mukherji hold that he died in A. D. 1540, but
Dr. Subrahmanyam after an elaborate dicussion comes to the conclusion
that he breathed his lastin A.D. 1538, According tothe Madalapanji
Prataparudra had two minor sons named Kaluadeva and Kakharuadeva,
which seem tobe the nicknames. They together ruled for less than
two years and were murdered one by one by Govinda Vidyadhara.
With the death of these princes the Suryavamsi dynasty came to
an end.
Sri Chaitanya tn Orissa: The great saint Sri Chaitanya passed
most of his time at Puri in the reign of Prataparudradeva, According to
Jayananda’s Chaitanyamangla his forefathers were the inhabitants of
Jajpurin Orissa, but when they were persecuted by Raja Bhramaravara,
they migrated to Sylhet and from there they came to Nadiya.
Mr. P. Mukherji rightly thinks that the Raja Bhramaravara was no other
than Kapilendra. We have seen that the last Ganga king Bhanudeva IV
conferred the title of Bhramaravara on Kapilendra. in the
THE SURYAVAMSIS 231
Gopinathapura Inscription he is also called Bhramaravara nripa. It is not
known why the forefathers of Chaitanya incurred the displeasure of
Kapilendra, but it seems that they continued to give their allegiance to
Bhanudova even after the usurpation of his throne by Kapilendra, This
seems to have been the cause of their persecution by the usurper.
At any rate, Sri Chaitanyva’s fore-fathers had become the permanent
residents of Bengal when the saint was born. Sri Chaitanya renounced
the world in A.D. 1510 and then proceeded to Puri inthe same year.
Oricinally he wanted to spend his life at Vrindavana, but his mother Sachi
Devi insisted that he should be at Puri, so that she could get some
information about him from the pilgrims visiting the temple of Jagannatha
during the Car Festival. After twamonths’ stay at Puri, he went ona
pilgrimage to tha sauth and spent about two years” there. Next he
proceeded to Vrindavana and after two years’ stay there, he came back to
Puri and passed the remainirg seventeen years of his life at this holy
place till his death in A. D. 1533.
This is the short story of Shri Chaitanya’s long stay at Puri, tis
intense devotion to Lord Jagannatha was the main cause of his Jong stay
at Puri, or elss as an ascetic he was free to meve to other places of India
after the death of his mother. The principles of his preachings constituted
what we now call Gaudiya Vaishnavism. All scholars are agreed that he
did not found any new religious sect, but only emphasised certain
aspects of Vaishnavism which was a very ancient religious sect. Ne was
a man of intense love, which he wanted to share with all men and women
‘fe was-never sectarian in his outlook and like a true Hindu he showed
respect to all Hindu deities. [n the semi-biographical accounts of his life,
composed by his later followers, he is stated to have visited the Siva
temples of Jalesvara, Kapotesvar and Lingsaraja and the Sakta shrine of
Viraja He also visited the Vaishnava temples of Varaha at Jajpur.
Srikurmanatha at Srikurmam and Narasimha at Simhachalam. He also
went to Some other Hindu shrines of the south He neither revolted
against Hinduism, nor founded a new sect. He was cosmopolit.n in his
religious beliefs and accepted even the Muslims as his followers. During
his long stay at Puri a large number of riotable Oriyas becane his
disciples, among whom the most prominent were the Gajapati
Prataparudradeva, Bhavananda Pattanayaka and his two sans Ramananda
and Gopinatha. The last two persons were the Governors respectively of
Rajahmundry and Midnapore. The other followers were Kanhai Khuntia,
Janardana Mahanti, Tulasi Parichha, Kasi Misra, Pradyumna Misra,
Krishna Dasa, Sikhi Mahanti and his sister Madhavi Dasi. The great
232 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Oriya poets of Prataparudra’s time were Jagannatha Dasa, Balarama Dasa,
Achyutananda Dasa, Ananta Dasa and Yasovanta Dasa and they were also
the followers of Sri Chaitanya as is evidenced by the fact that they have
all described Sri Chaitanya in their works asa greatsaint and sometimes
evan as an incarnation of Vishnu. The Bengali followers of the great
saint did not. however, share his magnanimity and catholicity. The
aforesaid great Vaishnava Oriya poets hava not found mention in the
Bengali Gaudiya literature, This narrow outlook of the Bangali Vaishnavas
was the cause of antagonism between the Bengali and Oriya followers of
the great saint, the echoes of which have found mention in the
J agannatha-charitamirta by Divakara Dasa.
Priorto the coming of Sri Chaitanya to Puri, the Orlyas had a
form of Vaishnavism which represented a synthesis of the last form of
Mahayanism and the cult of Jagannatha. The life of Srikrishna and his
dalliance with the Gopis never formed an element of the old Vaishnavism
of Orissa, The new form of Vaisnavism brought by Sri Chaitanya to Orissa
emphasised Madhurarasa-upasana, or the mode of service through love,
it must, however, be noted that the love preached by him was placedon a
spiritual plane. and he never intended to bring it down to the physical
level of satisfying carnal desire, His attitude towards women is_ indicated
by the fact that he did not permit his devoted female follower Madhavi
Dasi to meet him. The alleged great :influence of Sri Chaitanya on
Prataparudradeva and his interference in the politics of his reign, will be
subsequently dealt with.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1, R.D. Banerjee History of Orissa, Vol, |
P Mukherjee The Gajapati King of Orissa,
Calcutta, 1953.
3. R. Subrahmanyam The Suryavamsi Gajapatis of Orissa.
Waltair, 1957
4. S.K. Atyangar Sources of Vijayanagara History.
5, Sir Wolsey Haig Cambridge History of India, Vol. III
6. N. Shastri & Ramanayya Furthe; Sources of Vijayanagara
History, Vol. |
7. Hunter Orissa
8. Stirling Orissa
9. R, Sewell A Forgotten Empire
0. Sir Jadunath Sarkar History of Bengal, Muslim period
11.
12,
13.
14,
15.
16,
17.
18.
19.
THE SURYAVAMSIS 233
H.K. Mahtab
S.K.De
Nizamuddin
Ferishta
Abul Fazl
Minhaj-i- Siraj
Azizullah
A, B. Mahanti
C. V. Ramachandra Rao,
History of Orissa, Part-ll
Early History of the Vaisnava Faith
and Movement in Bengal
Tabaqat-i-Akbari, translated
by B. De
Tarikh-i-Ferishta, translated
by Briggs.
Akbarnama, translated by Beveridge
Tabaqat-i-Naisiri, translated
by Raverty.
Burhan-i-Ma’nasir, translated
by Major king.
Madalapanji (Prachi Samiti) ,1940
Administration and Society
in Medieval Andhra under
the Later Eastern Gangas aud
the Suryavamsi Gajapatis. 1976.
@
APPENDIX VI
THE SARALA MAHABHARATA AND KAPILENDRA’S
CONQUESTS.
Sarala Dasa, the writer of the first Oriya Mahabharata, was a
contemporary of Kapilendra or Kapilesvara as is evident from the tact that
the poet makes a direct reference to him in the Adi Parva of this
Mahabharata. A close study of this work reveals the fact that the poet
has described in puranic settings the conquests of Kapilendra in the
various parts of his Mahabharata. particularly inthe Sabha Parva. Yet, the
ea:lier scholars fike Mr. P. Mukherji and Dr. R. Subrahmanyam have
observed thar the Oriya literature of ihe period contains no historical
information whatsoever, Mr, P. Mukherji writes: ‘the contemporary Oriya
works are religious in character. They deal with the legendary tales and
supernatural matters, and are disappointingly silent regarding the political
events of this period.’ Dr. Subrahmanyam makes a similar observation:
“the rise of the truely Oriya dynasty of the Suryavamsi Gajapatis and the
influence of Vaisnavism kindled the literary genius of the people and
stimulated the grovth of the vernacular literature. Inspite of the fact that
the Gajapati monarchs were enthusiastic patrons of Oriya literature,
curiously enough no contempoary Oriva poet has sung the achievements
-
of these monarchs.”’
These observations are not correct. During the Suryavamsi rule in
Orissa a ciass of semi-historical and semi-biographical vernacular literature
originated tm the south under patronage of the Vijayanagara emperors and
their subordinate rulers. Among them dJaimini Bharatam of Pina-
Virabhadra Kavi, aedicated to Safuva Narasimha and the Varaha Puranam
of Nandi Mallayya and Ghanta Singavya dedicated to Narasa Nayaka,
Manucharita and Nandi Timmana’s Parijataharanam are also similar
works which relate the victories of Vijayanagara and the losses of Orissa.
Sarala Dasa’s Mahabharata belongs to this class of vernacular literature:
and it relates in veiled puranic settings the notable conquests made by
Kapilendra, though there is no evidence to show that he ever enjoyed:
royal patronage or wrote his work at the biddings of the king.
APPENDIX VI 235
The poet has followed the Sanskrit Mahabharata in its broadest
outline and then has added copiously to it tha stories of his creation and
knowledge, mostly based on the contemporary history. His work is ina
reality an encyciopedia of his times, embodying all that was kno:vwn to him
including the contemporary and past historical events. introduced in veiled
puranic settings, and hundreds of historical sno geographical names of
the contemporary India. What is, however. most peculiar is the fact that
he treats the Pandavas as the princes of Orissa and depicts their life and
activities against its historical and geographical back grounds.
in the Sabha Parva of his Mahabharata which consists of thirteen
thousand verses, he takes Ariuna, for inviting kings to the Rajasuya
sacrifice, to such places as Kondavidu, Devarakonda, Srisailam, Udavyagirl.
Tanjor and Trichinapolli, Srirangam etc. and makes them the feudatories of
Arijuna everywhere, In this Parva ba also describes in a long. story the
fight between Bhima and Mallikarjuna whom he describes as Pundarika
Vasudeva. Theconflict between Kapilendra and Mahmmud Shah, the
Sharqi Sultan of Jaunpur, has also been descrived in an apisode of the
fight between Arjuna and Mahesvara Mahmmudiof Yamunapura or
Jaunpur,
In this Mahabharata, so peculiar in character, reference to histori-
cal events and geographical places have rather been numerous, though
unfortunately they have yet been very little studied and utilised. The
present writer has written and published in Oriya a book of respectable
size entitled Sarala Sahityara Aitihasika Chitra; published a paper entitled
The Battle cf Devarakonda as described inastory of the Oriya
Mahabharata in the Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol.
XXV, pp. 19ff; and has added in his Sarala Dasa ( Makers of Indian Lite-
rature Series, Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi), a chapter entitled Geogra-
phical and Historical Information, which have opened up a new line of
research in this great Oriya epic. We obtain a historical and geographical
picture of India from this Mahabharata, the main characteristic of which
is that it is not a picture ot the Mahabharata age, but of the historical
times, particularly of the poet's time. We must, however, note the
limitations of the geographical and historical information left to us by
Sarala Dasa. It has been casually and incidently introduced into ail the
Parvas of his Mahabharata except his Sabha Parva in which a deliberate
attempt appears to have been made to present a geographical picture of
india, mostly of historical times. The art of writing history or geography
236 HISTORY OF ORISSA
in a direct and systematic manner being not one of the achievements of
the ancient Hindu writers, Sarala Dasa can hardly be expected to have
risen above the spirit of his age. Because of his declared view that the
Mahabharata wars were fought seventy-three times, he has consistently
introduced into his Mahabharata the historical and geographical infor-
mation of all ages known to him. Among the geographical places
mentioned, some may be fictitious but the vast majority of them are iden-
tifiable. Some of the historical and geographical names mentioned have
been changed by the poet probably with a view to give them puranic
forn:s. and in some cases their Ori; a forms have been used, The geographi-
cal regions mentioned donct often show their order of contiguity and
directions given in them are also sometimes erroneous, Evidently Sarala
Dasa did not use any maps which were hardly available in his time. He
has left to us certain historical and geographical names which he had
heard and which he could remember at the time of writing and conveniently
incorporate them in his metrical compositions. To meet the exigencies of
his metre some names have been lengthened or shortened and for the
same exigencies thecontiguity of geographical places and regions
mentioned , has been made topsy-turvy. Despite these limitations Sarala
Dasa’s knowledge of history and geography constitutes an important and
interesting source of Information to us.
In extending his kingdoms, king Kapilendra, the contemporary of
Sarala Dasa, took in A. D. 1448 the first ‘step of conquering the Reddi
kingdom lying in the valleys ofthe rivers Godavari and Krishna with its
capital at Kondavidu near Guntur and its secondary capital at Rajahmundry.
Nextin A D. 1458 he won the battle of Devarakonda which led to the
acquisition of thatimportant fert and Warangal along with the entire
Telingana region, In A.D, 1461 he marched at the head of a Hindu army.
in a bid to conquer Bidar, the capital of the Bahamani kingdom. By A, D.
1467 he succeeded in conquering the important fort of Udayagiri situated
in the Nellore district and with it as his base made incursioris further into
the Vijayanagara empire, conquering ultimately Chandragiri and Ka-chi.
in the Sarala Mahabharata all these conquests have been described in
the puranic settings
There is every evidence to show in his Mahabharata that the poet
served in the Gajapati army in his youth, Our evidences lead us to
think that he was associated with the Orissan army in the earlier
stages of the expansion of Kapilendra’s empire. In his Mahabharata
APPENDIX VI 237
the poet shows a remarkable knowledge of the historical kingdoms and
the historical places of his time, but with the geography of the Krishna-.
Godavari delta he shows agreater acquaintance which he appears to
have acquired through his personal association. He has mentioned the
river Krishna and Godavari frequently and refers to Rajahmundry, which he
calls Mahendranagara, Kondavidu, Devarakonda, Srisailam, Patalagangs,
Vijayavada (Bezwada), Bhadrachalam Mangalagiri etc, of this region.
He has recorded the mythological stories which he seems to have heard
from the local priests relating 10 the origin of the Sivalinge Mallikarjuna
enshrined on the top of Srisailam by the side of the Patalaganga flowing
nearby. The poet has woven out along narrative out of the details of the
battle of Devarakonda fought in A.D 1458, Sarala Dasa during his military
service under the Gajapati army had heard some stories relating to the
history of the Bahamani kingdom, which he has utilised in modified forms
in his Mahabharata.
It is interesting to note that Sarala Dasa extends invitation through
the Pandavas onthe occassion oftheir Rajasuya sacrifice to almost all
historical kings who fought with Atlauddin Khiliji for their freedom.
Although the names of these kings have in some cases been slightly
changed and the names of their kingdoms have sornetimes been
erroreausly given, the narratives written by the poet about them lead us
to identify them with the Baghela king Karnadeva of Gujrat, the Yadava
kings Ramachandradeva and Sankaradeva of Devagiri, the Sisodiya king
Hammiradeva of Chitor. the Kakatiya king Prataparudradeva of Telingana
and the Pandya king Vira Pandya of the south. Only the neme of Vira
Ballala, the Hoysala king of Mysore, whose kingdom was also conquered
by Allauddin Khiliji, is not to be foundin the list of freecom-fighters. The
omis:ion appers to ba Intentional, because Vira Baliala did not fight at alt
and when Malik Kafur appeared before the gates of his capital
Dvarasamudra. disregarding the advice of his well-wishers, he abjectly
surrendered his wealth and kingdom to him, For this reason the poet
appears to eave ignored him as being unworthy of receiving invitation
from the Pandavas.
Two long narratives of the Sarala Mahabharata have been
devoted to the wars connected with Kalpi On the break-up of the Dethi
Sultanate on the eve ot Mahammed Tughluq’s death, Kalpi became a
small independent state and also a bone of contention among the
Sultans of Delhi, Malwa and Jaunpur. The tripartite struggle that ensued.
238 HISTOR.Y OF ORISSA
for its possession, has become the subject matter of these narratives,
which Sarala Dasa has written in his own way in puranic settings with
the changed names of the Sultans, but with the correct names of their
territories. The poet has referred to the historical dynasties places of
historical importance and the names of historical kings. particularly of
the south India and of Bengal. Some narratives tead us to think
that Kapilendra was involved in conflicts with Delhi and Malwa as an
ally of the Sultans of Jaunpur and the Bahamani kingdom respectively.
Another narrative leads us to think that Kapilendra abdicated his throne in
favour of one of his sons whom the poetcalls Puru and Pravira, to be
identified with Purushottama and Hamvira respectively. Sarala Dasa’s
Mahabharata is thus a source of historical and geographical information
not only for tne history and geography of Orissa, but also of India.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY :
1. K.C. Panigrahi Sarala Dasa (Makers of Indian Literature
Series:, Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi,
1975.
2. K. C. Panigrahi Sarala Sahityara Aitihasika Chitra,
Prajatantra Press, Cuttack, 1976.
3. K, C. Panigrahi Journal of Andhra Historical Research
Society, Vol. XXV, pp. 19-28.
4. H. K. Mahtab Odisa Itihasa, Part 1, 1977.
5. Mayadhar Mansinha History of Oriya Literature, Sahitya
Akademi, New Delhi, 1962.
11. The Bhois
Govinda Vidyadhara (C. 1542-1549) : Wea have seen that
Govinda Vidyadhara, who was a general of Prataparudradeva, murdered his
two minor sons and usurped the Gajapati throne. The dynasty established
by him is known as the Bhoi dynasty and our main source of information
about itis the Madalapanji. The Bhois belonged tothe writer class,
later on known as the Karanas Ramachandradeva who was made the Raja
of Khurda by Akbar’s ger-ral Mansimha, was the son of Danai Vidyadhara,
a lieutenant of Govisda Vidyadhara, and he has been described by the
Madalapanji as a Bhoi king, belonging to the Yaduvamsa, of which
Srikrishna of the Mahabharata fame was apreminent member. So. it
becomes difficult to a: certain whethar the Bhois were originally Karanas
or the Gopalas. I: the Sarala Mahabharata the Gopalas (the cow-herd
caste) have been described as the Bhois. It seems that the Bhoi rulling
family originally belonged tc the Gopala caste. but when they took to the
profession of scribes, they became Karanas. At any rate, they were not
Kshatriyas and have been referred to as the Sudra nripatis inthe Srijanga
lnscription of the Balasore district. The Madalapanji states that
Prataprudadeva had sixteen so:is who survived him, but they were al!
murdered by Govir:da Vidyadhara, who made his position firm as the king
of Orissa by removing them in this manner.
Ha doés not seem to have, at first, been recognized as Gajepati by
his feudatories This is evident from his inscription on the Jagamohana of
the Jagannatha temple in which he declares that the feudatories of the
Gadjats must obey him and he _ who violates this order rebels against
Jagannatha and gets the sin of killing a brahmana with one’s own hand.
The beginning of his reign cannot be accurately dated so long the exact
date of the death of Prataparudra is not known. The Madalapanji assigns
him a reign of seven or eleven years, of which the shorter period is
generally accepted.
It is stated that the Sultan of Golkonda invaded the southern part
of the Gajapati kingdom and Govinda Vidyadhara spent eight months in
the south in fighting with the Sultan. When he was engaged in his fight
240 HISTORY OF ORISSA
with the invad2r, Raghu Bhanja Chhotaraya rose in rebellion in the north
and assisted by an alien named Abdul Shah besieged Kataka, but was
defeated and drive» out by Govinda Vidyadhara who quickly returned to
his capital on hearing the news ofthe rebeilion, It seems that Raghu
Bhanja Chhotaraya was the sonof the sister of Praltaparudradeva and
therefore he wanted to capture the Gajapati throne after the murder of the
sons of the Gajapati, but he failed, Most probably, Raghu Bhanja was the
younger brother of the ruler of Mayurbhan).
Chakrapratapadeva (C. 1549-1557) : Govinda Vidyadhara was
succedeed by his son Chakrapratapadeve who ruled for twelve years and
six months. He entrusted the administration of the kingdom to Danai
Vidyadhara who, as already stated, was a lieutenant of Govinda Vidyadhara.
-Chakrapratapadeva has been represented as a bad king who forced the
brahmanas to cut grass for horses. Accoiding to the Akabarnama his son
Narasimha Jena poisoned him to death,
Narasimha dena (C. 1557-1558,: Chakrapratapadeva was
succeeded by his son Narasimha Jena. Nothing is known about the events
of his reign except that Mukunda Harichandana and his brothers rebelled
against him. The Harichandana brothers entered into the palace of the
king in palanquins inthe guise of women and killedthe king witha
dagger, Thus his rule ended after only one year.
Raghurama Chotaraya (C. 1558-1560): After the murder of
Narasimha Jena his brother Raghurama was placed onthe throne and he
ruled for only one year and a half. Fromthe Madalapanji it appears that
there was a tripartite struggle for the throne among the three aspirants viz.
Danai Vidyadhara, Mukunda Harichandana and Raghubhanja_ Chhotaraya.
But in this struggle Mukunda Harichandana ultimately succeeded. Danai
Vidyadhara was put in prison and Raghubhanja was defeated and made
prisoner. After having eliminated the two rivals, Mukunda Harichandana
killed Raghurama and ascended the throne.
SELECT BIBILOGRAPHY :
1. R.D. Banerjee History of Orissa, Vol. |
2. H.K, Mahtab History of Orissa. Part I.
3. R. Subrahmanyam The Suryavamsi Gajapatis of Orissa.
4, P. Mukherjee The Gajapati Kings of Orissa.
5. A.B. Mahanti Madalapanji.
6. Sudhakar Patnaik The Srijang Inscriptions of Achyut
Baliarsimha, Journal of Orissa
Academy, Vol. lil.
Khurdha Itihasa, Srijang Inscriptions.
&
7. K.N. Mahapatra
s14 Ty
hey A je ofa
-
The Fragmentary ‘‘Bell Capital” now preserved in the
Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar
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The Lion Capital discovered from the n
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dhe els abe adeeb
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Salas
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=, wy
istrict
Cuttack Di
iri,
Door Jambs of Ratnag
ail = a |
ee
ee ih ae yp ahere
“ae feu -
Rani gumpha, Udaya Giri, Bhubaneswar
Muktesvara Temple, Bhubaneswar
eSiOK} yeU0y
ad “a i ; ; ; a
oe * a. a ‘
Ll .
Alasa Kanya, Lingaraja Temple, Bhubaneswar
JEMSBURGNYG JO SPj2!y BOI Yi WOI PasaAodsip juawBbely jeunoayyoy uy
Vaital Temple, Bhubaneswar
12. The Chalukyas
Mukundadeva, the Last Hindu King
(A.D, 1560-1568 )
The dynasty established by Mukundadeva has been described as
the Chalukya dynasty. It seems that he claimed his descent from the
Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi, established by Pulakesin Il of the famous
Western Chalukya dynasty of Vadami. Itis usual for the ruling dynasties
of Orissa to associate their origin with the famous ruling dynasties of India.
Mukundadeva might have done the same after ascending the Gajapati
throne. There is, however, no other independent evidence to show that
he actually belonged to the Eastern Chalukya family. In his inscription on
the Bhimesvara temple at Draksharama in the East Godavari district, he is
described as the son of Saravaraju and grandson of Singaraju. In Orissan
traditions he is known as Telinga Mukundadeva. Ferishta makes a
mention of a feudatory dynasty known as Bahuvalendras and as
Harichandanas, ruling in the Sarvasidhi taluk of the Visakhapatnam district,
Mukundadeva possibly belonged to this ruling family who were originally
the feudatories of the Gajapati, Mukundadeva first came into prominence
by defending the fort of Kataka (Cuttack) when it was besieged by
Raghubanja Chhotaraya in the reign of Govinda Vidyadhara and since then
his influence in the politics of Orissa increased,
Mukundadeva’s inscription at Oraksharama, referred to above,
clearly indicates that he was in possession of the southern part of the
Gajapatt kingdom up to the river Godavari. It states that Mukundadeva
defeated the king of Gauda and then having performed Tulapurusha (the
cefemony of weighing against gold) and other ceremonies, he remitted
taxes on marriages. This inscription provides the clear evidence that
Mukundadeva’s kingdom extended up to Triveni in the north before 1567.
A flight of steps constructed on the Ganges at Triveni (in the Hooghly
district), which is still known as Mukunda-ghata, corroborates the above
epigraphical evidence. Prof. R, D. Banerjee states that Mukundadeva also
242 HISTORY OF ORISSA
built a great embankment on which the road from Magra to Triveni has
been laid and that there is still a considerable influence of the Oriyas at
Triveni.
Mukundadeva was thus a very able ruler who: succeeded in
preserving the prestige of the Gajapati empire to a great extent, even
though he got the Gajapati throne through murder. The Orissan people
still remember him with gratitude on account of the fact that he succeeded
in restoring peace and prestige. He became involved in the politics of
Bengal, which ultimately cost him his life and throne Very unwisely he
gave shelter to Ibrahim Sur who was a great enemy of Sulaiman Karrani,
the Sultan of Benga!, and thus incurred his displeasure. He further gave
offence to the Sultan by exchanging embussies with the great Mughal
emperor Akbar, In A.D, 1566 Akbar sent envovs to the court of
Mukundadeva and Mukundadeva in exchange sent a Hindu ambassador
named Paramananda Ray to the court of the Mughal emperor. In these
diplomatic relations Akbar gained upper hand as his ultimate aim was to
annex Bengal to his empire. For this purpose he wanted the support of
the neighbouring Hindu kingdom of Orissa. He was not, however, in
favour of strengthening the position of Mukundadeva as was evident from
the fact that he did not give any help to the king of Orissa when he was
attacked by Sulaiman Karrani. In A.D. 1568 when Sultan ef Bengal
invaded Orissa Akbar was engaged in the siege of Chitor and he did not
extend any help to the Orissan king probably with the object that Orissa
should become a part of Bengal, so that he would ultimately annex Bengal
with Orissa.
Placed in this predicament. Mukundadeva was attacked by
Sulaiman Karrani in A.D. 1568 who sent an expedition under the command
of his son Bayazid assisted by Sikandar Uzbeg and Kalapahara. The Bengal
armv marchea through Dhalbhum and Mayurbhanj and emerged in the
coastal strip. Mukundadeva was not prepared for the invasien and he
gent Raghubhania Chhotaraya to resist the invaders. This Raghubhanja
seems to have been the same person who had been cast into prison by
Govinda Vidyadhara for claiming the Gajapati throne. He seems to have
been released {from the prison by Mukurdadeva and sent to oppose the
invading army. But he could not succeed in the mission entrusted to him
and the Bengal ermy irresistibly reached Kataka (Cuttack), Mukundadeva
had no other alternative than to submit to the invaders, as Raghubhanja.
seems to have turned a traitor at this stage.
THE CHALUKYAS 243
Different versions have been given in our sources about the
Muslim invasion of 1568. Inthe Madalapanji it is stated that Orissa was
invaded by two different armies of Benga!, one of which fought against
Mukundadeva on the bank of the Ganges and the other proceeded under
Bayazid and Kalapahara towards his capital at Kataka (Cuttack).
Mukundadeva bravely fought with the Muslim army, but was ultimately
forced to take refuge in the fort of Kotisami, which has been identitied
with Kotsimul on the western bank of the river Oamodara in the Hooghly
district of Bengal. The other army under Bayazid reached Kataka which
was then under the command of Koni Samanta Simhara who fought
bravely against the invaders, but was killed At this time Ramachandra
Bhanja, the commandant of Sarangagarh, declared himself to be the king
of Orissa. Mukundadeva heard all these developments in Orissa and
hastened to Kataka but due to the rebellion of Ramachandra Bhanja, he had
to submit te the invader, Mukundadeva then proceeded to supress the
rebellion at Sarangagarh (near Baranga), but in the fight that followed
Ramachandra killed him. Ramachandra in turn was killed by tha invaders
on the same day.
Another tradition is that Mukundadeva fought with the ipavad-
ing army at Gohiratikara (near Jajpur) and was kilied in the battle.
Another tradition speaks of two traitors, Sikhi and Manai, who were
the generals of the king of Orissa, These traitors indicated a jungle
path to Kalapahara who came tg the rear of the Mukundadeva’s army and
routed it.
There are thus different stories about the death of Mukundadeva.
It is, however, most probable that he was killed by the traitor Rama-
chandra Bhanja. In the Madalapanji this traitor has sometimes been
described as Ramachandra Bhanja and sometimes as Ramachandradeva.
The latter name seems to be more correct. He was a local chief who
had been put in charge of the important fort of Sarangagarh. After the
fall of the important forts of Kataka and Sarangagarh the Muslim army
occupied Orissa.
Mukundadeva ruled for only eight years and during this short
time he showed great abilities. He again became the master of the
Gajapati kingdom stretching from the Ganges in the north to the
Godavari in the south. The people of Orissa still remember him as the
creator of brahmin Sasanas and the builder of several structures within
the compound of the Jagannatha temple at Puri. He was also a patron
of art and literature. The foreign travellers like Saesare Fredericke and
244 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Tieffenthaler fave nothing but high praise for him. All these evidences
prove that tho last Hindu king of Orissa was great both in war and
peace.
Our account of the Muslim conquest of Orissa will not be
complete without a reference to the desecration of the Jagai.natha
temple at Puri by Kalapahara. It is stated in the Madalapanji that
when the servants of the temple got the information of the fall of
Kataka they took out the images of Lord Jagannatha and his associates
from the temple and secreted them in an island in the Chilka lake, but
Kalapahara got the scent of it, He proceeded thither and placed the
images on an elephant and took them to Bengal where he burnt them on
the bank of the Ganges. A Vaishnava devotee named Bishar Mahanti
followed Kalapahara to the place where the images were buint and
managed to recover the Brahmas (probably jewels) inside the images,
put them inside a mridanga (a kind of drum) and brought them back to
Orissa.
It is stated in the same chronicle that Kalapahara destroyed the
great temple of Jagannatha up to the Amalakasila and defaced the
images. It is difficult to ascertain the truth of the statement since the
temple is now covered with a thick coat of plaster which has _ hidden
the evidences of destruction and disfigurement, but to us it seems that
the temple was not pulled down or razed to the ground, though the
images were damaged and disfigured as° far as possible. There is no
archaeological evidence to show that the temple was rebuilt at any
time. The originel temple as built by Chodaganga has come down to
us, though the carvings on the outer faces of the temple have been
damaged and disfigured.
Kalapahara is also represented as the destroyer of several other
Hindu mo-:uments of Orissa. As a matter of fact, Kalapahara is a familiar
name tn Orissa and all damages of Hindu temples and images, irrespective
of their age, are attributed to him. It may be true that Kalapahara actually
destroyed a large number of Hindu monuments in Orissa, but it is
not a fact that he went to every nook and corner of Orissa with a view to
destroy them.
There isa tradition in Bengal that Kalapahara was originally a
Hindu brahmin. Dulari, the daughter of the Bengal Sultan, fell in love
with him and ultimately married him. Kalapahara had two Hindu
wives and he intended to remain a Hindu even though he married a
Muslim girl, Hecame to Puri to perform the cermony of expiation In:
THE CHALUKYAS 245.
the temple of Jagannatha, but the brahmins did not permit him to perform
it. Kalapahara’s reaction was very great and, therefore, he became a great
fanatic. This tradition has however been challenged by scholars. The
name Kalapahara was not peculiar only to the Hindus. A nephew of
Bahalul Lodi bore this name. Mr. P. Mukherji observes that ‘the Muslim
chronicles conclusively prove that Kalapahara was a full-bloodad Afghan
and not a brahmin renegade.”
Causes of the decline of Orissa: The rise and fall of nations, like
day and night, follow each other in succession. It is however customary
to say something about the fall of ruling dynasties of history. We are,
therefore. attempting here to ascertain the causes of the decline of Orissa.
The Turks invaded and occupied the northern part of I: dia including Bengal
and Bihar, towards the close of the twelfth century, but the Hindu
kingdom of Orissa maintained its independence up to A.D. 1568 During
this period it expanded into an empire which lasted for about a century.
During the Hindu supremacy of Orissa innumerable temples were built and
the great shrine of Jagannatha acquired an all-India importance. Men of
learning and iiterature of other parts of India took shelter in the court of
the Orissan kings. The great saint. Sri Chaitanya, rade Orissa the centre
of his religious activities. The Hindu kings of Orissa successfully warded
off a number of Muslim invasions both from the north and tne south. All
these achievements assign Orissa a respectable position in ths history of
India
Prof. RD. Banerjee, however, thinks that a decline in the
military spirit of the people and in the power and prestige of Orissa, that
became discernible from the beginning of the sixteenth century, was
mainly due to the long stav of the Bengali Vaishnava saint Sri Chaitanya at
Puri and his supposed great influence on Prataparudradeva, For this
conclusion he has relied upon the semi.oiographica! acccurts about the
saint, written long after his death. The semi-biegraphical eccounts were
obviously wiitten to exaagerate the achievements of Sri Chaitanya and to
extol his spiritual powers. Prof. Banerjee writes ¢ ‘The religious equality
and love preached by Sri Chaitanya brought In its train a false faith in’ men
and thereby destroyed siructure of society and Government in Bengal and
Orissa, because, in reality, no two men are born equal and government
depends upon brute force specially in a country like India in the fourteenth,
fifteenth and sixteenth century A.D. A wave of religious fervour passed
over the country and during this reformation Orissa not only lost her:
empire, but also her political prestige.”
246 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Prof. Banerjee’s views about the effects of the Vaishnava
movement introduced by Sri Chaitanya in Orissa are not shared by other
scholars Dr. R. Subrahmanyam says : “Itis difficult to agree with
‘Mr. Banerjee ‘when h3 puts the blame on the influence of Chaitanya for the
fall of the Orissan empire. Chaitanya had indeed a greatinfluence on the
king; some of the i: terested people might have tried to exloit the
situation”’ Dr. Subrahmanyam then cites the case of Gopinatha Raya, the
Governor of Midnapore, who was sentenced to death by the Gajapati, but
who tried to save his life by requesting Sri Chaitanya to intercede for him.
The saint refusedto interfere in this matter, notwithstanding the fact
that Gopinatha Raya’s family members were greatly devoted to him. He
did not like to involve himself in politics and was even prepared to leave
Puri and to go to Allahabad.
Prof. Banerjee’s view that Ramananda Raya, the Governor of
‘Rajahmundry, resigned his post due to the religious influence of Sri
Chaitanya on him, is also not acceptable Ramananda was already a
Vaishnava when he met Sri Chaitanya and in the matters of religion both
influenced each other. There is hardly any evidence to show that
Ramananda was an unquestioning follower of the Bengali saint and that
he resigned his post at the bidding of Sri Chaitanya.
In laying the entire blame on Sri Chaitanya for the fall of Orissa
Prof. Banerjee has not examined the other factors leading toits fall.
After an examination of the evidences at our disposal it becomes clear
that the Oriyas of the sixteenth century neither strictly followed the old
form of Vaishnavism as propounded by Jagannatha Dasa, Balarama Dasa,
Achyutananda Dasa, Yosovanta Dasa and Ananta Dasa, northe teachings
of Sri Chaitanya. It appears that the king and the people had become the
lovers and foliowers of the typ: of Vaishnavism to be found in Jayadeva’s
Gitagovinda. The Vaishnavism of the Gitagovinda is notthe sare as
the old Orissan Vaishnavism or the new Gaudiya Vaishnavism as preached
by Sri Chaitanya. In the Orissan form of Vaishnavism sex had no place
and in the Gaudiya Vaishravism also sex did not play any great part.
Sri Chaitanya wanted to spiritualise the love between Srikrishna and
Sriradha, but he never brought it downto the level of satisfying carnal
desire; but the love between Srikrishna and Sriradha as depicted in the
Gitagovinda, has caluminated inthe satisfaction of the carnal desire.
In fact it is a Sahajiya type of Vaishnavism that has formed the theme of
Jayadeva’s Gitagovinda. This type of Vaishnavism seems to have been
THE CHALUKYAS 247
held in great esteem by the king and the people of Orissa in the sixteenth
century.
The Gitagovinda had been introduced into the Jagannatha temple.
as an essential ritualistic element from the beginning of the reign of
Prataparudradeva, as is proved by his inscription o: the Jagannatha temple.
Prof. R. D. Banerjee writes about it as follows :
“Prataparudradeva is known from a number of inscriptions
discovered at Puri and other places. The earliest of them are to be found
on the left hand side of the Jaya Vijaya gate of the Jagamohana of the
temple of Jagannatha. Inthe forth Anka Wednesday the 17th July. 1499
orders were issued for the performance of dancing at the time of Bhoga of
Jagannatha and Balarama from the end of the evening dhupa to the time
of the Badasingara or bed time. The dancing girls of Balarama and of
Kapilesvara, the old batch and the Telinga batch, all of them were to
learn the singing of the Gitagovinda only. Besides dancing, four other
Vaishnava singers were also to sing from the same work of Jayadeva.
It is stated at the end of the record that the Superintendent who allows
any other song except those of the Gitagovinda will cause a violation of
the order of the Jagannatha.”’
From this inscription it is clear that the king and the people of
Orissa had already accepted the Sahajiya form of Vaishnavism of the
Gitagovinda prior to the comming of Sri Chaitanya to Puri in A.D..1510.
There is hardly any evidence to show that the new Vaishnavism preached
by Sri Chaitanya ever ousted or superseded the Sahajiya form of
Vaishnavism. The recitation of the Gitagovinda with music and dance
had already been introduced in the Jagannatha temple from the Ganga
period. though the exact date of its introduction cannot be determined.
But there is no evidence to show that it was being recited with music ang
dance in the presence of Lord Jagannatha, It was being sung in some
corner of the spacious precincts of the temple. Prataparudradeva, as is
evident from the above inscription, made its Singing by the female dancers
in the presence of Jagannatha compulsory and _ thus introduced a new
feature in the cult of Jagannatha. Inthe ritualistic performances of the
Jagannatha temple sex had never played any part. Jagannatha always
appears with his elder brother and younger sister and therefore, according
to old conception, amorous or obscene talks or songs were not allowed
248 HISTORY OF ORISSA
in his presence. This principle was violated by making the recitation of
Jayadeva’s amorous songs compulsory in the presence of Lord Jagannatha.
From this time the diversification of the religious faith of the Oriyas was
-also in evidence. Jagannatha had been conceived as the sole deity of
‘Orissa and also as ther real king. He had been conceived as the sole
source of inspiration and strength of the entire Oriya nation. This firm
faith of the Oriyas in Jagannatha started to be shaken in the later period of
Hindu rule in Orissa. His name was utilised in gaining selfish ends, but
unflinching faith was not reposed in him.
Sri Chaitanya’s preachings did not produce any great effect in
uplifting the moral character of tha people of the sixteenth century Orissa
The early Bhoi rule in Orissa, as sketched by us above, will show that it
was a period of traitors, murderers, regicides and patricides. Almost all the
able officers of the state aspired to occupy the throne through treachery and
murder Yhe history of this period gives a clear indication that the Oriya
people had become morally depraved and Sri Chaitanya’s new Vaishnavism
had not improved their moral character.
It is, therefore, not proper to think or say that Sri Chaitanya’s
preachings demoralised or demilitarised the Oriya people. There is also
no evidence to show that Prataparudra fost his military spirit under the
influence of Sri Chaitanya. The account of his reign, given above, will
show thet he was constantly engaged in warfare till his complete defeat
by Krishnadeva Raya in AD.1519. Itis afier his treaty with Krishnadeva
Raya that he became intensely religious minded. The loss of the empire,
the death of his son Virabhadra and the sad plight of his daughter,
married to Krishnadeva Raya, must have ail combined tu depress the
militery spirit of the king and therefore he found solace in the teachings
of Sri Chaitanya who had, without doubt, a great influence on him.
Prataparudradeva’s army became exhausted in the long-drawn
war bet veen him and Krishrnadeva Raya and in fighting in different fronts
in a far-flung territory stretcl.ing from the Hooghly Gistrict in the nurth to
the Nellore district in the south. It seems also that Prataparudradeva
became lenient to Govinda Vidyadhara and pardoned his treachery during
his fight with Sultan of Bengal. Ordinarily he should have been punished
with death, but the king pardoned him and retained him in service. This
traitor killed Prataparudra’s eignteen sons and established the infamous
Bhoi dynasty which hastened the decline of Orissa.
THE CHALUKYAS 249
The diversification of religious interest, the falsification of the
Jagannatha cult and the general degradation of the moral conduct of the
people were, more than other causes, responsible for the fall of Orissa.
The fall was so great that her people have not recovered from it till
now
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY :
1. R. D. Banerjee History of Orissa, Vol. 1, 1930
2. H, K, Mahtab Odisa Itthasa, Part |, 1977
3. P. Mukherjee The Gajapati Kings of Orissa,
1953.
4. R. Subrahmanyam The Suryavamsi Gajapatis of
Orissa, Waltair, 1957
5. A,B. Mahanti Madalapanji ( Prachi Samiti,
1940 )
6. J.N. Sarkar History of Bengal, Muslim Period
7. Hunter Orissa, Vol. I
8. Stirling Orissa
9. Beveridge
Akabarnama, Vol. III
13. Administration
Early Administration ; Because of the paucity of evidence the
pre-Asokan system of administration in Kalinga cannot be reconstructed.
From the time of Asoka a clear picture of the administration prevalent in
this land can, however, be obtained from Asoka’s inscriptions still existing
in India and Orissa. The administration that was introduced into Kalinga
after its conquest in 261 B.C. was almost the same as it prevailed in other
parts of his empire. A few new features in the imperial administrative
system that we get from the Kalinga Edicts of the emperor, seem to have
been intended as a concession to a newly conquered people who had
fought so bravely against him and had died in thousands. It is from the
time of the conquest of Kalinga that the offices of the Dharmmamahamatra
appears to have been created by the emperor. The business of this officer
was to look after the morals of his subjects in the whole empire. In the
Kalinga Edicts Asoka assumes a paternal position even though he was an
autocrat, and makas a clear declaration that all subjects are his children and
he concerns himself for their welfare in this world and the other as much as
he does for his ownchildren. Asoka’s conception of kingship thus seems
to have been changed from the time of his conquest of Kalinga. A strong
autocrat became a benevolent monarch with a paternal attitude towards his
subjects. The epoch making Kalinga war had a repercussion not only on
the administration of Orissa, but also of India. The names of the officers
and their duties connected with his administrative machinery in Kalinga,
have been briefly given im Chapter 2 and need not be repeated here.
There is no evidence to show that Kalinga was a republican
country at any time of her history. Asoka’s inscriptions do not give
any indication that Kalinga was a republican country prior to its
conquest by him. He refers to the people of this country as Kalingas as
much as he does to the Cholas, Pandyas, Satyaputras and Kerala-putras,
etc. and from this reference an inference should not be made that the
people of Kalinga enjoyed a republican system of Government. Asoka
left in Kalinga @ monarchical and imperial form of Government as_ the
legacy, which was followed by all subsequent ruling dynasties of Orissa.
ADMINISTRATION 251
Chedi Administration : After the Mauryas the Chedi dynasty, of
‘which Kharavela was the third member, established, like Asoka, a monar-
chical and imperial system of Government. Kharavela was no doubt a full-
fledged autocrat, but like Asoka worked for the welfare of his subjects.
His Government was bureaucratic as is evident from the names of a few
of his high officers appearing in the short Brahmi inscriptions of his
time, engraved on the Udayagiri caves. The description of Kharavela’s
early life given in the tiatigumpha Inscription shows that a would be
king had to prepare himself for rulership in his early life by fearning
such essential things as writing, law, accountancy and coinage. The
king had to undergo a coronation ceremony at the time of ascending the
throne, The Hatigumpha Inscription provides further evidence that a
king had to work for the benefits of his subjects by repairing ancient
buildings, by constructing new ones, by excavating canals, by enterta—
ining his subjects and in feasts, merry-makings and by remitting taxes. It
has not been mentioned in the Hatigumpha Inscription whether the
booties obtained from the conquests of other countries were shared ‘by
the monarch with the soldiers and the subjects, but it can be presumed
that the monarch shared them with others. Kharavela’s military machi-
nery consisted of the time-honoured fourfold divisions of infantry,
cavalry, elephants and chariots. The names of the military officers,
manning this machinery, have not come down .to us.
Mathara Administration : The Matharas, the contemporaries of
the imperial Guptas, established a system of administration which
appears to be similar to the Gupta system of administration. The
Matharas were autocratic, but their powers seem to have been checked
by an elaborate bureaucracy. Though they later assumed imperial
nowers, they satisfied themselves with the title of Maharaja and none
of them assumed a number of high-sounding titles like those of the
Guptas. They seem to have had no provincial divisions. The district
’ was known as Panchali or Bhoga. From their copper plate grants we get
the names of important civil officers like Amatya (the Minister), Kumara-
Amatya (a junior cadre of Minister), Talavara (Revenue Officer),
Desakshapatala (the Record Keeper), Mahapratihara (the Chamberlain),
Ajna Bhogika (the Registrar) and Dutaka (the Executor of Royal arders).
The most important military officers were Mahavaladhikrita (the
Supreme Head of the army), Mahadandanayaka (the Commander-in-Chief),
Dandanayaka (the General) and Dandaneta (the Commander of a
contingent).
252 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Bhauma Administration : As observed earlier, there is no evidence
to show that the Guptas established their direct rule over Orissa,
but the system of administration which they established, seems to have
been adopted even in the countries not directly under their rule. In the
administration of the post-Gupta dynasties ruling over Orissa we find
certain elements, particularly in the names of the officers, which seem
to have been borrowed from the imperial system of the Gupta
administration. The Bhaumas had a number of officers whose powers
and functions appear to have been the same as those of the imperial
officers of the Guptas. The names of the officers mentioned in the
Taltali Plate of Dharmmamahadevi (Indian _ Historical Quarterly,
Vol. XXI) indicate a highly developed bureaucratic government of the
Bhauma State, like the one revealed by the copper plates of the late
Gupta dynasty found in northern Bengal, such as the Damodarapur
Copper plates. Wehave here Mahasamanta (the lord of the feudal
chiefs), Maharaja (probably the governor of a province), Kumaramatya
(the kinsman of the king employed as a high officer), Uparika (the district
officer), Visayapati (the subdivisional officer), Ayuktaka (?:, Dandapasika
(the chief police officer), Sthanantarika (probably the officer in charge
of the criminal department), Valahita (the commander-in-chief), Samanta
(the feudal chief),Samavaji (probably the commander of the cavalry),
Vrihadbhogi, (the chief headman), Pustapala (the chief record keeper),
and Sadhyadhi-karana (the law court’. Some of these terms are still
being used in Orissa either in their original or currupt forms. In Angul
from which the Plate hails . Visa. the currupted form of Visaya. is still a
synonym of the Pargana and Visoi (Visayapati), in many parts of Orissa,
is still used to denote an officer connected with the revenue or the
head of acaste. Samanta or Santa is a common title used by the land.
owning ° aristocratic families of the province, Danduasi, undoubtedly
a currupted form of Dandapasika. is even now applied to the village
chowkidar in Orissa.
There were feudatories of the Bhauma rulers but the exact nature
of the relation between them is not known. In the Ganjam Plate of the
Ganga king Jayavarmadeva a reference has been made to the overlord
Unmata Kesari of Viraja who has been identified with the Bhauma king
Sivakaradeva Unmatasimha. From this reference it is obvious that the
feudatories had to refer to their overlord in their copper plate grants. In
their internal administration they however seem to have been completely
free. It seams that the feudatories not only paid tributes, but also
supplied to the overlord a stipulated number of soldiers at the time of
AOMINISTRATION 253
war. Inthe Bhauma copper plate grants there are references to the
assemblies of tte feudatory chiefs who waited upon'their overlords on
the ceremonial occasions such as coronation.
Somavamsi Administration : The Somavasmi records also mention
the names of some officers who were addressed by the king at the time
of granting lands to the brahmins. The names of these officers and the
nature of their duties do not seem to have differed much from those of
the Bhauma officers. The Somavamsi rulers, like the Bhaumas, were
autocrats, but the big officers of the state seem to have had a voice in the
important matters of the State. It is the popular voice and the support of
the ministers that went in favour of the selection of Yayati I] as the king
of the Somavamsi kingdom, even though he had no legal claim to the
throne. {ft is the high officers who sometimes seem to have been
instrumental in the matters of changing the kings and the royal families.
Yayati Il’s appointment as king is an instance in the point, if that tradition
recorded in tha Madalapanji is to be delieved, Karnadeva, the last king of
the Somavamsi dynasty, was defeated and dethroned through the treachery
of his own commander-in-chief Vasudeva Vahinipati. It is stated that
Vasudeva invited the Ganga king Chodaganagadeva to invade Orissa and to
drive out the last Somavamsi king. The Ganga king accepted his invita-
tion and came to Orissain disguise with a handful of followers and
conquered the Somavamsi capital Kataka with the assistance of the
treacherous cormander-in-chief Vasudeva. The high officers were thus
sometimes respensible for the change of the ruling dynasties.
Ganga Administration: In the Ganga administration we find a
mixture of northern and southern influences. Inthe administration of the
Early Gangas the southern influence predominated but the later Gangas
formed a mixed form of administration, in which both the influences are to
be noticed The king was the highest authority of the state and enjoyed
absolute powers even thorugh he took the advice of his ministers,
commanders and local chiefs. He assumed the title Maharajadhiraja and
had a regular hierarchy of several classes of officials functioning in
differant administrative units. The kingdom was divided into Muhaman-
dalas or great provinces in which Maharanakas or Mahamandalikas
were appointed. The Mahamandalas were divided into a number of
Mandalas or smaller provinces and each of them was placed under a
Ranaka or Mandalika. The Mandalas were divided into Nadus or
Visayas or Bhogas and they were each under a Visayapati or the
254 HISTORY OF ORISSA
chief officer of the district. The Nadus consisted of several hundred
gramas or villages. in each of which there was a Gramika or the head of
the village. The big villages were subdivided into Pallis or hamlets. In the
Ganga empire there were several Nagaras or cities and Puras or towns,
The names of some cities that we get from different sources, are
Kalinganagara, Bhogapura, Dantapura, Simhapura, Pishtapura and Dakiremi.
The names of the sea-port towns were Kalingapattana, Visakhapattana and
Bhimilipattana.
Some villages of the Nadus which were granted to the brahmins,
temples, ministers or commanders, were made rent-free and On the
occassion of granting them the king informed all his chiefs and officers
of the nature of the grants and instructed them notto infringe in any
manner on the rights granted to the donees, The donees were not only
exempted fromthe payment of royal dues, but also six kinds of taxes
and from all obstacles like fhe entry of regular and irregular soldiers in
the donated vitlages. The villages, the lowest units of the administration,
were self-governing. and each of which was under the charge of Gramika
who was helped by other village officials like the Karana (Accountant),
Purohita (Priest), Dandapasi or Talvari (Police man), Urikavali (village
Watchman) and Gramabhata (village servant), Inthe town Puravari
(Head of the town) was the chief officer and he was being helped by
Dandanayaka (Magistrate), Dandapasi (Police Inspector) and other
officials. In the capital city of Kalinganagara there were great officers like
Kalinganagaradhyaksha (President or Superintendent of the capital city
of Kalinga), Kalingarakshapalaka (Prefect of the city), Kalinganagara-
palaka (Chairman of the city), Rajaguru (Royal Priest), Mahapradhani
(Prime Minister), Mahasandhivigrahi (Secretary General for peace and
war), Mahasenapati (Commander.in-Chief), Mulabhandaramuna-mudra-
hasta (Chanceilor of the privy purse), Mahadandapasi (Inspector General
of Police’, Mahamandalika (Governor General) and Mahapatra, Both in
towns and villages higher officers supervised th: duties of the officers of
the lower ranks. There are evidences to show that there were departments
of records under officers. At the capital there was also an officer who was
the keeper of the privy seal.
The king derived his revenue from crown lands which yeilded
probably one sixth of the produce. [n addition he also obtained a large
aevenue from court fees, fines, customs dues and tolls, taxes levied on
mines and forests, gifts and presents. The revenue thus obtained was
spent on administration, ‘on religion and learning, on public works and
ADMINISTRATION 255-
on the king’s own household. (R, Subba Rao—The History of the Eastern
Gangas of Kalinga, pp. 148-152). Various types of coins and weights and:
measures were also used, which we shall discuss at some length in.
Chapter 14.
When the Gangas transferred their capital from Kalinganagara to
Varanasi Kataka (modern Cuttack), they had to make some changes in
their administrative system by introducing certain new offices and some
new designations. This is evident from the copperplate records of the
jater Ganga kings. The two copper plate grants of Narasimha IV discovered
in the town of Puri give some designations of the officers which are not to
be found in earlier records of the dynasty, e.g. Budha-Lenka,
Pura-pariksha, Sri-Karana, Purosri-Karana, Bhitra-Bhandara- Adhikari,
etc. (R.D. Banerjee, History of Orissa, Vol. 1, pp, 248-285),
From the reign of Anangabhimadeva {Il a theocratic conception
gained ground in Orissa, and it was believed that the Lord Jagannatha
was the real king of this country and the kings were his deputies.
Anangabhimadeva Ill (A.D. 1211-1238) formatly declared that he was the
representative of Lord Jagannatha. This theocratic conception continued
throughout the Hindu rule in Orissa and the kings considered themselves to
be the servants of Jagannatha. Since this deity wasinthe hands of the
Brahmins they gained a political influence through him. They became the
interpreter of the will of the deity and sometimes it was given out by
them that lord Jagannatha had issued his commands to them in dreams.
When a political change took place the Brahmins approved of it and told
the people that the change represented the will of Jagannatha. They
thus approved of the usurpation of the Ganga throne by Kapilendradeva
and the succession of the Purushottamadeva to the exclusion of Hamvira.
During the rule of the Bhois and the Chalukyas the same tactics was
followed by the priests.
&
Suryavamsi administration : The Suryavamsis mainly based
their administration on that of the Gangas and introduced a few innova-
tions. The king enjoyed the supreme power in the state, but his poviers
were, tosome extent, checked by the ministers and generals and the
priestly class who, as observed earliar, were the custodians of Lord
Jagannatha. The Suryavamsi rulers also subscribed tothe theocratic
conception that Lord Jagannatha was the real king of Orissa and they
were their deputies, Kapilendra, Purushottama and Prataparudra in the
256 HISTORY OF ORISSA
beginning of their reigns paid homage to this great deity and presented
certain objects to him and recognized him as their overlord, When the
feudatories became disobedient to him Kapilendra went to the temple of
lord Jagannatha and engraved an order on the Jagamohana invoking the
name of Jagannatha and declaring that the chiefs revolting against him,
would actually rebel against this great deity. From the reign of
Kapilendra the Suryavamsi kings assumed high-sounding titles such as
Maharajadhiraja, Paramesvara, Gajapati, Gaudesvara, Navakoti Karn-
ata Kalavargesvara etc. Kapilendra first assumed these titles after his
conquests in Bengal. the Bahamani kingdom and the Vijayanagara empire
and all these titles were continued by his son and grandson and even by
the Bhoi rulers.
The empire established by Kapilendra was a large one extending
from the Hooghly in the north to the Pennarin the south and the whole
of it was known as Maharajya. The smailer divisions of the empire were
known as Rajyas, Dandapatas, Vishayas or Khandas. Both in north
and south Orissa there were a number of these political divisions and
subdivisions, the names of which have come down to us from inscriptions.
In the greater political divisions like the Rajyas, the princes of royal
blood were generally employed as Governors or Viceroys,
The officer in charge of the Dandapata was known as Danda-
pariksha or Adhyaksha. The Governors of Rajyas were called Rajas
and sometimes also as Parikshas. The Gavernors lived in state as much
as the kings did.
The Gajapati kings had under thema very farge number of
feudatories of whom the Chalukyas of Panchadharala in the Visakha-
patanam district, the Matsyas of Oddadiin the same district and the
Suryavamsis of Jeypore in modern Koraput district were most prominent.
The nature of the relation between the king andthe chiefs is not known
from any source, but it seems thatthey not only paid tributes to the
Gajapati. but also rendered feudal sesvices to him by furnishing troops
to him and by fighting for himin the battle field. There were other
smaller feudatory chiefs in the southern and northern parts of the
empire. The Gadjat chiefs livingin the hilly parts of Orissa, were also
under the Gajapati and rendered feudal services to him, but when the
central authority was weak, they virtually became independent in their
inaccessible jurisdictions. Even during the reign of Kapilendra they seem
to have asserted their independence and that is why the Gajapati had to
engrave a proclamation in the temple of Jagannatha asking them in the
ADMINISTRATION 257
‘name of the great deity to remain loyal to him. The sources of the revenues
of the king will be discussed in Chapter 14.
Military Administration
Earlier military system: A strong military organisation was an
indispensible concomitant of a strong state, which was necessary both
for its protection and expansion. We have seen that strong kingdoms
were established in Orissa in differe::t stages of her history and from
this an inference can be made that strong military systems also existed,
The details of such systems are, however, hardly known to us. In the
Kalinga war of 261 B.C. one lakh of soldiers died fighting in the battle
field and one jakh and fifty thousand were carried away as captives.
These figures give an indication of the enormous size of the army
possessed by Kalinga at the time of Asoka’s invasion, but we know
little of its details. As observed earlier, Kharavela possessed a vast
army consisting of infantry, cavalry, elephant and chariot with which
he marched towards the west in the second year of his reign. Beyond
these few facts we know nothing of his organisation, but his numerous
conquests suggest the size of his army, which must have been a vast
one. Yuan Chwang tells us that the country of Kongoda, of which the
Sailodbhavas were the rulers, possessed a vast army which kept the
neighbours in awe. From the accounts of the Arab and Persian geographers
we come to know that the Bhauma rulers possessed a vast army numbering
three hundred thousand men. These earlier references give us an idea
about the size of tha armies possessed by the earlier ruling dynasties of
Orissa, but they do not enable us to know the details of the militray
organisations,
Ganga and Suryavamsi Military Organisation : Even though
we know from different sources a few facts about the Ganga military
administration, we ‘are unable to form a clear picture of it. The Surya-
vamsi records however enable us to formaclear picture of their military
organisations, The Suryavamsis inherited from the Gangas a_ well-
organised military system which was improved upon and made a very
strong force that accounted for iheir success in building up an empire,
In the reign of Kapilandradeva Orissa was virtually made a military
state and all the castes and communities were called upon to render
military service at the time of emergency. The Brahmins seem to have
been exempted from a compulsory military service, but even then some
Brahmins entered into the army as big and small officers. If the
Madalapanji is to be believed, the traitor Vasudeva Ratha, a Brahmin,
258 HISTORY OF ORISSA
was the commander-in-chief of the last Somavamsi king and it is through
his treachery that Chodaganga succeeded in conquering Orissa. In the
Chatesvara Inscription Vishnu, the Brahmin minister of Anangabhima-
deva Il! (A.D. 1211-1238). is represented to have led an army against
the Kalachuris of Ratnapura and to have succeeded in wresting the
Sonepur tract from them. In the Gopinathapura Stone Inscription
Gopinatha Mahapatra is represented to have been a Brahmin minister
and general of Kapilendradeva. From these evidences it is clear that
Brahmins also occupied high posts in the army, though they, as a rule,
were exempted from compulsory military service. The other castes had
no option but to serve in the military organisation as officers and
soldiers.
As is apparent from Sarala Dasa’s Mahabharata, which, as we
have seen, was composed in the reign of Kapilendra, a belief was
created in the minds of the Oriyas that dying in the battle field was the
surest way to go to the heaven. To die in the battle field with weapons
in hands, has been considered by the poet to be a most religious and
meritorious act, which, according to him, provides for the person so
dying a secure place in the heaven and exempts him, from the serious
sins committed in this world. Inthe Sabha Parva Narada tells Srikristina
the ways with which a man killing a Brahmin can escape from this terrible
sin, and prescribes inter alia death in the battle field while fighting with
weapons in hands. The poet lays great emphasis on the necessity of
begeiting male children and has nothing to say about the necessity for
female ones. The birth of a scn was a joyous occasion which he has
sometimes described in defail, but has ignored the occassjons of the birth
of daughters. According to him a_ wife without male children is
unlucky and inauspicious and for her he prescribes in the Adi Parva
of his Mahabharata eight ways for begetting sons. Since a very large
number of young men were required for the army and many of them
were losing their lives in the battle field, we can easily understand the
poet’s partiality for male children and his anxiety for increasing the male
population. The protection of the state and its expansion were the joint
responsibilities of the entire population and not of the king alone,
Militarism penetrated into al! ranks of the society and all able-bodied
persons were calied upon to perform military service, The king had a
standing army, but the number of the focal militia was far greater than
the number of the soldiers in the standing army. Besides, the feudal
lords also supplied to the king a stipulated number of soldiers at the
time of war and had to fight for him in the battle field.
ADMINISTRATION 259
A vast number of the Oriyas and even the Adivasis and Harijans
still bear military titles which their ancestors must have received from the
Gajapatis. It seems that, even though some people did not actually serve
in the army, they received honorary military titles from the monarch for
helpiig him in some way or other in perfactir.g his military organisation,
Among the local militia the vast majority were cultivators who tvok to
cultivation at the time of peace and turned i..to sd!diers at the time of war.
A rough survey indicates that about fifty percant of the people of Orissa
still bear military titles, of which a few exampies are cited below:
Senapati. Chamupati (Champati), Routarya ihe commander of the
cavalry). Sahani (the commander of the elephant force). Dandapata,
Dandasena, Paschima Kavata, Uttara Kavata etc. (the guardia. s ot the
marches), Samantaraya, Vidyadhara, Bhramaravara, Harichandana,
Jagaddeva, Marddaraja, Samantasimhara, Raya Simha, Manasimha,
Valiyarasemha, Pahadasimha. Nayaka, Pattanayaka, Dandanayaka,
Gadanayaka, Patra, Mahapatra, Bzhera. Dalabehera, Jena, Badajena.
Pradhana, Samala, Rauta, Khuntia Parichha. Parija, Padhihari,
Dandapani etc.
Sarala Dasa’s Mahabharata also gives us an idea about the different
divisions of the Gajapati army on march. The first division was kno-vn
as the Hantakaru Dala i.e. the pioneer force clearing ju..gles and making
roads; the second was known as the Aguani Thata i.e the advance units:
the third was Pradhana Valait.the main army and the fourth division
was Pachhiani Thata i.e. the rear guards. The king and the big military
officers were furnishad with bodyguards who were known as Anga-
valas; and the detachments which were placed in charge of the captured
forts and conquered territories, were known as Paridandas. Sarala Dasa
also gives us a picture of an army on the move, in which flags and other
decorative devices were used and the musica! instruments such as
Damalu. Dadama_ Tamaka, Bijighosa, Daundi. Ghumura. Bheri, Turi,
Ranasinga etc. were sounded. The weapons used have been given as
Dhanu, Trona, Sara, Asi Parigha. Patiisa, Kunta. Jathj, Guruja,
Savali, etc,
The above few facts are gleaned from Saraia Dasa's Mahabharata
which is not a historical work, but though these facts occur in connec-
tion with the fights among differant characters of his Mahabharata, we
may be sure that in making such references he was merely drawing upon
his own knowledge and experience gained in actual wars, From the poet’s
description we also gather that the gateways and the walls of the forts
260 HISTORY OF ORISSA
used to be breached with the help of horses, elephants, crow-bars and
shovels.
Thz forts: The forts played a vital role in the military
system of the Gajapatis, The Orissan kings occupied the old
forts or established new ones in the entire stretch of their empire. In
the north the great forts that were in their occupatio:, were Mandaran
which is now known as Bhitargarh, situted inthe Arambagh subdivi-
sion of the Hooghly district of West Bengal: Kotisamigarh, variously
described as Kotasin, Katasin etc. whica is now known as Kotsimul
situated on the west bank of the river Damodara, and Raivania
and Deulgaon in the Balasore district. In the Cuttack and Puri
districts several forts which existed from earlie: times, were also utilised
during this period. They are Jajpur Kataka, Amaravati Kataxa (near
Chhatia), Chaudwar Kataka, Varanasi Kataka (modern Cuttack) and
Chudanga Kataka or Sarangagarh near Barang. Kasiagarh, situated
on the road from Chandaka to Khurda near the village Dalua, was also
a great fort which was probably meant to conceal troops in the dense
forest at the time of war. Besides these big forts, there were also
smaller ones which have been referred to by Abui Fazlin his Ain-i-
Akabari. In south Orissa ancient forts of considerable importance
existed at Humma, Khimidi, Chikiti, Palur, Khallikot and Athagarh. In
the conquered territories of the south great forts existed at. Rajahmundry,
Undrakonda in the Krishna district, Kondapalli near Bezwada in the
Krishna district, Adanki in the Ongole Taluk, Vinukonda in the
Vinukonda Taluk, Vellamkonda in the Sattenapalle Taluk, Nagar-
junakonda on the bank of the river Krishna, Tangeda in the Palnad
Taluk and Ketavarman in the Sattenpalle Taluk. In Telingana the great
fort of Devarakonda. situated in the Nalgonda district, and also the
famous fort of Warangal were in the occupation of the feudatories of
Gajapatis. But the forts of Udayagiri in Nellore district and Kondavidu
near Guntur, were the strongest of all occupied by the Orissan kings.
The occupation of these two great forts by Krishnadeva Raya decided
the fate of the Gajapati empire in the south.
About the size of the Gajapati army different sources give us
different accounts which may not repressnt the actual number of men and
animals employed init. The Muslim sources have sometimes exaggera-
ted or sometimes belittled its number. In the Burhan-i-Ma’nasir it is
stated that Kapilendra possessed elephants numbering two hundred
thousand, which is obviously an exaggeration. Nizam-ud-din tells us.
ADMINISTRATION 26T
that Purushottamadeva had encamped on the bank of Godavari with
7,00,000 foot soldiers. Azizullah writes that Kapilendra attacked
Bidar with only ten thousand foot soldiers, which appears to be an
absurdly small number. The figures given by the Portuguese writer Nuniz
appear !0 be more reliable. He states that the king of Orissa opposed
Krishnadeva Raya with an army of thirteen hundred elephants and
twenty thousand horses. ‘‘The people of Otisa’ writes Nuniz “are
very good fighting men.”’ The kingeof Otisa ‘has a mighty army of foot
soldiers.”
In one section of the Rayavachakam an account of the feats of
strength exhibited in the Gymnasia at the Capital ofthe Gajapati has been
given. This account was given to the Vijayanagara emperor Krishnadeva
Raya by his spies, vho had been employed by him tor ascertaining the
military strength of the Gajapati Prataparudradeva. Some southern scholars
have considered the account to be an exaggerated one. Even granting
that it is an exaggerated one, we have torespect the basic truth that the
Oriyas of the time possessed great physical strength and were capable of
showing wonderful physical feats. We reproduce below a summary of
this account as given in Further Sources of Vijayanagara History, Vol tll,
pp. 111:
‘We entered the city, and saw the palace of the Gajapati, the
mansions of the sixteen Patras, the Gymnasia and the people who take
exercises therein. Even the gods and the demons are not capable of
exhibiting such skill in physical exercises as they show, Your Majesty
might have observed the skill in physical exercises shown by the great
wrestlers of other countries; but the style of the people at the capital of
the Gajapati is totally different. They alone are capable of lifting up such
heavy dumb-bells. They lift them up, and whatis more, they lift them
up cross-wise. They raise a sack weighing 10 paddes to the height of
the uplifted arm of a standing man and throw it upon their own bodies.
Moreover, they catch the sack between their thighs. and suspend
themselves in the air taking hold of the cross-beam \of the gymnasium),
The reason for taking this exercise is this : While engaged in battle, the
troopers are accustomed to carry away their opponents bodily imprisoning
them between one of their arms and the body; if, however, the opponents
fight without losing their hold on their steeds, they abandon their attempt,
considering the opponent to be unmanageable. The riders on the
armoured horses are not afraid of any wound which they might receive.
262 HISTORY OF ORISSA
They attempt to carry away under their arm such riders (7). The soldiers
practise this exercise in order to remain firm courageously (in their seats)
on such occasions, They completely demolish walis of hundered feet
with a rummi mattakhandam (?) which is heavy enough to be carried by
aman onhis head. They also cut vith that sword strong tamarind pillars
as easily as they cut the pitch of the plantain trees. Planting two crow-
bars together onthe ground they cut them to pieces with their sword.
They bring a basketfull of cymbal-discs, and twist four or five of them
together. As the blacksmiths are not able to separate them, they place
themonthe anvil, and detach them (wih the aid of the hammer), and
bring them again in good condition forthe next day’s use. Moreover,
they break iron clubs at any given point. The wrestlers of the country
who go there return with a teeling that it is not possible for them to cope
with their methods of taking axercise, The wealth and strength of that
place cannot be seen anywhere else.”
As observed earlier, the entire population partcipated in the
military system built up by the successive Orissan kings. During the reign
of Kapilendradeva this total militarisation reached its peak, and was based
on a stern discipline, an unquestioning obedience to the king and above
all, on the single-minded devotion to Lord Jagannatha who was con-
ceived to be the only source of all powers and all inspirations. The
slackness in discipline and the diversification, of religious interest which
slackeried the single-minded devotion to Lord Jagannatha, started from
the reign of Prataparudradeva and these factors undermined the military
character of the Oriyas who sank into obscurity after the loss of their
independence in A.D. 1568
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. R.D. Banerjee History of Orissa, Vol. |
2. H.K. Mahtab Odisa Itihasa. Part |, 1977
3. Pp, Mukherjee The Gajapati kings of Orissa.
4. R. Subrahmanyam The Suryavamsi Gajapatis of Orissa.
5. N.K. Sahu History of Orissa, Vol. |
6. K.C, Pantgrahi “Taltali Plate of Dharmmamahadevi,”’
Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXII.
7. B. Misra Orissa under the Bhauma Kings
8. K.C. Panigrahi Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and
the Somavamsis of Orissa, 1961
9. Umakanta Subudhi The Bhauma-Karas of Orissa, 1978.
10.
11,
12.
13.
14,
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
R. Subba Rao
Sarala Dasa
K. C. Panigrahi
K. C. Panigrahi
Nilakanta Sastri and
Venkataramanayya
C. V. Ramachandra Rao
A. P, Shah
B. K. Rath
S.C. Behera
Biswarupa Das
Bina Sharma
ADMINISTRATION 263°
The History of the Eastern Gangas of
Kalinga
Mahabharata (Oriya)
Sarala Dasa (Sahitya Akademi, New
Delhi)
Sarala Sahityar Aitihasika Chitra,
(Oriya), Prajatantra Press, Cuttack.
Further Sources of Vijaya Nagara
History, Vol. tl
Administration and Society in
Medieval Andhra (A. D. 1038-1538)
under the Later Eastern Gangas and
the Suryavamsa Gajapatis, 1976.
Life in Medieval Orissa.
Cultural History of Orissa
(C. A. D. 825 to 1110), 1983.
Rise and Fallof the Sailodbhavas, 1982
The Bhauma-Karas-Buddhist Kings of
Orissa and their times, 1978
The Somavamsi Rule
A History Calcutta, 1983.
in Orissa-
14, Socio-Economic Condition
Socio-Economic Condition of the earlier period
Asoka’s inscriptions in Orissa do not throw any light on the socio-
economic condition of the people of Kalinga. The references to the
number of casualities in the Kalinga warand the type of administration
introduced by him after it, do not enable us to form an idea about the
socio-economic condition of the people. {ft however seems that the
people were not only militarily strong and stubborn, but also they had a
strong and stable socio-economic system which excited the jealousy and
cupidity of the Magadhan emperor. We have given in Chapter 19 an
account of the maritime activities of the people of Kalinga, which
appear to have given to them prosperity that enabled them to challenge
the Magadhan imperialism.
That the great fort, now known as Sisupalagarh, existed at the
time of Asoka, is attested to by the antiquities unearthed by the
excavations carried on here in the year 1947-48, whlch take the origin
of the city back to the fourth century B.C. when the Magadhan empire
was in existence in north India. We have already referred to the unique
features of the construction of this fort which is square in shape,
measuring three quarters of a mile on each side. The rampart wall
was twenty-five feet in thickness and had on each side two elaborately
constructed gates. flanked by high watch towers. Such a planned ancient
fort has not been traced in any part of India and therefore the constructors
of the fort were not only originalin planning cities, but also seem to have
been economically capable of financing their constructions. The excava-
tions carried on here were in the nature of soundings which revealed the
unique features of one of its western gateways and the remains of a few
buildings and roads inside the fort. The excavated structural remains inside
the fort represented the buildings of the ordinary citizens, which as in other
ancient cities of India, were of modest dimensions. With these data
we cannot formulate a theory about the opulence or the poverty of the
people, The excavations unearthed a gold coin which was used as an
SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITION 265
ornament and which clearly imitates a type of gold coins of the Kushana
emperor Vasudeva !. We have already spoken of the historical importance
of this coin, but it also shows that the people of the a' cient Kalinga were
fond of gold ornaments. The excavations resulted in the discovery of clay
ornaments and clay bullae which were used by the humbler people. The
clay bullae are reported to have been found in Rajaghat (near Venaras) and
Kosam (near Allahabad), but these objects have been recovered in greater
profusion from the southern sites. As observed earlier in another respect
the ancient sites of Sisupalagarh showed a remarkable homogeneity with
other ancient sities of the south. Itis the total absence of the terracotta
toys which form the major part of the excavator’s finds in northern India.
The relics excavated in this ancient city throw. side-light on a socio-
economic system which was more southern than northern.
Punch-marked coins are reported to have been found from a
number of places in Orissa, viz, Udayagiri near Bhubaneswar, Khiching
in Mayurbhanj and Asuragarh in Kalahandi. As of northern India, these
coins represent the earliest currency of Orissa, Stray Kushana and Gupta
coins have been discovered in Orissa, but they do not prove that they were
the currency of Orissa in the periods of the Kushana and Gupta imperialism.
We have already spoken of the so-called Puri Kushana coins which by
their frequency and profusion of occurrence clearly indicate that they wera
at one time the currency of Orissa. They seem to have ceased to be
current in this country from the fourth century A.D. It may be noted that
the coins were not the main media of trade in earlier times in Orissa as in
other parts of India. It is the barter system which formed the basis of
trade and commerce.
From the Hatigumpha Inscription it is apparent that coins were
being used in the age of Kharavela. In this epigraph we find the reference
to the exact number of coins with which the gates and the ramparts of
Kalinganagara, destroyed by a cyclone, were reconstructed by Kharavela,
but unfortunately the coins of Kharavela’s age have not been discovered
anywhere. The Hatigumpha Inscription speaks of music, dance and merry-
making with which the citizens were being entertained by Kharavela at
times and it also speaks of the feasts in which meat and wine might have
been served. The sculptures of the earlier group of the cave temples at
Udayagiri and Khandagiri give us some indications about the people of
266 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Kharavela’s age, who appear to have been jolly ones, frequently indulging:
in music, dance, merry-making and hunting. They were also immensely
fond of ornaments which were being used in large numbers both by men
and women. The garments used by them, however, appear to have been
of humble type. The kings and the members of the royal family wore
crowns, coronates and tiaras. The Hatigumpha Inscription and the
sculptures of Udayagiri combine to furnish a socio-economic picture of
Kharavela’s age, which appears to be a splendid one.
The Bhadrak Inscription of Gana (Indian Historical Quarterly,
Vol. XXXV, p. 327) records the donation of three pieces of garments, one
pedestal and two pieces of gold to Parnnadevati by a lady named Ranghali
in the eighth regnal year of Maharaja Surasarma. Since the mere mention
of the number of gold pieces dues not convey an accurate idea about their
quantity or value, it has been made clear by the succeeding expression
data suna pa 80 i.e. the donated gold being 80 panas. Panais a weight
of copper used as coin equivalent to 20 mashas or four kakinis and pana
also means a copper coin. The epigraph belongs to the third century A.D.
and, therefore, it is evident that coins were in currencyin Orissa even
prior to the Gupta age The three pieces of garments presented to the
deity might have been of cotton or silk.
We glean a few facts about the socio-economic condition of the
people from the Bhauma copper piate fnscriptions. A passage in the Talcher
Plate of Sivakaradeva of the year 149 has been translated by Pandit
B. Misra as follows :
‘'The village has been divided Into three shares. One share is.
(alloted) for perpetual offering of oblation, sandal paste, flowers, incense,
lamp, vali. charu, and oblation to the god Budhabhattaraka, enshrined in
the temple dedicated 10 Buddhabhattaraka and built by Amubhattaka and
for the maintenance of the servants and again for supplying the ten
attendants of female mendicants with garments, pot for offering the
oblation, bedsteads and medicines against the malady. The second share
is (intended) for the repair of dilapidation. And the third share is (set
apart) for the maintenance of the family of Danapati’’.
From this account it is clear that sandal paste, flowers, incense,
lamp, vali, charu, and oblation were being used as offerings to the gods
and goddesses as they are done today. Garments, bedsteads, medicines
SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITION 267
against malady were also used as they are done today. The Bhauma rulers
perhaps received one sixth of the gross produce of the !and as the state
‘due, but they also levied additional taxes from weavers, cownherds, distillers
of spirituous liquors, hamlets, landing places onthe bank of the river,
ferry-places and thickets. The right to levy these taxes was granted by the
rulers to the donees of the rent-free villages. The mention of the
boundaries of the villages granted to the Brahmins and gods, indicates that
there was some sort of land survey.
In the Bhauma age women occupied a higher position. We have
already referred to the fact that as many as six women ruled over the
Bhauma state as full-fledged sovereign monarchs. We have already stated
that the Bhaumas being a people of tribal origin conceded to their female
members the right of succession which was notenjoyed by the female
members of other Indian royal dynasties of the age. In the subsequent
periods of the Orissan history the,female members of the royal families did
not enjoy sucha high status inthe state or the society. Weget some
references in the Bhauma epigraphic records that the femate rulers presided
over the assembly of their feudatories, but from these references it also
become clear that they putonfemale garments, used jewels and gold
ornaments and dyed their feet with alaktaka. tn the later history of
Orissa we find that Kolavati Devi, mother of the Somavamsi king
Udyotakesari, built the temple of Brahmesvara and Chandrika Devi,
daugater of Anangabhimadeva- II! also built the temple of Ananta-
Vasudeva in A. D. 1278. The latter has been represented as alady well
versed inmusic and dance. Jagamohini, daughter of Prataparudradeva,
who was married to Krishnadeva Raya, was well versed in Sanskrit and
could compose verses in this language. From various temple inscriptions
we get the names of a number of ladies who made offerings to the deities
and recorded them in stone, but their status in the society is not known
to us.
Socio-economic condition inthe Ganga and Suryavams:i periods:
The Ganga kings received the usual one sixth ofthe produce from the
land-holders but in addition they also obtained a large revenue from
court fees, fines etc., which we have mentioned earlier, Mr. R. Subba
Rao mentions the different types of coins that were used in Ganga
period and which have been referred to inthe inscriptions. They are
Madas, Garda madas. Mall madas, Matsya madas, Ganga madas,
Chiruganda madas, Padmanidhiganda madas, Kulottunga madas,
268 HSTORY OF ORISSA
Chinnema, Fanams, Gold tankas, Silver tankas, Sasukani tankas, Matsya
gandyas and Nilandhas. But all these types of coins have not come down
to us. Only two types of coins which have actually been discovered and
which are known as the Gajapati pagodas and the Ganga Fanams, are
generally assigned to the Ganga period.
The socio-economic condition of the Suryavamsi period is almost
the same as that of the Ganga period, We are however in a better position
to know some details of this condition from the literary sources
of the period, The king was not only the head of the administration,
but he also occupied a pivotal position in the society. He set an example
to the rest of the society about the ideal life to be lived by all men. The
Rayavachakam gives us an interesting account of the daily routine of
the Gajapati monarch, which has been quoted by Dr. R. Subrahmanyam as
follows.
‘He used to get up from the bed early in the morning two hours
before the sun rise and salute two Brahmanas first before looking at any
other parson. Then accompanied by the Sixteen Patras he used to go ona
ride of about twenty or thirty miles and then return to the palace. After
taking his bath he engaged himself in daily worship of Lord Jagannatha.
Then he had his midday meals. After food he used to recite ‘Samkshepa
Ramayana’. Then putting on offical robes bedecked with jewels he used to
sit in the court and transact his daily business.”
This account was given to the Vijayanagara emperor by the spies
appointed by him and, therefore, coming as it does from an enemy source,
it should not be disbelieved. The Suryavamsi kings led this ideal life, but
the Bhoi monarchs seem to have deviated from it.
The articles of luxury used bythe kings and members of their
families can be gleaned from a few contemporary inscriptions which zecord
the prese.ts made to the deities by them. In A. D. 1466 Kapilendradeva
presented certain objects to the temple of Jagannatha which were
obviously meant for all the three deities Jagannatha, Balabhadra and
Subhadra. They included Kanaphula (earrings), Mukuta (crown), Moti jali
(hair-net embroidered with pearls), Kanthimala (necklace set with pearls
and emeralds), Manika suta (gold strings), three-rowed necklaces with
Padak (pendant) of aruby parrot, Ratnahara, Todara set with pearls
(anklet with chains), Mudi (finger rings set with precious stones),
SOCIO-ECONOMIC CONDITION 269
Bahuti (armlet), Bala bracelet‘, Kankana (another type of bracelet), Kati-
mekhala (girdle), and Padapallava (a type of ornament for feet), He also
presented a piece of Uttar:ya for the use of Jagannatha. In the first year
of his reign Purushottamdeva also made certain presents to the temple of
Jagannatha which included ivory couches. ornamented throne with flags
and jars, Ornamented umbrella, ornomented bedstead. golden-handled
brooms, ornamented-handled chauris, ornamented ear.rings, ornamented
mirror etc. We may be sure that these articles of luxury were also used
by the kings and the members of his family. The ordinary citizens satisfied
themselves with the lower types of ornaments and luxury objects to which
plenty of references have been made in Sarala Dasa’s Mahabharata and
Balarama Dasa’s Ramavana.
The king were polygamous, but excepting the aristocratic class,
the other citizens were generally monogamous, The queens observed
purdah as is evident from the Chaitnya-Charitamrita which speaks of
the wives of Prataparudradeva being carried on the back of elephants in
covered litters. The girls married very early, sometimes at the age of
seven. Parents selected bridegrooms for their daughters. The Oriya epics
mentioned above, refere to marriage ceremonies in detail and these details
are not very different from the present marriage ceremonies. Sarala Dasa’s
Mahabharata presents a vivid picture of the socio-economic condition
during the rule of the Suryavamsi kings, but the details given by him can
hardly be dealt with in the present work.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1.R, D. Banerjee History of Orissa. Vol, |
2. K. C. Panigrahi Archaeological Remains at
Bhubaneswar.
3.N.K, Sahu History of Orissa, Vol, |
4.B. Mishra Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings.
5. R. Subba Rao The History of the Eastern
Ganégas of Kalinga.
6. P. Mukherjee The Gajapat: Kings of Orissa.
R. Subrahmanyam The Suryavams: Gajapatis of
Orissa.
8, M. M. Chakravarti “Uriya Inscriptions, Journal of
Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Letters, 1893, p. 97 ff.
15. Sanskrit Literature
The inscriptions of Asoka and Kharavela in Orissa, which are the
earliest epigraphs of this country, are not in Sanskrit. The Bhadrak Inscri-
ption of Gana, which is only next to the Hatigumpha Inscription in point
of antiquity, is in Prakrit. It, therefore, becomes difficult to ascertain the
position of the Sanskrit literature in Orissa in the earliest part of her history,
From the fifth century A.D. onwards we however come across a series of
inscriptions from which we get an idea about the spread of the Sanskrit
literature in this country. All the early epigraphic records of Orissa
belonging tothe Guptaand post-Gupta periods have been written in
‘Sanskrit prose and the texts are almost free from mistakes, which indicates
that the composer possessed a very good knowldge in the Sanskrit
language.
From the seventh century A. D. the epigraphic records in Orissa
came to be composed and written mostly in Sanskrit poetry, though they
are sometimes found both in prose and poetry. The texts of the epigraphs
give us an idea that the composers were vastly learned in the Sanskrit
literature. The rulers of medieval Orissa generally maintained good
Sanskritists in their courts and these Sanskritists composed the epigraphs
which have come down to us. We may reproduce here a few examples
from the epigraphic texts to show that the composers were very
learned peopie. The Bhauma copper plate grants in their prasasti
portions provide us with very good specimens of Sanskrit poetry.
That the composers were influenced by the great Sanskrit poets of
ancient India, is evident from these texts. From the Bhauma period the
Orissan Sanskritists seem to have developed a love for composing poetry
sometimes giving double meanings, a love which they seem to have
borrowed from Bharavi and Magha, We give here an extract from the
Taltali Plate of Dharmmamahadevi, edited by the present writer in
Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXI, p. 213, which will illustrate the
point.
SANSKRIT LITERATURE 271
‘While she (Dharmmamahadevi) rules the earth silimubhavali-rava
(the sound of the bees) is to be found in the gardens, but silimubhavali-
rava (the sound of the swords) is not to be found; mukta (pearl) is to be
found in the necklaces, but mukta (woman of loose character) is not to be
found; dosa-sanga-ruchi (the desire for contact with the evening) is to be
found in the moon, but dosa-sanga-ruchi (the desire for contact with.
vices ) is not to be found; sadvesata (the spirit of debate) is to be found
in the learned, but sadvesata (maliciousness) is not to be found: tikshna-
Rara-graha (the swallowing of the sun) is to be found in Rahu, but
tikshna-kara-graha (the realisation of oppressive taxes) is not to be
found; traso-daya (the emitting of lustre) is to be found in gems, but
traso-doyo (the generation of fear) is not to be found; and butilata
(waviness) is to be found only in the locks of hair of women, but butilata
(crookedness) is not to be found.”
Even the rulers of the smaller dynasties like the Nandas, emplo-
yed very good Sanskritists to compose the texts of their copper plate
grants as is evidenced by the Baripada Museum Plate of Devanandadeva
(Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXVI, p. 74) edited by the present writer. It
not only provides us with very good specimens of poetry, but also shows
that the composer was well versed in the Sanskrit works like the
Raghuvamsa and the Mahabharata. The Somavamsi inscriptions also
provide us with good specimens of Sanskrit literature, though some of
them have been badly inscribed. The copper plate records of the imperial
Gangas are each, so to speak, a book of copper containing unusually a
great number of verses, all written in very good Sanskrit. The Gopinathapura
Stone Inscription of the time of Kapilendradeva exhibits the good
specimens of Sanskrit poetry.
Numerous examples can be cited from the vast number of Orissan
epigraphic records ta show that Sanskrit continued to be cultivated in
Orissa till the end of the Hindu rule. The number of the poets, dramatists
and other learned people who composed their works in Sanskrit during the
Hindu rule in Orissa, is also numerous. A few of the Sanskrit works
produced by the Orissan poets and scholars can only be noticed here.
Vishnu Sarma : Dr. S. C. Behera has of late published an illumina-
ting articfo in (Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol, XXXVIIL p. 160)
showing conclusively with unimpeachable evidences that the home-land
2/72 HISTORY OF ORISSA
of the great authorof the great Panchatantra was Kalinga. With the
help of the internal evidences furnished by this work and also by the
epigraphic records of the Mathara dynasty assigned to the fifth-sixth
century A. D., he has come to the following conclusions :
1. *’*Vishnusarma, the author of the Panchatantra, has indirectly
referred to Kalinga as a country on the sea-side, which produces the
best class of elephants. 2. Kalinga was very probably the home-land of
Vishnusarma, because Ananta Sekti (son of Amara Sakti) of the
Kathamukham of the Panchatantra appears to be no other than Ananta
Sakti Varma of the Mathara family of Kalinga. 3, Vishnusarma, the author
of the Panchatantra is, in all probability, the same Vishnusarma, the
grandfather of the donee of the Tandivada grant which was _ issued from
Pishtapura of ancient Kalinga.”
The Matharas, as shown earlier, originally ruled over a kingdom
comprising the modern Ganjam district of Orissa and the Srikakulam
district of Andhra, though they later became an imperial power extend-
ing their sway as far as the rivar Mahanadi. Their inscriptions indicate
that they ruled in the fifth-sixth century A. D. The Panchatantra, a product
of this age, soon acquired a great celebrity in many parts of the civilized
world as a very important work on fables. J. Hartel gives a list of over
two hundred different versions of this book which was known to the entire
region extending from Java to Iceland Das Panchatantra, p. 151 ff).
This immortal work is stilla household book in India, read and studied
with great interest by the young and the old alike.
Satananda : He was a great astronomer and also a Smriti-writer.
The last verses of his celebrated astronomicl work Bhasvati clearly state
that he was a resident of Purushottama (Puri), that he was the son of
Sankara and Sarasvati, that his family title was Acharya and that the work
was completed in Yugabda 4200 or Sakabda 1021 corresponding to
A.D. 1099 which, according tothe chronology adopted by us, falls in
the last part of the Somavamsi rule. He made his astronomical calcula-
tions from the meridian of his native town Puri. Several commenta-
ries cf this work such as Bhasvati-Ratna-Dipika, Bhasvati Karana,
Bhasvati Prakasika, have come down to us. Satananda was also reputed
as the author of two other works entitled Satananda Ratnamala and
Satananda Sangraha of which the latter was definitely .a work on
Smriti.
SANSKRIT LITERATURE 273
Murari Misra: He was the author of the Anargha Raghava
Natakam which was staged on a festive occasionin the shrine of Lord
Jagannatha situated on the sea-shore studded with Tamala . trees.
Dr H. K. Mahtab (Odisa Itihasa, Oriya, Part !, 1977, p, 187) assigns him
to the middle of the 9th century A. D., but he has not given the evidences
supporting such an early date.
Jayadeva: Jayadeva, who is generally assigned to the twelfth
century A.D.,is known to have composed only one work viz. thé
Gitagovinda. The work consists of twelve cantoes, but in bluk it is Bs}
small that, when printed, it forms a booklet. Yet it is so charming and so
melodious that it has an immense appeal! to scholars and general readers
alike. In Orissa itis almost a household book and its manuscripts are to
be found in all collections of palm-leaf manuscripts, of which some are
illustrated. One such manuscript containing fine coloured pictures
illustrating the whole work, is preserved in the Orissa State Museum
and from its colophon it is definitely known that it was written during the
rule of Gajapati Harekrishnadeva (A.D. 1715-1720) of Puri. It has been
exhibited in many art exhibitions of India and has evoked acclaim from
all competent art critics. In many parts of Orissa the Gitagovinda is
worshipped along with the home-deities. In the temple of Jagannatha at
Puri, as we have already seen, there was a provision for the recital of
Gitagovinda everyday.
Jayadeva’s verses written in simple Sanskrit with an immense
musical appeal, attracted all Sanskritists of Orissa and all other persons
who had some knowledge in Sanskrit. Common people had access to this
great popular work through numerous Oriya translations and commenta-
ries, of which many manuscripts are still available. The names of some
of the Oriya translators are Dharanidhara Dasa, Brindavana Dasa, Badari
Dasa, Uddhava Dasa, Krishna Dasa, Chaitanya Dasa. Bhikari Dasa.
Pindika Srichandana and Syamasundara Bhanja, and their translations
are still available in the Manuscript Library of the Orissa State Museum.
More than one hundfed manuscripts of this famous work, collected from
aifferent parts bf Orissa, have been preserved in thig museum.
It will thus be seen that the Grtagovinda attained great popula.
rity in Orissa. It must, however, be noted that its popularity in Ojssa
started from the sixteenth century and not earlier, Though. the work.
was composed in the twelfth century A. D.the early great Oriya writers
like Sarala Daga, Jagannatha Dasa and Balarama Dasa neither borrowed
nor appreciated the Sahajiya form of Valshnavism which forms the theme
274 IIISTORY OF ORISSA
of this work, We have already seen that Sarala Dasa abhorred the
Sahajiya form of Vaishnavism given in the Gitagovinda and help its
tenets to ridicule by composing two satirical stories in the Adi Parva of
his Mahabharata. He was of the firm opinion that ‘the world will be
destroyed”’, if the faith and practices of the Sahajiyas are followed. The
tenets of the Sahajiya sect have been reflected inthe Gitagovinda
wherein Xrishna has been represented as a freelance. In the opening part
of this work Krishna has been described as freely mixing and dancing
with the cowherd women, and as embracing and kissing them. That he
had sexual intercourse with some of them, is evident from the eleventh
canto of the work wherein he is represented as a man weak and exhausted
after the sexual intercourse. Radha becomes furious at the sight of
Krishna with all the evidences of his recent engagement with the Gopis
and refuses to have any intercourse with him. What follows next is a
torrent of flattering words used by Krishna for the propitiation of Radha,
who ultimately agrees to cohabit with him. The concluding part contains
the scene of the sexual intercourse between them and its aftermath. The
choicest words and phrases used by Jayadeva in his love lyric to produce
sensuous and melodious effects, are unparalieled in Sanskrit literature,
but the form of love that he describes in it, transgresses all human laws
and ethics made to contro] sexual relations between men and women.
There is an allusion to an episode in the fifth canto of the Gitaugovinda,
in which a husb3nd and a wife were out at night to meet their
paramours, but losing their way in intgnse darkness met each other
and soon became engaged in copulation without knowing each other.
Eventually they could recognize each other as husband and wife through
the utterance of soft words at the time of engagement. The episode
Hlustrates the form of the Sahajiya love which has formed the theme
ofthe Gitagovinda.
Despite the revolting character of the love depicted in the
Gitagorinda, it greatly influenced all the later Oriya Vaishnava poets by
virtue of the fact that it is a superb piece of literary composition.
Jayadeva’s religious philosophy detracted the form of Vaishnavism
preached by Sri Chaitanya in Orissa and debased the Jagannatha cult
which originally had nothing to do with sex as we have already shown.
After a review of the Oriya literature produced after the sixteenth
century, One becones convinced that Jayadeva’s love lyric has done more
harm than good to the national life of the Oriyas.
The home-land of Jayadeva has been a matter of great contro-
versy. The Bengalis, the Oriyas and the Maithilis claim him as belongtng
SANSKRIT LITERATURE 275
to their regions. The mainstay of the claim of the Bengalis is that the first
four verses of the opening part of the Gitagorinda give the names of four
authors, viz. Umapatidhara, Sarana, Govarddhana and Dhoyi along with
Jayadeva and therefore, according to them, they were all contemporaries
and they lived in the court of Lakshmana Sena.
In establishing the contemporaneity of Jayadeva with these pcets
certain difficulties have not been taken into consideration. The approximate
reign period assigned to Lakshmana Sena, may admit of a wide margin of
error and the dates of these four poets, who are supposed to have lived in
his court, are entirely uncertain, Except Dhoyi the connection of other four
poets with the court of Lakshmana Sena has not been based on undisputed
evidences. We are absolutely in the dark as to when Jayadeva was born
and when he died. Notwithstanding these difficulties History of Bengal,
(Vol. 1, Hindu period. 1971, pp. 367 ff) takes Jayadeva to be acourt poet
of Lakshmana Sena.
The four introductory verses of the Gitagovinda differ from the
rest in style, spirit and ideology and are entirely incongruous with the main
body of the text. In these verses Krishna has been represented as a child,
but in the rest of the text he is a full-fledged adult. Of these four verses,
the verse 1 describes the rainy season while the rest of the text describes
the love dalliance of Radha and Krishna in the spring. In verse 2 Jayadeva
calls himself a chakravati among the minstrels who serve at the feet of
Padmavati. This reference appears to be highly unusual and contrary to the
literary traditions of India. Because of the unusual and incongruous
character of these four verses they have been considered to be a later
interpolation, Kumbha in his Rasika Priya commentary on_ the
Gitagovinda composed in the middle of the fifteenth csntury A.D,
expresses grave doubt as to whether Jayadeva could have composed the
verse 4.
Some scholars have also utilised a work entitled Jayadera-
Charita in Bengali, published by the Vangiya Sahitya Parisada, Calcutta, in
A. D. 1803. It was printed from a single manuscript and its duplicate copy
has not been discovered, Soitis not known when and how this work
originated. The circumstances connected with its publication makes it
highly suspicious.
Jayadeva refers to Kenduvilva as being his birth place and this
Kenduvilva is supposed to have been corrupted into Kenduli. In the
276 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Birbhum district on the bank of the river Ajaya an annual festival is held
in honour of Jayadeva and itis supposed that a village named Kendulli
existed here and this Kenduli was the birth-place of Jayadeva. Dr.
Sukumara Sen however makes a distinct statement that a village named
Kenduli cannot be traced on the bank of the river Ajaya where the annual
fair is now being held. Wereproduce a few sentences of his statement
about Kenduli, as translated from Bengli into English by Mr. K.N.
Mahapatra (Souvenir on Sri Javadeva, Bhubaneswar, 1968, p. 33).
“There might have existed a village called Kenduli in Bengal in the
past but it does not exist at present. Though a place where the mela or
annual fair is held in honour of Sri Jayadeva is vaguely called Kenduli,
it has got no connection with any village. The melais held onthe sandy
strip of the bank of Ajaya river on the day of Pausha Sankranti for taking
bath in its water. The name of the adjoining village is not Kenduli.
There is no evidence regarding the existence of the Kenduli village in this
locality. Only the mela held on the occasion of taking a dip in the holy
water of the river bya vast crowd of people onthe first day of the
auspicious month of Makara, is known as ‘Jayadeva-Kenduli’ or simply
‘Kenduli’. Investigation is to be made to find out whether the term
Kenduli is more commonly used in this region for denoting a mela. There
is no mention of this mela held in memory of Jayadeva, nor is there any
reference to Kenduli or any other place of residence of Jayadeva in the
literature of Sri Chaitanya. The birth place of Nityananda is not far from
this place. So the silence of the biographies of Sri Chaitanya about the
existence of Kenduli is really surprising, The history of the temple and
the sacred precincts starts only from A.D. 1694. (supposed to be the
year of the construction of the temple)’.
From this statement it will be clear that no such village as Kenduli
exists on the bank of the river Ajaya where the annual festival in honour
of Jayadeva is being held.
some of the arguments and materials with which some Oriya
scholars want to prove Orissa to be the home-land of Jayadeva are
neither above suspicion nor convincing. Of late a village named Kenduli,
supposed to be existing in the neighbourhood of Bhubaneswar in the
Puri district, has been taken by some scholars to be the birth-place of
Jayadeva, though such a village cannot be traced {rom the revenue maps
of the Puri district. It has also been given out that a stone inscription
SANSKRIT LITERATURE 277
containing a reference to Kenduvilva was discovered from this supposed
Kenduli village of the Puri district. The epigraph has neither been
brought to light nor has it been edited or published. The circumstances
stated to have been connected with its discovery, are at variance and
make the discovery highly suspicious, A village named Kenduli might
have existed in Orissa in the past, but it cannot be traced now in the
neighbourhood of Bhubaneswar, from which the aforesaid inscription is
said to have been discovered. There is no evidence in the biographies
of Sri Chaitanya that he ever visited in Orissa a place known as Kendu-
vilva or Kenduli, though his biographers have mentioned a number of
Vaishnava shrines said to have been visited by him, An inscription of
the reign of the Ganga king Raghava engraved on the Lingaraja temple,
refers to one Sadhu Pradhana Jayadeva who is sought to be identified
with Jayadeva, the author of the Gitagovinda. In making this identifi-
cation several weighty factors hava not been taken into consideration.
Sadhu Pradhana here simply means the head of the merchants or of the
money-lenders, and even if we interpret Sadhu as meaning a saint, it
does not follow that this Sadhu Pradhana Jayadeva is identical with the
author of the Gitagovinda Several saints and monks might have been
born in the twelfth century, bearing the name Jayadeva and it will be
impossible to identify any one of them with the author of the Gitagovinda
without first considerating his time of birth and death and the place of his
residence and other circumstances. The epigraph refers itself to the reign
of the Ganga king Raghava who ruled fom A.D, 1156 to A. D. 1170
and there is no evidence to show that Jayadeva, the author of the
Gitagovinda, was living during this period
Literary traditions have. however, persistently describe Utkala
as the home-land of Jayadeva. In this connection we quote below a
portion of the article entitled Jayadeva of the Gitagorinda--His Date
and Place by Dr. N. K. Sahu in Souvenier on Jayadera, 1968. p. 18, which
will make the point clear :
“A number of writers during the late medieval period declared
Utkala to be the home-land of Jayadeva. Gada Dwivedi in his work
Sampradaya Pradipa dated A. D. 1553. states that Jayadeva belonged
to Utkala. Navaji the wellknown poet of Gwalior in his Khakta-mala,
written in Hindi, also states that Jayadeva was a poet of Utkala.
Jayadeva himself in his Gitagorinda states that he was born like a moon
from the sea of Kenduvilva.
278 HISTORY OF ORISSA
The Maharastrian poet Mahipati in his popular work Bhakta Vijaya
declares Jayadeva as an incarnation of Vyasa and indentifies Kenduvilva
with a village called Tinduvilva near the sacred city of Purushottama Puri.
According to Mahipati Jayadeva wrote Gitagovinda at Purushottama and
married Padmavati, the daughter of a Brahmin of that place. Krishna Dasa
Babaji in his Bhahta-mala also testifies to the fact that Jayadeva lived in
Purushottama. Chandra Datta a poet of Mithila in his Bhakta-imala
corroborates the evidence given by poet Mahipati and presents the same
type of identification of Kenduvilva. He states that Jayadeva the Brahmin
poet of Utkala, the devotee of Purushottama and the author of the Gita-
gorinda, was born in a Brahmin village named Binduvilva near Jagannatha
Puri. These literary evidences cannot, however be dismissed, unless other
such evidences be produced to contradict the above.”’
It thus seems clear that the literary traditions of India have all
along taken Orissa as the home-iand of Jayadeva, It is not however
necessary to put so much emphasis on the land of the origin of the poet.
Our ancient Sanskrit poets and authors wrote their works for the whole
of India and even world. In recent times there has been an unseeming
scramble for bringing them into regional bounds. On account of the fact
that Jayadeva controversy has assumed an acrimonious form in Bengal
and Orissa, we have dealt with the controversy at some length and have
placed the facts before the scholars and readers.
Vidyadhara: An Alankara work called Ekavali was composed
by Vidyadhara who has been rightly taken by the late Mr, M. Chakravarti
to have lived in the reign of Narasimhadeval. In this work there
are several references to the fights of Narsimhadeva with the Muslims, who
have sometimes been termed as Hammiras, Yavanas, and Sakas.
One reference represents the king as having defeated the Hammira
( Amir ) of Bengal in the Vanga Sangara or the battle of Bengal, From
all these references it has been concluded that the author of the
Ekazal: lived In the court of Narasimhadeva I. The work was published
in 1903 with Kamala Sankara Trivedi’s introduction and the Tarala
commentary of Mallinatha.
Sridhara Acharya: He was a Smriti writer and seems to have
lived in the court of the Bhanja rulers of Gumsar in the Ganjam district.
Mr. K. N. Mahapatra has assigned him to the twelfth century A. D., but he
may even be a later writer.
SANSKRIT LITERATURE 279
Nilambara Acharya : Another Smriti writer was Nilambara
Acharya who too has been assigned to the twelfth century A.D, but he
may be a little later.
Sankhadhara : His work Smriti Samuchaya was accepted as an
authority by the Smritikaras of Utkala, Gauda and Mithila, Jimutavahana,
an earlier Smriti writer of Bengal, has quoted him frequently. Mr. Mahapatra
assigns him to a period before A. D. 1300.
Sambhukara Vajapeyi : Sambhukara and his son Vidyakara were
the contemporaries of Narasimhadeva !{Il. They belonged to a famous
Vajapeyi family which lived ina Brahmin Sasana inthe neighbourhood
of Puri. The descendants of this family are still living in the village
Dandamukundapura near Pilpili in the Puri district. Sambhukera has
been frequently quotedin the Smriti works of other parts of India but
only two of his small works named Sradha Paddhati and Vivaha Paddhati
have been printed and published in Oriya. A number of his unpublished
works in palm-leaf manuscripts have been preserved in the Orissa State
Museum. Vidyakara’s famous work was Nityachara Paddhati which has
been quoted by other writers,
Kavi Visvanatha : He is one of the most eminent Sanskrit pocts
of Orissa andis generally placed inthe reign of BhanudevalV. His
most outstanding work Sahitya Darpanu is a wellknown Sanskrit work
in India. He also wrote the following other works :
Raghava Vilasa MaRakavyu (Sanskrit)
Kuvalaya Charita Kavya (Prakrita)
Prabhavati Parinaya Natika
Chandrakala Natika
Prasastit Ratnavali
Narasimha Vijaya
Kavya Prakasa Darpana
NOG PWD >
Kapilendradeva : A Sanskrit drama named Purasurwna Vijaya is
ascribed to him.
Purushottamadeva : The works Abhinara Gitagorinda, Abhinara
Veni Samhara and Mukti Chintamani are all attributed to him, butit is
doubtful whether the king himself composed all these works.
Prataparudradeva : The famous work Sarasvati Vilasam ts
attributed to his authorship.
Ramananda Raya: He wrote Jagannatha Vallabha Nataka.
280 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Jivadeva Kavidindima : His famous work Bhakti Bhavavata is
wellknown to the Sanskritists.
Rai Champati : His poems are included in the anthology entitled
Padamrita Samudra.
Several other. Sanskrit poets and authors were also patronized by
Prataparudradeva.
Narasimha Mishra Vajapeyi: He wrote the famous Nityachara
Pradipa which has been considered to be an authority on Smriti. He
was also the author of five other famous works on Smriti.
The above account of the Sanskrit works produced during the
Hindu rule in Orissa is avery inadequate one. Of late the descriptive
catalogues of Sanskrit manuscripts of Orissa, compiled by Mr. KN.
Mahapatra, M. P. Das and Pandiata Nilamani Mishra and published by the
Govt, of Orissa, give an idea about the vastness of the Sanskrit literature
produced during the Hindu rule in Orissa and even in the later periods.
Many of the Sanskrit manuscripts still remain unpublished.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. B. Misra Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings.
2, B. Misra Dynasties of Medtaval Orissa.
3. H.K. Mahtab Odisa Itihasa, Part 1, 1977
4. K.C. Panigrahi Indian Historical Quarterly,
Vol. XXI, p. 213.
5. K.C. Panigrahi Evigraphia‘Indica, Vol. XXVI, p. 74
6. R. Subba Rao The History of the Eastern Gangas of
Kalinga.
7. R, Subrahmanyam The Suryavamsi Gajapalis of Orissa.
8. R.C. Mazumdar History of Bengal, Hindu Period, 1971.
9. WN. K. Sahu Souvenir on Jayadeva, Bhubaneswar, 1968.
10. K.N. Mahapatra Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manus-
cripts of Orissa, Bhubaneswar,
Vols. I-IV.
11. M.P. Das Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manus-
cripts of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, Vol. V
12. P, Mukherjee Gajapati Kings of Orissa.
13, Sukumar Sen Bangla Sahityer Itihasa, Prathama
Khanda, Purvarddha, 1967,
14, N.M, Mishra Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manus-
cripts of Orissa, Bhubaneswar'Vol. VI,
®
16. Oriya Language and Literature
Origin and Development of the Oriya Language
The date of the origin of the Oriya language cannot be
determined, It is also not known when and how a language of Sanskrit
origin, which is now the prevailing language of the land, originated. It
may, however, be presumed that the spread of a fanguage of Sankrit
Origin in Orissa might have taken the same form as it didin the
neighbouring Bengal. In Bengal a language of Sanskrit origin prevailed
over the languages of non-Arvan origin in the wake of the Magadhan
occupation of that country. Officers, soldiers, merchants, monks and
mendicants must have poured initio Benga! form the neighbouring
Magadha and would have imposed on the people of the land a from of
a language known to scholars as Prachya Prakrita which was derived
from Sanskrit. The official ianguage of Bengal would have alsoin
Prachya Prakrita. The course of the spread of Prachya Prakrita in
Bengal has been explained by modein scholars in this way, though this
explanation might not represent the whole truth (History of Bengal,
Vol, |, Hindu Period, reprinted 1971, pp. 375-376).
In Orissa, known as Kalinga in ancient time, the spread of
Prachya Prakrita might have taken the same course. The conquest of
Kalinga by Asoka tn 261 B.C. is an important and well-known event in
the history of India. It is difficult to ascertain the forms of languages
prevalent in this land before this epoch-making event. It is not however
unlikely that the languages of Dravidian and tribal origin were prevail-
ing in different parts of this country when -the invaders, speaking a
language of Sanskrit origin, invaded this country and occupied it fora
considerable long time, There is little evidence to show that Asoka
employed the inhabitants of Kalinga in his services or preserved the old
system of their administration or the official language. After the
conquest of Kalinga officers, soldiers, merchants, Buddhist monks and
others must have entered into this country in large numbers from
Magadha and imposed their language on the Kalingan people. Asoka’s
inscriptions in Orissa, like those of other parts of India, are in Pali
282 HISTORY OF CRISSA
which isa languege of Senskrit origin, but in the beginning portions of
his inscriptions in Kalinga there are a few words which ciffer from the:
same words to be found in the beginning portions of his inscriptions in
other parts of India. Therefore, it has been supposed by scholars that
this small change probably represented an allowance to the local
language of the country, Pali and Prekrita thus seem to have entered
into Kalinga from the time of its conquest by Magadha and from this
time a language of Sanskrit origin started to be spread in this land.
Asoka’s invasion of Kalinga not only influenced its language, but also
its culture. We haveseen earlier that the objects discovered from the
Sisupalagarh and Dhauli excavations testify to the prevalence of a mixed
form of culture from the fourth century B,C., which was partly Aryan and
partly Dravidian, Gradually however the Aryan influence predominated
and the Dravidian influence receded to the background.
This is evident from the next course of the political history of
Kalinga. The Chedis who ruled over Kalinga after the extinction of
the Magadhan dominance, and of whom Kharavela was the third
member, were a people of northern origin and were a branch of a dynasty
of the same name originally ruling in Madhyadesa or Magadha. It is
not known when and how a branch of the northern Chedi dynasty
established itself in Kalinga. but the fact that they were a people of the
Aryan origin admits of no doubt. ‘n the Hatigumpha Inscription Kharavela
has been styled as Aira which has been taken to be a corruption of the
word Arya or Aryan. The titles given to him in this epigraph are purely
of Sanskritic origin. The language in which the Hatigumpha Prasasti hae
been composed, is also of Sanskrit origin, The name of his father-in-law
and some of his officers found from the short inscriptions on the Udayagiri
caves, are of Sanskrit origin. Jainism which Kharavela professed, was a
religion of northern origin with a sacred language of Sanskrit origin, The
names of Kharavela and of his probable successors Vadukha and Kude-
pasiri or Kamdapasiri are taken by some scholars as of Dravidian origin,
but this interpretation has not bees: accepted by all scholars. The names
of the probable successors of Kharavela have also been interpreted as of
Sanskrit origin with their original Sanskrit forms as Vakradeva and
Kandarpasri. The name Kharavela too has been interpreted as of Sanskrit
origin meaning the ocean, The facts analysed above, will show that the
Chedis of Kalinga were of the northern origin and they spoke and patronized
a language of Sanskrit origin.
The Bhadrak Inscription of Gana, assigned to the third century
A.D., is in Prakrita, but it contains certains words and verbs which do-
ORIYA LANGUAGE AND -LITERATURE 283
not follow the Prakrita language and grammar. The word medha used in
this epigraph seems to be a word of the local language then prevailing in
this country, The inscription shows that Prakrita was the language of
all documents in Orissa up to the beginning of the Gupta age in India
in the fourth century A.D. No inscription belonging to the early Gupta age
has been discovered in Orissa, but all the epigraphs of the later Gupta
period, found in Orissa, are in Sanskrit. The ruling dynasties of Orissa
like the Vigrahas and the Matharas have all used Sanskrit in their charters.
All later dynasties like the Sailodbhavas, Bhaumas and the Somavamsis
used Sanskrit in their copper plate records. A change in the official
language from Prakrita to Sanskrit seems to have taken place from the
fourth-fifth century A.D. Scholars are still uncertain whether the direct
administration of the Imperial Gupts was ever introduced in Orissa, but
there is no doubt that Orissa felt the influence of the mighty change that
took place in northern India in the fields of culture and religion during
their rule, The revival of Hinduism and of Sanskrit in the Gupta empire
had its repercussion on Orissa also. The use of Sanskrit as the official
language and also as the language of books must have influenced the
local language or languages which gradually became more Sanskritic in
their origin and vocabulary,
We have said earlier that a great work like the Panchatantra was
composed in Orissa during the rule of the Matharas who were the contem-
poraries of the Guptas. This great work must have influenced the local
language of this country,
Sanskrit, Prakrita and Pali were never the spoken languages of
Orissa nor of any part of India, but the Orissan people ultimately
adopted a language derived from all of them. Orissa must have taken
centuries to evolve a language of its own which became Sanskritic in
origin. No example of the ealiest form of the Oriya language has come
down to us in any docurnent so far discovered, but here and there we
find in the Orissan Inscriptions certain words which, though of Sanskrit
origin, were different fromit. Inthe Bhauma copper plate records we
find the words like Thira, Pruva, Paduma and Tambra, the Sanskrit
equivalents of which are Sthira, Purva, Padma and Tamra, respectively,
In the names like Bhimata and Nannata and in the titles like Unmata
Simha and Lona Bhara the influence of a local language is clearly discer-
nible. tf the Oriya language existed during the periods of the Sailobdhavas,
the Bhaumas and the Somavamsis, it must have existed in a formative
stage.
284 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Yuan Chwang says that the people of the Odra country spoke a
language different from the language of central India. This statement
does not mean that the language of Orissa in Yuan Chwang’s time had
no family affinities with the languages of northern and central India.
Even though all the northern, eastern and western languages belong to
one family group, they differed in the past as they do at present. This
seems to be the meaning of Yuan Chwang’s observation that the language
of the Odra country differed from that of central and northern India.
The Chinese pilgrim further says that the people of the Kongoda country
(the Ganjam and Puri districts) spoke a language which is similar to
that of central India. This observation seems contrary to the real state
of things. Kongoda being adjacent to the Andhra country has all along
been influenced by it in its language. The fact is that Yuan Chwang
did not learn all the languages of India, nor did he carry on researches
inthem. During his short sojourn in Odra and Kongoda he formed an
impression about the languages of these countries and has left an
account of them, to which too much importance should not be
attached.
Up to the ninth-tenth century A.D. what is now known as
Orissa consisted of three political and cultural units known as Kosala,
Utkala and Kongoda and these three units were united under one rule
by the Somavamsis. We have seen that Yayati | occupied Orissa about
A. D. 931 and Yayati Il was requested by the people and ministers of the
state to be the king of al] these three distinct territories. From the reign
of Yayati II the capita! of the Somavamsi kingdom was shifted from
Kosala to the coastal region of Orissa. These political changes fostered
the growth of a common language in Orissa. The people of the Kosala
tract originally spoke a language which was akin to the Bhojapuri Prakrita,
while the language of the coastal strip had family affinity with
Magadhi. These iwo branches of Prachya Prakrita met and mingled in
Orissa and formed a new langg@age which came to ke known as Oriya.
The nomenclature seems to have derived from the fact that the elements
of the language of the coastal strip, the land of the Odras, predominated
in it. Another reason seems to be that the Kosala tract at no time could
produce a literature of its own. The Oriya language seems to have been
born under these circumstances, but no specimen of the Oriya language
of the Somavamsi period has come down to us.
The next political period i.e., the Ganga period; provides us with
a number of specimens of the Oriya language that we get from the stone:
ORIYA LANGUAGE AND LITBRATURE 285
and copper plate inscriptions, These specimens are founed from a bilingual
inscription (Oriya and Tamil) of the reign of Vira Narasimhadeva discovered
at Bhubaneswar, from an inscription on the temple of Lakshmi Narasimha
at Simhachalam belonging to the reign of Narasimhadeva (the language is
Oriya but the script is Telugu), from another inscription of Vira Narasimha-
dava on the temple of Srikurmesvara dated A.D. 1330 (the language is Oriya
but the scriptis Telugu), from the Sonepur Stone Inscription of Bhanudeva |
and from the Trimali Matha Copper Plata Grant of Narasimhadeva IV,
dated A.D. 1384. Dr, K. B. Tripathi in his book The Evolution of Oriya
Language and Script has published the texts of the above’ inscriptions
except the Sonepur Stone Inscription of Bhanudeva |. Besides he has also
published a number of other inscriptions in this book, which are written
in the Oriya language and script. These records in their totality furnish
us with indubitable evidences that the Oriya languaga had corsiderably
developed during the Ganga period.
But the specimens of the Oriya language provided by these
records show the examples of a stereotyped language generally used in
documents and they do not produce any evidence that there wasa
literary language in Orissa. Some Oriya scholars think that the Oriya
literarure had already made itS appearance in the Ganga period. They
take their stand by the Madalapanji and maintain that this chronicle had
Started to be written from the reign of Chodagangadeva, the founuer of
the Ganga dynasty in Orissa. They thus trace back the origi of the
Oriya literature to the first part of the twelfth century A.D. We have
discussed at some length in Appendix IV the unreliable character of the
Madalapanji and have maintained that it could not have been composed
before the closing part of the sixteenth century A, D. Prof. S. K,
Chatteerji in his Artavallabha Mahanti Memorial Lectures, 1964, seems to
have been led by the popular view and therefore he has assigned the
beginning of the Madalapanji to the reign of Chadagangadeva. He has
also taken aS a very good specimen of the Oriya prose the long
proclamation purported to have been issued by the Ganga king
Anangabhimadeva III, which has been incorporated in the Madalapanji.
He has not however noticed several anachronisms in this so-called
proclamation, which prove that it could not have been composed in the
Ganga period.
In the Ganga period and even earlier folk songs existed in
Orissa and they were being handed down orally *from generation to
generation. These songs, when studied, give us some indications about
the early torm of the Oriya fanguage and literature. The earliest Oriya
folk songs have been recast, and, in the process, much of their originality
286 HISTORY OF ORISSA
has been fost, but, though the verbs have been completely changed, some
of the words used in them still retain their original forms and these
forms provide us with indubitable evidences that the early Oriya
language was much closer to the early Bengali and Assamese languages
than it is to-day. A particular class of folk songs, known as Khanavachana
or the sayings of Khana, pertaining to agriculture and astrology, is still
currentin Orissa and they contain a very Jarge number of words which
will now be dubbed as Bengali. The date of their origin cannot be
determined, but they seem to be very ancient and current in Orissa from
remote times. They have been recently printed in the book form. Some
of the folk songs, though not all, are no doubt the earliest literature of
Orissa.
Origin and Development of the Oriya Literature
As shown above, the Oriya literature existed in oral form from
a very early date which cannot be precisely fixed. Wecan, however,
trace the regular written literature from the first part of the fifteenth
century A.D. Some Oriya scholars however push back the origin of the
Oriya literature even to the ninth-tenth century A.D. They claim as the
specimens ofthe proto-Oriya literature the esoteric songs of Buddhist
origin, variously known as Bauddha Gana, Dohas and Charyapadas
assigned to the ninth-tenth century A.D. The Bengalis, the Maithilis,
the Assamese, the Magadhis and the Bhojapuris also claim these songs
as the specimens of their proto-literatures. These claims are based more
on regional sentiment than on reason. They have lost sight of the most
important fact that not a single manuscript copy of these religious songs
has yet been discovered in any part of north and south India, not even in
the territories of the claimants. Had they been at any time the prevailing
literature of any region or regions, their total disappearance from the lands
of their origin would have been hardly possible. It seldom happens that a
literature born in a particular territory completely disappears from the land
of its origin and its manuscript copies are traced ina distant land like
Nepal.
From these esoteric songs it is apparent that they belonged to a
particular sect, known as the Sahajiyas, who advocated free indulgence
in sexual act and who favoured the type of a love known as Parakiya 1.@.,
the love with the women belonging to other people, particularly of the
‘lower castes. In these songs we find the mention of the Dombi and the
Savari who belonged to the lower order of the society,
€vidently the Sahajiyas used these songs for their esoteric rites
ORIYA LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 287
and only the initiated seem to have had access to them. The language of
the songs was the sacred language of the Sahajiyas and was analogous
to Sanskrit and Pali which were never spoken languages. The Sahajiyas
had their centres at places like Nalanda and Udantapura (Bihar Sherif) in
Magadha, which were originally the great centres of Buddhism, but which
later became the centres of Tantrism, of which the Sahajayana was a sect.
The Sahajiyas of eastern India residing in these centres, thus seem to have
formed a sacred language of their own, to which they would have
contributed the elements of their regional languages. The language of
these songs do not exclusively represent the language of any part of
east India, but it was a composite language like modern Hindi. In their
attempt to push back the origin of their literatures to remote antiquitty
the claimants of these songs are merely taking recourse to linguistic
discussions, but they are not considering the historical circumstances
connected with their origin and discovery.
The historical fact as to why the manuscript copies of these songs
were discovered only from Nepal and from no other part of India, has not
been considered by any of the claimants. In the closing part of twelfth
century A.D. Bakhtyar Khalji destroyed the Buddhist monasteries of
Nalanda and Udantapuri and killed many of the Buddhist monks. Those
who survived fled in panic with their manuscripts to Nepal and Tibet.
The manuscripts of these *songs of debatable origin thus made their way
to Nepal where they were discovered first by the Bengali scholars in
recent times. Their discovery in Nepal cannot otherwise be explained.
Another fact which is to be taken into consideration is that the
claimants have failed to trace the progressive evolution of their literatures
from these religious songs. Vadu Chandi Dasa, the first famous Bengli
poet, and Sarala Dasa, the first famous Oriya poet. wrote their works in
the fifteenth century A.D. andif we take back the origin of these litera-
tures to the ninth-tenth century A.D. when the Charyapadas were
composed, there will be an immense gap of fiveto six hundred years,
when the intermediate links in both literatures cannot be traced. It
seldom happens that a literature which has made a serious beginning,
completely dies out and reappears after centuries. We are not therefore
tempted to regard the Charyapadas as the specimens of the proto-Oriya
literature,
Sarala Dasa, a poet of the fifteenth century, was the real origina—
tor of the Oriya literature. The date of his birth cannot be accurately
288 HISTORY OF ORISSA
determined, but he can safely be placed in the second half of the fifteenth
century A.D. The Adi Parva or the first book of his Mahabharata opens
with a long invocation addressed tothe lord Jagannatha of Puri who
enjoyed then and is still enjoying the unquestioned supremacy among the
Hindu gods and goddesses of Orissa and even of India. In course of this
invocation which describes the manifold powers and qualities of the lord
Jagannath, the poet tells us that Maharaja Kapilesvara with innumerable
offerings and many a salute was serving this great deity and thereby
destroying the sins of the Kali Age. The reference leaves no doubt that
S3rala Dasa started writing his Mahabharata in the reign of Kapilesvara,
o:herwise known as Kapilendra, the famous Gajapati king of Orissa who
ruled from A.D. 1435 10 1467. Kapilesvara has been described by the poet
as he servent of the lord Jagannatha on account of the fact that this
great deity had been conceived and regarded as thereal king of Orissa
since tha reign of the Ganga king Anadgabhimadeva III (A.D.1211- 1238), who
formally dedicated his kingdom to Jagannatha and declared himself to be
his deputy and first servant. This custom was followed, as we have
alreedy seen, by the subsequent Orissan kings who too conceived their
position in the state as the deputy and the first servant of this deity. Even
now the Raja of Puri, the traditional representative of the Gajapati kings of
Orissa, is the custodian and the first servant of the Jagannatha temple.
In view of these facts Maharaja Kapilesvara represented as the first
servant ofthe lord Jagannatha in’ the opeping partof the Sarala
Mahabharata, can be no other than the Suryavamsi king of the same
name. The contemporaneity of Sarala Dasa and Kapilesvara {Kapilendia)
has been accepted by all historians. Besides, this contemporaneity is
also proved by innumerable internal evidences of his Mahabharata.
Three of his books, the Vilanka Ramayana, the Mahabharata
and the Chandi Purana are so far known and of them the Mahabharata.
his magnum opus, contains according to a rough estimate more than one
hundred thousend verses, each consisting of two lines and covering the
eighteen volumes of printed pages. The Vilanka Ramayana and the
Chandi Purana respectively contain about twenty-eight hundred and fifty-
five hundred verses and respectively cover eighty and one hurdred and
fifty-five printed pages, In aclear statement the poet declares the
Vilanka Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Chandi Purana to be
respectively the first, second and third of his compositions.
There are reasons for the rise of the Oriya literature in the reign
of Kapileswara or Kapilendra, both the forms of which appear in the
ORIYA LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 289
inscriptions. Wehave already quoted from the Gopinathapura Stone
Inscription a verse (translated by Mr. M. M,. Chakravarty into English),
which conclusively proves that Kapilendra was a native of Orissa. After
centuries a native of Odra-desa or Orissa ruled its own people, giving them
a sense of pride and salf-respact, hopas and aspirations, leading them to
battle fields for his extensive conquests and opening to them a new
geographical horizon. A love for the Oriya language, literature and culture
was therefore an inavituble consequence of the new ferment created by the
strong and vigorous rule of Kapilesvara. Since the topmost of castes,
particu'arly the Brahmins, ware still the d2votees of the Sanskrit literature
and had perhaps anaversion to the spoken language and its literature, a
man. from the lower rung of the social ladder came forward to accept the
challenge of the time. Times without number Sarala Dasa tells us that he
was an uneducated Sudra cultivator and a man of no importance, but the
posterity will not accept his low self-estimation and will no doubt take
him to be a man of vision, who responded to the call of the time and
brought about a revolutionary change inthe Oriya literature by becoming
its originator and maker. After Sarala Dasa all castes shook off their
prejudice against the Oriya literature and conjointly contributed to its
growth. Among the poets who immediately followed him was, Jagannatha
Dasa, the writer of the Oriya Bhagavata, who was a learned Brahmin
Sanskritist and who is universally regarded as one of the luminaries of the
Oriya literature.
A few poems, notably Vatsa Dasa's Kalasa Chautisa and
Markanda Dasa’s Kvsava Koili, have been assigned to the pre-Sarala
period, though the arguments advanced in favour of their date have yet
been far from conclusive. The main characteristic of these small poems is
that each verse in them begins with a consonant of the Oriya alphabet
serially covering thirty-four letters. Consequently these works consist of
only thirty-four verses or stanzas. This metrical characteristic cannot be
traced in any part of Sarala Dasa’s vast literature, nor can it be conceived
that thase very snall works w3re ever utilisad by him as his models. A
large prose work known as Rudra Sudhanidhi by Narayanananda Avadhuta
Svami is assigned to the pre-Sarala period by some scholars. but its editor,
Dr. K. K. Kar, after a discussion of its internal evidences, has assigned it ta
the post-Sarala period. The word Mogala (Moghul) which was not in use
in Orissa in the pre-Sarala period, has been used in this work. Besides,
there are distinct influences of the Sarala Mahabharuta to be found on it.
The metrical characteristic af the Chaujisa literature, explained above, is
290 HISTORY OF ORISSA
also to be traced in this work, Evidently the Rudra Sudhanidhit was
composed in the seventeenth century, Another very small work known as
Sisuveda is also sometimes taken to be a pre-Sarala composition, but Dr.
Natebara Samantaray has conclusively shown that it is a later Oriya
translation of a Hindi work. Considering all these facts a conclusion
becomes unavoidable that Sarala Dasa was the originator of the Oriya
literature.
We have stated earlier that the Oriya folk songs were orally
current in this land from a very remote time and they were used and are
still] being used in various folk dances such as Ghoda-nacha (Horse dance),
Danda-nacha and Sakhi-nacha (Puppet-dance) One metrical peculiarity
of these songs is that both the lines of a verse do not contain an equal
number of letters, though the last letters of both the lines produce the
same sound. All the works of Sarala Dasa are found to have been
composed with this metrical peculiarity and, therefore, the metre used by
him can be regarded as a direct descendant of the metre used in the folk
songs The metre used by Sarala Dasa has been termed as Dandi-vritta
by some scholars, but without any evidence or justification. The poet has
nowhere given such a name to the metre used by him. By the fifteenth
century the Oriya language had assumed almost its modern form and had
become ripe for literary compositions. The cultivator Sarala Dasa utilised
this language to bring into existence the first Oriya literature worth the
name, Herein lies his chief credit.
Poetry was in the blood of Sarala Dasa and it flowed from his
iron stylus as words flowed from his mouth. While writing his verses,
he does not appear to have paused for re-thinking or correction. What
he wrote once was final. Rhetoric and pun on words, so common in the
Oriya literature of the eighteenth century, are completely absent in his
writings His verses are simple, forceful and musical with no trace of
artificiality in them. His diction has sometimes risen to great heights. but
generally it is commonplace. The poet was no chooser of words, all
words being equally good for him for his poetical purpose. His writing is
mostly free from Sanskritization,
In writing the Mahabharata, his magnum opus, the poet has
followed the main outline of the story of the Sanskrit Mahabharata, well
Known to a.l students of Indian literatures, but has made numerous
deviation and tas added to it copiously the stories of his own creation
and various other matters known to him. Inthe final form Sarala Dasa’s
Mahabhuiata isa new creation analogous to Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsa
ORIYA LANGUAGE ANIL) LITERATURE 291
which is distinctly a original work, even though it is based on the
Ramayana. The Chandi Purana is based on the well known story of
Durga killing Mahishasura (the buffallo-headed demon) given in Sanskrit
literature, but here also the Oriya poet his chosen to deviate from the
Original at several points, His earliest work Vilanka Ramayana is a_ story
of the fight between Rama and Sahasrasira Ravana (thousand-headed
Ravana).
It is apparent from numerous biographical sketches given in his
works that Sarala Dasa had no systematic education in his early age.
What he achieved through self-education and untiring efforts has all been
attributed to the grace of the goddess Sarala, the deity of his devotion and
insplration, and he has nowhere taken any credit for what he wrote. Very
often he has wanted us to believe that what he produced in his books,
was dictatedto him by Sarala at night and he merely committed her
dictates to writing in the day time. A spirit of humility and intense
religiousness pervaded the personality of the poet to such an exte..t that it
is difficult to reconstruct a rea! picture of his own personality from his
writings. Scattered throughout all his works his odes, invocations and
prayers to different deities in general and to Sarala in particular are so
numerous that, when collected together, they will form a book of respecta-
ble size. While writing them the poet appears to have been in his best
element, his fancy soaring high and his diction assuming the best form.
Complete surrender to a personal deity conceiving him or her as
the source of all knowledge and inspiration was a common practice which
Sarala Dasa has shared with other poets of his age. All Oriya poets
writing before the middie of the sixteenth century ara found in their works
to have designated themselves as ‘Dasa’ meanirg a slave or a servant, no
doubt of a particular god or goddess. We have thus a long list of poets
preceding and succeeding Sarala Dasa, whose names end with ‘Dasa’ e.g.
Vatsca Dasa, Markanda Dasa, Sarala Dasa, Jagannatha Dasa, Balarama
Dasa, Yasovanta Dasa, etc. None of them has borne the surname of his
caste. These poets have also shown an intense spirit of humility and
have declared themselves in their writings as uneducated, unwise, poor
and the like, They have also sald in no uncertain words that they
composed their works for the benefit of the ‘‘entire world”, ‘‘all people ’
and “all creatures’. In the fields of religion and literature the spirit of
humility was the order of the age, which Sarala Dasa has shared in a
greatar degree.
292 HISTORY OF ORISSA
The predominant sentiment in Sarala Dasa’s poems is not love,
but war. He was also actuated by a strong religious zeal to compose
religious books in a language intelligible to all and to make them availa-
ble to the general public in Orissa, He tells in no uncertain words that
he composed his poems for the benefit of all ‘“‘human beings’. In pursu-
ance of this declared object he made composition of poems his life work.
There are several indications in his Mahabharata that he served as a
soldier in the army of the Gajapati king of Orissa and his association
with the army brought to him a variety of experiences. The stories he
heard, the battle scenes which he witnessed, the places that he visited
in the company of the army, the historical incidents and names that he
could know, all remained stored up in his splendid memory to be utilised
in his writings, The manifold experiences which he gained through his
associations, widened his mental horizon, else the knowledge of a variety
of subjects. particularly of history and geography. that he has exhibited
in his Mahabharata, can hardly be expected from a man living in an
obscure village. It my be mentioned that medieval Indian armies included
not only soldiers and commanders, but also statesmen, learned and wise
men, ambassadors, entertainers, astrologers, physicians, historians, geogra-
phers and the like. Sarala Dasa with his remarkable memory and under-
standing appears to have fully utilised his sojourn with the army and
nothing seems to have been lost of what he saw and heard during this
period.
A great poet like Sarala Dasa had not attracted the notice of the
Indian scholars till the present writer published a monograph entitled
Sarala Dasa (Makers of Indian Literature Series, Sahitya Akademi, New
Delhi, 1975). In The Delhi Sultanate. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavana, 1967,
p.520, Dr. S.K. Chatterjee makes the following observation about
Sarala Dasa :
‘Another important poet of the fourteenth century is Sarala Dasa,
who may be described asthe first great poet of Orissa. He wrote the
Chandi Purana and the Vilanka Ramayana, both extolling tho Goddess
Durga, and gave a brief version of the Mahabharata in /00 verses, in
which he omitted certain portions of the story and brought in a number
of new stories and modifications, The fanguage appears modern, but
Oriya has not changed muchin the course of thelast seven or eight
centuries.”
The observation does no justice to Sarala Dasa nor to the ancient
Oriya literature, Containing as it does overt one hundred thousand
ORIYA LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 293
verses Sarala Dasa’s Mahabharata is greater in bulk than even the Sanskrit
Mahabharata. The poet was a contemporary of Kapilendra and therefore,
as we have shown above, he lived in the first part of fifteenth century and
not in the fourteenth century, In his Vilanka Ramayana he has extolled
Sita and not Durga. Every fact given in this short observation. is untrue
and misfeading.
Sarala Dasa’s work formed a perennial source of inspiration to
the succeeding generations of writers and also, so to speak, a perennial
spring from which the later Oriya literature flowed ijike a stream without a
break.
Jagannatha Dasa: Among the great writers who immediately
followed Sarala Dasa in the fifteenth-sixteenth century A.D. Jagannatha
Dasa stands pre-eminent. He has been represented to have written
several works such as Bhagavata, Gupta Bhagavata, Darubrahmagita,
Gaja-stuti, Dhruva-stuti, Tulabhina, Itthasa Purana, Pasanda-dalana,
Manasi-kosa and Rasakrida. He was a contemporary of Prataparudradeva
and Sri Chaitanya, and therefore, must have lived in the first part of the
the sixteenth century. His magnum opus. the Bhagavata, is based on
Srimadbhagavata Purana. but is not a translation of it. The poet has
deviated from the Sanskrit original at several points and has also omitted
certain episodes and has added some episodes of his own. The book has
been written in such a simple end charming language that it is understood
and admired by all classes of readers. Certain verses of this work have
become proverbial and are cited on all occasions by the people throughout
Orissa. Every village in Orissa had originally a room or a small house,
known as Bhagavata Tungi, where Jagannatha Dasa’s Bhasgavata was
being recited and listened to by a gathering of the villagers. This
Bhagavata is almost a Bible to the Orissan people and it still enjoys the
same popularity in Orissa as the Rama Charita Manasa of Tulasi Dasa
does in north India. Jagannatha Dasa was a learned Brahmin Sanskritist
and by a judicious combination of Sanskrit and local words he created the
first standard language of Orissa, which is being followed even now. This
was another great achievement of this great poet.
Balarama Dasa : He was the celebrated author of the first Oriya
Ramayana. Like Jagannatha Dasa, Balarama was also a contemporary of
Prataparudraceva and Sri Chaitanya. As apoet he displays a consider-
able poetical genius and in his time his Ramayana was a great popular
294 HISTORY OF ORISSA
work which was recited in the public and listened to by all classes of
people. The Brahmins, however, did not quite welcome either the
Bhagavata of Jagannatha Dasa or the Ramayana of Balarama Dasa.
Balarama Dasa’s other works are Arjunagita, Gajanistarana-gita, Bedha-
parikrama and Mriguni-stuti.
Apart from these two great poets of the age the other three
luminaries are Yasovanta Dasa, Ananta Dasa and Achyutananda Dasa
whose philosophical writings have been embodied in the works still
current in Orissa. Of late there has been acontroversy as to whether
Achyutananda Dasa actually belonged to this group of the five poets
commonly known as Panchasakhas. It seems that there were several poets
bearing the name Achyutananda, and the later traditions associated one
of them with Jagannatha Dasa and others. Arjuna Dasa who wrote
Rama-ribha is also assigned to this period.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. R.C, Mazumdar History of Bengal, Hindu Period,
1971,
2. K.C. Panigrahi Archaeological Remains at
Bhubaneswar, 1961
3. R.C. Mazumdar The Age of Imperial Unity
(Bharatiya Vidya Bhavana)
4. &.C. Mazumdar The Classical Age (Bharatiya Vidya-
Bhavana)
5. K.C. Panigrahi Bhadrak Inscription of Gana, Indian
Historical Quarterly, Vol, XXXV,
P. 32
6. B. Misra Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings
R. D. Banerjee History of Orissa, Voi. |
S. K. Chatterjee Artavallabha Mahanti Memorial
Lectures, Orissa Sahitya Akademi,
Bhubaneswar, 1966
9. K.B. Tripathi The Evolution of Oriya Language
and Script, Utkal University
10. K C. Panigrahi Sarala Dasa, Makers of Indian Lite.
rature Series, Sahitya Akademi, New
Delhi, 1975
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
ORIYA LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 295
Mayadhara Manasingh
R. C. Mazumdar
K. C, Panigrahi
Gopinath Nanda Sarma
K, C. Panigrahi
Surendra Mahanti
History of Oriya Literature, Sahitya
Akademi, New Delhi
The Delhi Sultanate, Bharatiya Vidya
Bhavan, 1967
The Taltali Plate of Dharmma Mahadevi,
Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XX],
p. 213
Sri Bharata Darpana, Orissa Sahitya
Akademi
Sarala Sahityara Aitihasika Chitra,
Cuttack, 1976
Odiya Sahityara Itihasa, Adi Parva.
17. Religion
Jainism
The date of the origin of Jainism cannot be determined, The
twenty-three Tirthankaras who preceded Mahavira Vardhamana, had
reformed this old religion at various times of which no chronology is
available. The date of Parsvanatha, the immediate predecessor of Mahavira
Vardhamana, has however been approximately known. He lived and
preached about 250 years before Mahavira (i.e., in the eighth century
B.C.) and was the son of Asvasena, king of Benaras. Most of the
essentials of his preachings were later on adopted by Mahavira. Parsvanahta
and Mahavira were thus historical figures,
The latter's connection with Kalinga (Orissa) is suggested by the
traditions recorded in the Jaina sacred literature. The Jaina Harivamsa-
Purana records that Mahavira preached his religion in Kalinga and Jaina
Haribhadriya-vritti says that he went to this country as its king wasa
friend of his father, The early spread of Jainism in Orissa is evident from
these traditions and it will not be unreasonable to coriclude that Jainism
made its first appearance in this country in sixth century B.C. when
Mahavira visited it, and since then it continued tobe one of its major
religions at least up to the end of the first century B. C. when Kharavela’s
dynasty se2ms to have ended.
There was a long rivalry between Magadha and Kalinga from the
days of the Nandas down tothe days of Mauryas, which for a while
ended with the occupation of Kalinga by Asoka in about 261 B.C., but
which was again revived in the reign of Kharavela who is gererally placed
in the second or first century B.C. The Nandaraja of the Hatigumpha
Inscription, who is represented to have taken away the sacred seat of
Jina from Kalinga, later recovered by Kharavela, and who is also repre-
sented to have dug a canal in Kalinga, later re-excavated by the same king,
is identified by some scholars with Mahapadma Nanda ard by others
with Asoka. At any rate, thereis no doubt that there wasa long
and continued rivalry between Magadha and Kalinga in the
RELIGION 297
pre-Christian era. The reasons of this long struggle might have been
mostly political, but a religious factor cannot altogether be
eliminated,
The first attack of Magadha on Kaliga during the days of the
Nandas must have been an outcome of the Nanda imperialism. According
to the Puranas: Mahapadma Nanda conquered most parts of India and
became ekarat or the sole emperor. The Nandas have been represented
as greedy, unscrupulous and most unpopular among their subjects and it
is due to their lust for conquest that they must have conquered Kalinga.
No accounts of this first war between Magadha and Kalinga is available
and we have observed earlier that Nandaraja of the Hatigumpha Inscrip-
tion is in reality Asoka, but if we accept the views of other scholars
and identify Nandaraja with Mahapadma Nanda, we can well imagine
that his invasion would have been as terrible as Asoka’s Kalinga War of
261 B.C. of which Asoka himself gives us a graphic description. At the
conclusion of the war Nandas must have carried away from Kalinga a
vast booty of which the honoured seat of Jina was most precious and
has therefore found a particular mention in the Hatigumpha Inscription.
The honoured seat was an object of worship among the Kalinga people
who must have felt and resented its loss. It therefore follows that
Jainism was the major religion of Kalinga in the fourth century B.C. and
we shall not be far from the truth, if we conclude that it was its state
religion.
The History of Orissa from the days of the Nandas to the date
of Asoka’s invasion is completely blank and we do not know when
Kalinga regained her independence so that there was the necessity of
conquering it again by Asoka, There is however no reason to think
that Jainism ceased to be the dominant religion of Kalinga soon after its
conquest by the Nandas. It must have continued as the major religion
of this country and might have been one of the causes of Asoka’s
invasion. From all accounts we get the impression that Asoka was a
Bhahamanical Hindu prior to his invasion of Kalinga and it is therefoe
not unlikely that the war waged against this Jaina country, was tinged
with a sectarian bias.
In his Thirteenth Rock Edict Asoka tells us that the Kalinga
War resulted in one hundred thousand people killed) ane lakh and
fifty thousand carried away as captives, many more that number dying
of starvation and disease that followed in the wake of the terrible war.
293 HISTORY OF ORISSA
This description presents an overall picture of the devastations and the
loss of life in Kalinga and it is difficult to determine as to how much
of her culture survived after this great cataclysm. The Kalinga war
formed a turning point in the life of Asoka, in the history of Buddhism
and in the culture and religion of the Kalinga. Asoka engraved his
Fourteen Rock Edicts at Dhauli near Bhubaneswar and at Jaugada in the
Ganjam district, both situated in Orissa, and set up a pillar at Bhubaneswar,
subsequently converted into a huge Sivalingam, now enshrined in the
Bhaskaresvara tample There was thus a period of proselytisation following
the conquest and ushering in the new religion of Buddhism which in
consequence obtained a foothold in Orissa, but it cannot be imagined that
Buddhism ousted the old religion of Jainism.
Jainism must have continued as one of the main religions of
Orissa even after the Kalinga war of 261 B.C. and the people of Kalinga
must have been looking forward to an opportunity when they should
regain not only their political freedom but also their religious freedom.
We do not know when Kalinga became free again, but it seems that she
regained her independence in the reign of one of Asoka’s weak
successors. At any rate, there is little doubt that Kalirga had become
an independent country under Kharavela’s dynastry of which the
Hatigumpha Inscription provides us with definite information. Kharavela
was an independent Jaina monarch who carved out an empire, but there
is nothing in the Hatigumpha Inscription to show that Kalinga regained
her independence during his reign. Rather the description of the boyhood
of Kharavela as given in this inscription, gives us an impression that
he was the son of an independent monarch. The liberation of Kalinga
from Magadhan imperialism must have been achieved by one of his
predecessors.
It was however left to Kharavela to wage a war of revenge
against Magadha to recover from it the honoured seat of Jina which
appears io have had a great significance in the religious life of the
people, and to re.establish the supremacy of Jainism as the state religion
of Kalinga. He succeeded in achieving all these objects one by one.
According to the Hatigumpha Inscription he twice led his expeditions
against Magadha in the eighth and twelfth years of his reign and his
second expedition re,ulted in the humiliation of the Magadhan king
Bahasatimita and the recovery of the honoured seat of Jina. This sacred
object appears to have been connected with the state ritual or with the’
royal household, or else, shorn of its religious significance, it would
RELIGION 999
not have been counted as a war trophy either by a Magadhan emperor
after his victory over Kalinga or by Kharavela after his victory over
Magadha.
A panel of sculpture still existing on the Manchapuri cave in
the Udayagiri hill, which also bears the inscriptions of Kamadapasiri and
Vadrekha, supposed to be the successors of Kharavela, supports our above
contentions. T. N. Ramachandran who has attempted to identify the
scene depicted in this sculpture, observes as follows :
‘The most important scene which arrests our attention in this
cave (the Manchapuri Cave) is the central scene on the facade of this
Verandah (Plate 1). Through unfortunately mutilated, what remains
show a thone with a royal group on the proper left consisting of two men
and two women. The first man near the throne is badly mutilated. He
is probably the king, by virtue of his proximity to the throne. Behind him
stands another royal figure with a tiara resembling the tiara on Mauryan
heads found at Sarnath, Letus call him the prince, Behind the prince
stand two women of equal status.. The first may be taken to be the queen,
the next as the piincess. Above the king and the prince are two
gandharvas hovering in the sky and beating a drum suspended on a pole,
Itis not the bell as R. D. Banerjee took it to be, Above the woman
adjoining the gandharvas there is a representation of a full-blown lotus
which has been readily taken by all to represent Surya. While the attitude
of the royal party is to adore whatever was kept on the throne, the flower
and the gandharvas over the party bring out their importance. Shall we
take the scene as one in which the king ( perhaps Kharavela ), the prince
(perhaps Kudepasiri) and the queen or princess are doing honour to the
image of the Kalinga Jina which Kharavela recovered from Magadha and
restored to his people ?
Another possible identification is with reference to the inscrip-
tion actually found in this cave. The nearmost king may be Kudepasiri
while behind him stands the Kumara (heir-apparent—is he Vadukha ?),
in which case, the peculiar tiara can be taken to bea coronet”’,
The identifications suggested by Ramachandran are most
plausible. The scene seem to represent Kharavela and his family as paying
homage to the sacred seat of Jina recoverd by Kharavela from Magadha and
this scene was caused to be carved by the king Kamdapasiri or Kudepasiri
who, according to the inscription was the excavator of the cave on which
300 HISTORY OF ORISSA
it occurs. The scene also leads us to conclude that the successors of
Kharavela were al Jainas and they used to take pride in the achievements
of Kharavela, particularly in his recovery of the honoured seat of Jina. It
is to be noted that the Hatigumpha Inscription refers to Jinasana (the
seat or throne of Jina) and notto an image of Jina and in the scene,
discuseed above, we find only athrone and no image. The monuments
of Udayagiri thus mark the peak period of Jaina supremacy in Orissa when
freedom had been regained, the defeat from Magadha avenged, the sacred
seat of Jina recoveied and the revival of Jainism was _ in full force.
It is noteworthy that Kharavela got his inscription engraved on
the Hatigumpha not far from Bhubaneswar. Here in the same locality
is found the inscription of Asokain the hillock of Dhauli not far from
Bhubaneswar, which is a record of the victor of Kalinga and which must
have reminded the people of their defeat and humilationin the Kalinga
war of 261 B.C. Kharavela’s inscription at Udayagiri seems to have been
intended to counter-effect the Asokan inscription at Dhauli. The fatter
is a record of the victor of Kalinga and the former the record of the victor
of Magadha, The Hatigumpha Inscription coupled with Asoka’s own
description ofthe fearful results of the Kalinga war, supplies us with
enough materials to reconstruct that in the late centuries of the pre-
Christian era, Kalinga presented a persistent challenge to the growing
imperialism of Magadha. The conquest of Kalinga by the Nandas, its
subsequent independence, the necessity of Asoka’s reconquest of this
country at an enormous cost, Kharavela’s war of revenge against Magadha,
the recovery of the Kalinga Jina by him and the re-astablishment of Jainism
as the state religion of Kalinga. all make upa continuous story from the
fourth century B.C. to the second or first century B.C. of the rivalry
between the two powerful neighbouring countries. The Buddhist record ©
of Dhauli and the Jaina record of Udayagiri occurring in the same locality
indicate this rivalry was not merely political but was also religious and
cultural in character.
The Hatigumpha Inscription refers to 117 cave temples excavated
by Kharavela in the thirteenth year of his reign in the Kumari Parvatg
ormodern Udayagiri. All these monuments have not survived to us.
Even a casual exploration of this area reveals a number of caves half.
buried in debris or destroyed by quarries made in the later periods for
building the temples at Bhubaneswar. What stil! exists of the earlier
caves excavated by Kharavela ard inthe subsequent periods of his
RELIGION 301
successors, has been divided into the following groups on. stylistic
considerations and on the basis of inscriptions occurring on them:
Group {-—Hatigumpha, Sarpagumpha, Vyaghragumpha and Pavana
—gumpha.
Group tl —Svargapuri, Manchapuri.and the adjoining caves.
Group IIl—Anantagumpha, Tattvagumpha No.1 and Tattvagumpha
No. 2.
Group 1V~—Ranigumpha and Ganesagumpha.
Of these caves both in Udayaglri and Khandagiri and their
cognate members, the first group and the second group certainly belong
to the reigns of Kharavela and his probable successors as the inscrip-—
tions on them definitely indicate, but about other groups _ stylistic
considerations have been the sole basis for determining their chrono-
logy or sequence. However, the conclusion that becomes unavoidable
after an examination of these monuments, is that the hillocks now
known to us as Udayagiri and Khandagiri and as Kumari Pervata and
Kumara Parvata to our ancients, were the hub of the creative activities
of the Jainas in the late centuries of the pre-Christian era. These
caves were meant for wandering Jaina ascetics for their sojourn during
the rainy season. Kharavela’s Hatigumpha Inscription refers to the
distribution of white garments by him among the ascetics in the thir-
teenth year of his reign and this reference indicates that he belonged to
the Svetambara sect. The caves might have primarily been intended
for the monks of this sect, but, it must be noted that Kharavela exten.
ded toleration to all religions. The Hatigumpha Inscription tells us
that he honoured the saints of all sects, viz. the Brahmins, Buddhists,
Jainas and Ajivakas, So, the caves in course of time became the abodes
of the ascetics of all sects.
The architecture of the caves is severely utilitarian in character
and has been inspired by the Jaina sense of ascetism. Most of them
are so small that they could accommodate only one or two persons at
a time at night, although there are some spacious ones of which the Rani
gumpha is the biggest. On_ their walls they bear a variety of bas-reliefs
depicting the worship of the Jaina sacred symbols and the panoramic
views of the stories of the by-gone days, many of which still remain
unidentified. Some scholars have of late tried to identifiy some of these
stories by connecting them with the life of Kharavela, but the identifi-
302 HISTORY OF ORISSA
cations they propose are unscientific and of doubtful character. !n point
of antiquity these bas-reliefs rank with those of Barhut, Sanchi and Bodh
Gaya and represent the earliest specimens of devotional art in Orissa.
After the fall of Kharavela's dynasty in about first century B. C.
the fortunes of Jainism cannot be clearly traced. From the first century
B.C.to the seventh century A.D. no clear chronological history of
Orissa is available. Some stray specimens of art and architecture recently
discovered throw welcome light on this dark period of Orissan history,
but among such specimens the Jaina monuments do not form a prominent
group. It seems that Jainism suffered an eclipse with the subsequent
rise of Buddhism and Saivism in Orissa. It must be noted that Brahminism
remained a major religion of Orissa throughout ages, though Jainism and
Buddhism had their periods of ascendancy. The period of Jaina ascendancy
in Orissa was over at the beginning of the Christian era and it then conti-
nued to co-exist along with other religious sects. Jainism has all along
shown a remarkable non-antagonistic attitude towards Hinduism, which,
according to the competent authorities, is one of the causes of its survival,
The same spirit worked in Orissa and Jainism continued to co-exist as a
minor religion along with other religions.
The Jaina images have been traced throughout Orissa, which are
assignable not only tothe dark peripd of Orissan history referred to
above, but also to subsequent historical periods, They are to be found
at Jajpur which was one of the centres of Orissan art and architecture
and are to be seen at Akhandalesvara temple premises, at Narasinihapur
and at Hatadiha, all situated in or in the close vicinity of Jajpur. They
are also to be seen at Ayodhya in the Balasore district, at Khiching and
its neighbouring place Nakatipat in the Mayurbhanj district, they are
affixed to the wall of the Jagannatha temple at Baripada and are also
found at Baidakhia in Keonjhar. Several Jaina imag9s_ have also been
preserved in the Orissa State Museum at Bhubaneswar. Most of the
images referred to above. are those of the Tirthankaras and were no
doubt the objects of worship. The Saivas do not seem to have developed
an antagonism towards Jainism as is evident from the fact that they have
sometimes allowed the Jaina images to be carved on their temples. The
Saiva temple of Muktesvara at Bhubaneswar has thus a number of
miniature Jaina images on the outer face of its octagonal compound
wall.
RELIGION 303
The Saiva kings of Orissa also did not develop any antagonism
towards the Jainas as evident from the fact that in the reign of the Saiva
Somavamsi king Udyotakesari (C.A.D. 1040-1065) Khandagiri again
became the centre of the building activities of the Jainas. Some ancient
Jaina caves of this hill, viz., the Lalatendu Kesari cave, the Navamuni cave
and Barabhuji cave were, as the inscriptions on them clearly prove
rennovated in the eleventh century A.D. These inscriptions were first
edited by the late Prof. R. D, Banerjee but since his readings were ful|
of discrepancies they have been re-edited and commented upon by the
present writer in Appendix V.
These short inscriptions clearly indicate that Khandagiri again
became the centre of the Jaina activities in the eleventh century A.D. in
the reign of the Saiva king Udyotakesari who evidently tolerated them.
The clear history of Jainism in Orissa after eleventh century A.D. cannot
be traced, but, as we have already stated, it continued to be one of the
religions of Orissa right up to the modern times when at Khandagiri and
Udayagiri a new temple has been erected by the Jainas on the top of the
former hill and the images of the Jaina saints enshrined in it. The twin
hillocks of Uday agiri and Khandagiri are still a prominent sacred site of the
Jaina pilgrimage and they attract devotees from all parts of India. They are
also an attractive site of archaeological interest to scholars and visitors
alike.
Buddhism
It is doubtful whether Buddhism existed in Kalinga or Utkala in
any form before Asoka. The early Vinaya texts. the Nikayas and the
Jatakas refer to two merchants, Tapassu and Bhallika, who received the
first sermons of the Buddha at Gaya and these merchants have been
represented as the inhabitants of Ukkala, ideritified by seme scholars with
Utkala (Orissa), but about this identification opinions of scholars vary
widely. The Lalitavistara and Yuan Chwang’s accounts place Utkala in
the north-west region of India whereas Utkala (Orissa) is situated in the
south-east of the subcontinent. If the evidence of the early Pali texts is
to be accepted, we may identify Ukkala with Utkala (Orissa). These two
merchants, after receiving the sermons from the Buddha, would have come
back to their home-land and would have first propagated the tenets of
Buddhism in this land,
304 HISTORY OF ORISSA
The next source of our information about the existence of
Buddhism in Orissa prior to the reign of Asoka, is the Buddhist Ceylonese
work, Datha Vamsa to which we have already made reference in Chapter 4.
The story indicates that Buddhism existed in Orissa prior to the reign
of Asoka and the kings and the people of Kalinga were worshipping the
tooth-relic of the Buddha, enshrined in stupa. Besides these few facts,
nothing is known about the existence of Buddhism in Orissa before the
reign of Asoka.
The spread of Buddhism in Orissa started in right earnest from the
third century B.C. after the Kalinga war of 261 B.C. We have already
seen that Asoka conquered Kalinga after devastating this country in a
terrible war and then incorporated it into his empire. The slaughter and
the miseries of thousands of people of Kalinga in this war greatly changed
the mind of the great emperor and he found solace in Buddhism. Soon
after the Kalinga war he became a Buddhist and started propagating
Buddhism throughout India and outside. It is Kalinga which gave hima
new faith and therefore, this country also became the region of his special
propaganda and proselytisation, He introduced some new features in the
administration of Kalinga, which did not exist in the administration of his
other provinces. In his Kalinga Edicts the emperor has expressed his
solicitude for the people of Kalinga, who must have received his special
attention for their material and spiritual uplift. After the Kalinga war
Asoka firmly believed that it was through Buddhism that the uplift of the
spiritual and moral conduct of people could be achieved,
But the Dhamma which Asoka promulgated in his Kalinga Edicts
is not specifically Buddhistic. Itis rajadharma which formed the basis
of Asoka’s idea of religion. Inthese two edicts he speaks of heaven and
heavenly bliss which did not find place inthe Buddha’s original preachings,
but in his other edicts at Dhauli and Jaugada he certainly preached some
of the principles of Buddhism. In his ‘‘Forward”’ to Buddhism in Orissa by
Or. N. K. Sahu, Dr. N Dutt observes ‘Dr. Sahu argues that even Asoka did
not propagate his own dharma which is based on ethical Buddhism, but
only rajadharma (page 21). Evidenily he has formed this opinion on the
basis of the two Kalinga edicts of Asoka, whereas he has not taken
into consideration -the fact that out of fourteen edicts there are at Dhauli
and Jaugada eleven edicts which contained his Dharma based on
RELIGION 305
Buddhism.” Besides the Kalinga edicts the other edicts of Asoka are
‘certainly Buddhistic in character and were intended for the spread of
Buddhism and Buddhistic ideas in the newly conquered country of
Kalinga. At the top of the rock boulder containing Asoka’s edicts at
Dhauli there is a forepart of a colossal elephant figure, which is considered
by all scholars as a sacred symbol of the Buddhists This sacred symbol
is also found in the incised form in its full profile on the rock containing
Asoka’s fourteen rock edicts at Kalsi, near Dehra Dun. In his inscriptions
Asoka has at times expressed his firm faith in Gautama Buddha and in_ his
minor pillar edicts at Saranath he has openly come out as the head of the
Buddhist church of his state and has threatened the monks, creating schism
in it, to expel them from the monasteries, Asoka must have assumed the
same position in the Buddhist church so far as Kalinga was concerned.
We do not know the full account of Asoka’s missionary
activities in Kalinga from any literary source, but the remnants of his
monuments in Orissa bear ample witness to Such activities. His edicts at
Dhauli and Jaugada were certainly tntended to attract the people towards
Buddhism, The elephant figure at Dhauli symbolizes the birth story of
Gautama Buddha, according to which his mother Mayadevi before his birth
saw a white elephant descending from the heaven and entering into her
womb. This elephant figure at Dhauli was perhaps intended to remind
the people of the birth story of Gqutama Buddha,
There are also evidences to show that Asoka set up a pillar at
Bhubaneswar which is not far from Dhauli, It has now been converted
into a huge Sivalingam enshrined in the temple of Bhaskaresvara at
Bhubaneswar. The lion capital which originally crowned this pillar was
dug out by the present writer from the close vicinity of the Bhaskaresvara
temple and preserved in the Orissa State Museum. There was also a huge
bell capital lying in the tank known as Asoka Jhara in the close vicinity of
the Ramesvara temple at Bhubaneswar. This bell capital in the Asoka
Jhara tank might have represented the remnant of another such pillar set
up in the neighbourhood of the Asoka Jhara tank. Dr.N.K. Sahu has
opined that these pieces were not the remnants of Asoka’s monuments
and has offered some criticisms which will be dealt with in our chapter on
Orissan Art and Architecture. Asoka set up pillars in various parts of his
empire and there is no reason to think that he did not set up any one of
them in Kalinga, the conquest of which led him to embrace Buddhism.
There are therefore still at Dhauli and Bhubaneswar four pieces of Asokan
RELIGION 307
The existence of Buddhismin Orissa in the early Christian era
is attested to by the traditions in the Buddhist literature. Tosali, Tamralipti,
‘Che-li-ta-lo, Viraja, Ratnagiri and Jayasrama Vihara are traditionally
associated with the Mahayana form of Buddhism, but unfortunately many
of these places have not been correctly identified. Among these, Viraja
(Jajpur) and Ratnagiri (in the Cuttack district) still contain a very large
number of Buddhist images and other relics, which testify to the fact that
these places were intimately associated with Buddhism and the creative
activities of the Buddhists. Viraja was originally a Brahmanical shrine and
it has found mention in the Vanaparva of the Mahabharata as a place of
pilgrimage. But the Buddhist relics, that can now be traced at Jajpur,
belong to the periods later than the Gupta age. The Buddhist ruins at
Ratnagiri, Udayagiri and Lalitagiri in the Cuttack district provide some
evidences to show thatthe monastic establishments in these hills started
at least from the 5th-6th century A.D. Mr. R. Chandain his Memorts of
Archaeological Survey of India No-44 has published a fragmentary
inscription in the cursive Gupta script of the Eth-6th century A.D., probably
recording a tract, which indicates thatthe place existed as a Buddhist
Tantrik establishment in the Gupta period. The Jayasrama Vihara has been
mentioned in the Talcher Copper Plate Grant of Sivakaradeva Ill of the
Bhauma dynasty, dated A.D. 885. This Buddhist site has been identified
by Pandit B. Misra with a small village named Jagati near Talcher, but no
Buddhist relics have been discovered from this place.
In the post-Gupta period Hinayanism and Mahayanism prevailed
side by side in Orissa, but it is Mahayanism which had a period of ascen-
dancy inthis country. Bythe first century A.D. these two forms of
Buddhism, that grew out of primitive Buddhism, became antagonistic to
each other. The Hinayanas did not deify Gautama Buddha, whereas the
Mahayanas worshipped himasa god, The Mahayanas also created a
pantheon parallel to that of Brahmanical Hinduism. Tne Hinayanas conti-
nued to consider Gautama Buddha as a human being and abhorred image
worship. The Mahayanas in their ritualistic performances wished the
salvation of all creatures but the Hinayanas confinad thair idea of salvation
to themselves and considered the attainment of nirvana as the highest
goal of life. The Hinayanas wrote their religious texts mostly in Sanskrit,
but the Mahayanas retained Pali as their sacred language. These differences
sharply divided the Buddhists into two broad groups and they often
-quarrelled with each other.
308 HISTORY OF ORISSA
By the seventh century A.D. the Hinayanas and the Mahayanas
had become sharply divided in Orissa and they derided the principles of
each other. From the life of Yuan Chwang it appears that, after his conquest
of Kongoda, Harshavardhana heard that the Hinayanas of Orissa were
making derisiva remarks against the principles of Mahayanism. As he was
a staunch supporter of the Mahayanas, he wanted to convince the superi-
Ority of Mahayanism in a council. He therefore sent for Acharya
Silabhadra, the Chancellor of the great Buddhist University of Nalanda,
with a view to arrange such ¢ council, but it is not known from the records
of Yuan Chwang’s life whether Silabhadra.ever came to Orissa and whether a
Buddhist council was held here to establish the superiority of Mahayanism.
This episode however indicates that the royal patronage was on the side of
Mahayanism. Yuan Chwang during his visit to Odra (Orissa) saw the
temples and the monasteries of both the sects.
In his Buddhism in Orissa Dr.N.K. Sahu maintains that Orissa
was the craddle of Mahayana Buddhism. For thls conclusion he has telied
upon the traditions recorded’ by the Tidetan historian Taranatha and
subsequently reproduced in the Tibecan work Pag Sam don Zang. The
Tibetan traditions can however be placed on surer grounds, if Oddiyana,
one of the four great Pithas of later Mahayanism, is correctly identified.
About the identification of Uddiyana, mentioned in the Buddhist
traditions as one of the great Pithas (centres) of Tantrik-Buddhism, there
is no unanimity among the scholars. Mm.H, P. Sastri and following him
Dr. Binoyatosh Bhattacharya have identified Uddiyana with Orissa, but
scholars !ike Prof. M. Levi and Dr. P. C. Bagchi locate it tn the Swat Valley.
In his Studies in the Tantras, 1939, (pp. 38-39), Dr. Bagchi has given the
reasons for his identification of Uddiyana with the Swat Valley. He has
shown that both Fa-hien and Yuan Chwang have located this region in the
Swat Valley. He has drawn the attention of scholars to a miniature of a
Nepalese Ms. of the 8th-9th century A.D.which bears the inscription
‘Bajrapani of Mangalakostha of Oddiyana”’ and he identifies Mangalakostha
with Mangalapura, mentioned as the chief city of the Swat Valley by Yuan
Chwang. He has further shown thatin the more ancient Hevajratantra
the order of the Tantra Pithas has been given as Jalandhara, Auddiyana,
Purnnagirl and Kamarupa. He has also cited annals of the T’ang
dynasty of China which place Uddiyana in the north west of Irdia.
RELIGION 309
With all these reasons and arguments he has located Uddiyana in the
Swat Valley,
lt is however te be noted that the Swat Valley does not contain
Buddhist relics, whereas in Orissa hundreds of Buddhist monuments and
typical Buddhist-Tantrik images are tobe found ina wide tract from
Aycahya in the Balasore district to Banapur in the Puri district. These
immense Buddhist Tantrik remains of Orissa justify its identification with
Uddiyana and lessen the importance of its identification with the Swat
Valley, purely on the fiterary evidences. We are thus in favour of taking
Orissa to be a primary seat of Tantrik Buddhism, but we are unable to
accept Dr. N. K. Sahu’s location of Sambhala and Lanka, associates with
Uddiyana, in the modern Sambalpur region, Dr. Sahu identified Sambhala
with Sambalpur and Lanka with the Sonepur region on very insufficient
grounds. Jt is to be noted that the Sambalpur region was all along known
as Kosala and in the eighth century A D. to which the Buddhist tradition
relates, it was not a part of Uddivisa or Uddiyana identified with Orissa.
The name Sambhala or Sambalpur does not occur in any of the numerous
inscriptions discovered in the Sambalpur region and Orissa. With the
evidence supplied by the Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteers (Sambalpur)
Dr, Sahu has identified Sambalpur of Ptolemy’s Geography with
Sambalpur, but has not noted the fact that no scholar has till now accepted
this identification. No antiquity or monument has yet been discovered in
the Sambalpur town, which can take its origin back to a period earlier than
the sixteenth or fifteenth century A. D., but yet Dr, Sahu seeks to identify
it with a place mentioned in Ptolemy’s Geography of the first century A.D.
Evidently this geographical name is of very fate origin, and the name
Sambalpur appears to have been given to this place by the Sai ruling
dynasty of Sambalpur. There is a tradition about the origin of Sambalesvari
which indicates that this deity was brought to the place by the first member
of the ruling family of Sambalpur from the north. There is indeed a
Sambhalapura inthe north about which Mr A. Fuhrerin his Monuments,
Antiquities and Inscriptions, etc., 1891. pp.37, gives the following
description :
“Sambhal tahsil, lat. 28-32’ N, long. 78-38’-45” E., 23 miles S. W.
of Muradabad. The modern town covers the summit of an extensive mound
comopsed of the ruins of the ancient Sambhalapura. The site of on old
fort is indicated by a large mound, it is variously attributed to Prithviraja
or to a Raja called Jagatsimha and to one Narasimha.”’ If the tradition
310 HISTORY OF ORISSA
about the origin of Sambalesvari is to be believed, the ruling family of
Sambalpur gave in a much later date the name Sambalpur to the present
ton. and the ruling family came from the Muradabad region. To
identify this place with Sambhala of very early Buddhist traditions in
untenable.
The name Lanka or Paschima Lanka given to tte Sonepur region
in the Mahada Copper Plate Grant of Somesvaradeva of the eleventh
century A D. was also of late origin and it was connected with this region
by the mythological-minded people The deity Lankesvari, now being
worshipped in the bed of the Mahanadi river near Sonepur, is analogous to
Ramachandi of Konarka which is said to have been worshipped by Rama
of the Ramayana fame before he started to invade Lanka, The Lanka of
the Sonepur region cannot be traced from any other record, much less
from the records of the eighth eentury A.D. to which Lanka of the
Buddhist tradition belongs. Another fact which is to be taken into
consideration is that, the images and the antiquities of the Buddhist
Tantrik sect are conspicuous by their absence in the Sonepur-Sambalpur
region. Had it been a cradle of the Buddhist Tantrik religion, the total
absence of the Buddhist Tantrik antiquities in this region would have been
hardly possible. The fact isthat Indrabhuti like Indradyumna of the
Brahmanical mythology is a traditional figure. His historicity can be establi-
shed only when his existence is traced from more reliable sources other
than legends and traditions.
The identifications of Sambhala, Lanka and Indrabhuti thus
remain uncertain. Itis not possible for us also to accept the view of
Dr. Sahu that Lakshmikara, stster of Indrabhuti, married Jalendra, the
ruler of the Sonepur region, identified by him wiih Lanka of the
Buddhist traditions. The fact is that a ramble inthe Buddhist literature
has brought out certain names of places and persons which Dr. Sahu
has been tempted to connect with Orissa, particularly with the
Sambalpur region, but the historicity of these names has to be proved
in each case by the evidences other than legends and traditions. Dr. Sahu
has not done so and therefore, the identifications proposed by him
will ever remain doubtful. Because of these difficulties Or N. Dutt in
his Forward to Dr. Sahu’s work has not accepted ard confirmed these
far-reaching identifications given in Dr. Sahu’s book. Dr. Sahu has also
attempted on the same traditional evidences that many saints, sages and
savants of the Mahayana Buddhist sect were either born in Orissa or
were associated with it. He has given the names of Srata, Nagarjuna,
RELIGION 31t
Savaripa, Luipa, Vajraghanta, Kambala and Padmavajra, Anangavajra,
Jalandharipada, Virupa. Kahnupa, Tilopa and Naropa who, according
to him. were either born in Orissa or were associated withit. Itis
true that someof these great persons were the residents of Orissa and
some of them actually visited Orissa and lived here for some time, but as
we have observed earlier, their association with Orissa has to be
proved by the evidences other than traditions and legends. Dr. Sahu has
not done so,
From the beginning of the Bhauma rule in thefirst part of the
seventh century A, D. the existence of Bhuddhism in Orissa is attested
to by several evidences other than legends and traditions. The first
three Bhauma rulers, Kshemankaradeva, Sivakaradeva | and Subhakaradeva
1, respectively bore the Buddhist titles. Paramopasaka, Paramatathagata
and Paramasaugata Clearly showing that they were Buddhists. But the
Buddhism of this period, though of Mahayana form, was of a very
different type. {it seems that Buddhism of this period was tending to
merge into Hinduism, particularly into Saivism and Saktism. It is stated
in the Neulpur Plate of Subhakaradeva | that Kshemankaradeva, the first
member of the dynasty, placed the castes in their proper positions. This
evidence proves that hewas the supporter of the caste system. even
though he was a Buddhist. We know that early Buddhism discarded the
caste system, but here we find a Buddhist ruler using his royal power for
re-establishing the caste system.
* The study of the Buddhist lore, particularly of the Mahayana-
Tantrik sect, seems to have been in progress during this period. We have
already seen that Sivakara Unmatasimha sent an autographed .manuscript
of the Buddhist work Gandavyuha,a part of the Avatamsaka, tothe
Chinese emperor Te-tsong, who received it in A,D. 795, The great
monastery of Ratnagiri had becomein this period acentre of Buddhist
religion, learni.g, Tantras and Yoga. The immense Buddhistic ruins of
this hill along with those of the adjoining hills of Udayagiri and Lalitagiri,
bear witness tothe activities of the Mahayana Buddhists in Orissa.
Prajna, an inhabitant of Kapisa of the north-west frontler, is said to have
studied Yoga in a monastery of the king of Orissa prior to his journey to
China. In the Tibetan work Pag Sam don Zang it is stated that Bodhisri
practised Yoga at Ratnagiriin Orissa. The first part of the Bhauma rule
in Orissa was thus marked by the ascendancy of Mahayana Buddhism,
but the subsequent rulers of the dynasty, as their titles In their inscriptions
‘312 HISTORY OF ORISSA
indicate. became Brahmanicial Hindus. Buddhism did not completely die
out, but it became changed and it distributed its potentialities among the
‘Brahmanical sects, particularly Saivism and Saktism.
During the Bhauma period Mandalas, Mantras and dapas
were widely in use and theit prevalence is attested to by the inscriptions
en the Buddhist images to be found at Ratnagiri, Udayagiri and Lalitagiri
in the Cuttack district; Jajpur and Khadipada in the Bhadrak sub-division,
The Khadipada Image Inscription records the name of the sage Raghula
whois saidto have been proficientin Mandalas. Though the latter
Bhauma rulers became Brahmanical Hindus, they continued to believe
along with the people of Orissa in the efficacy of the Tantrik pzactices.
The next ruling dynasty, the Somavamsis, did not favour the Tantrik
practices, They were the followers of Saivism and from the beginning of
their rule Saivism had a period of ascendancy in Ovissa. They appear to
have discourged Tantrik practices. In the Bhakti Bhagavata of Kavi
Dindima Jivadeva it is stated that the famous Brahmin, Bhavadeva, who
was the family priest of Udyotakesari and who was also honoured by
the family of Somesvara, lifted the world whenit was being submerged
in the ocean of the Tantras. The Somavamsi kings performed Asvamedha
Yajna at Jajpur, invited the Brahmins proficient in sacrifices, from outside
and built numerous Brahmanical temples of which the temples of
Jagannatha at Puri and of the Lingaraja at Bhubaneswar were most
Prominent. According to traditions it is Yayati | who re-established the
shrine of Jagannatha which had been deserted for one hundred and
forty-four years, The archaeological evider.ces and traditions thus combine
to show that the Brahmanical Hinduism revived in Orissa during the rule
of the Somavamsis.
The Gangas also patro.ized Brahmanical Hinduism and they
were themselves staunch Brahmanical Hindus. If traditions are to be
believed, the Buddhists were persecuted during their rule, The Chaitanya
Bhagavata, composed by Isvara Dasa towards the end of the sixteenth
century, records a tradition as to how Anangabhimadeva sided with the
Brahmins and clubbed thirty-two Budahists to death when they failed to
satisfy him in answering atest. The Madalapanji also records a similar
story of the persecution of the Buddhists by Madana Mahadeva, who is
represented as a brother of Ananagabhimadeva.
RELIGION 313
After the Bhauma- Karas the Buddhist Tantrik sect seems to have
been supressed in Orissa. The Mahayana form of Buddhism went under-
ground and some of its principles constituted the essence of the Mahima
Dharma and Nathism in Orissa. But both of them flourished independently
and they are not recognized as the branches of the Mahayana Buddhism.
Some scholars have called the followers of the Mahima Dharma as crypto-
Buddhists, even though the exponents of this religion consider it to be an
altogether new form of religion founded by Mahimasvami. Sunyata or the
void which is one of the principles of Mahayana Buddhism, has however
been accepted as a cardinal principle of their religion by the Mahima
Dharmis. Inthe Oriya works of the sixteenth century the Mahayanic
principles are also to be traced. The five great writers of this age, known
as the Pancha Sakhas, have also embodied in their works some principles
of Mahayana Buddhism. particularly the principle of Sunyata or the void,
but they too do not say that they were Buddhists The form of religion
which they expounded in their works recognizes Jagannatha as the
supreme deity and also as an incarnation of the Buddha, but at the same
time some of them also recognize Sri Chaitanya as an incarnation of
Srikrishna. The Panchasakha Siterature is generally interpreted as containing
the old form of Orissan Vaishnavism, which was later superseded by the
Neo Vaishnavism (the Gaudiya Vaishnavism) preached by Sri Chaitanya.
Saivism
Saivism is one of the oldest forms of religions of India and its
origin can be traced back to the periods of the Harappa and Vedic
civilisations. In Orissa it would have existed in some form from very early
times, but its changing fortunes in this country, as attested to by archae-
ological monuments, can be traced back to the fifth century A.D. There
are evidences to show that by the fifth century A.D. Saivism became the
dominant form of religion of Orissa and Buddhism and Jainism receded to
the background. We have observed earlier that the huge Siva lingam. now
to be found in the Bhaskaresvara temple at Bhubaneswar, was ariginally an
Asokan Pillar and the fragmentary Lion Capital dug out by the present
writer from the close proximity of the temple, was its capital. There are
distinct evidences in the body of the lingam and the Lion Capital that both
were deliberately destroyed and there is a line of inscription on the Lion
Capital, in the script of the fifth century A D, showing that such destruc-
tion took place in the fifth century A.D. The pillar. after heavy chiselling,
314 HISTORY OF ORISSA
was conve:ted into a Siva lingam and the capital after deliberate breakage
was buried in front of the temple within a very short distance from the
lingam The manner in which a Buddhist monument was converted into a
phallic emblem indicates a violent struggle between the Buddhists and the
Saivas, of which a tradition seems to have found place in the Ekamra
Purana, one of the sacred texts which describe the history of Bhubaneswar
from the orthodox stand-point. The author of this work devotes eight
chapters (from the 25th of 32nd) to the description of a dreadful war
which is said to have taken place between the gods and demons on the
bank of the river Gandhavati, now known as Gangua flowing in the close
neighbourhood of Bhubaneswar. In this war the gods with the help of
Siva are said to have been victorious and the demons defeated. The
archaeological evidence is thus supported by a traditional account and we
shall not be far from the truth, if we conclude that the 5th century A.D,
was a period of conflict between Buddhism and Saivism in which the latter
triumphed, It may be noted that in the fifth century A.D. there was a
revival of Hinduism in India under the great Gupta emperors of the north.
and the same revival also took place in Orissa.
To the period when Asokan pillar was destroyed we may also
assign a number of rock~cut caves which have till now received very little
attention from scholars. These caves are still to be found in the close
vicinity of the temple of Bhaskaresvara, mostly to the west of it They
have been excavated on the edges of an immense laterite quarry which
seems to have supplied stones for the buildings and gateways of
Sisupatagarh, situated about a mile to the south-east of this place. The
most remarkable group of these caves, known as Pancha Pandava Gumpha
which is still in a tolerably ‘good condition, consists of three spacious
chambers with spacious verandahs. The proximity of these monuments
with the Bhaskaresvara temple clearly irdicates that they were intended for
the abodes of the Saiva ascetics.
That the Saiva ascetics lived in caves to practise penance, is also
evident from the archaeological remains at Dengaposi in the Keonjhar
district. Dengaposi and Sitabhinji, the two neighbouring villages,
contain a number of natural rock shelters in the hills, which attracted
the Saiva ascetics. That these shelters were the abodes of the ascetics
in the fifth or sixth century A.D. is proved by a fine ef writing in the
tempera paintings of this place, assigned to this period, which, as
observed earlier, represent @ royal procession, Thet the Salva ascétina
&
RELIGION f 315
lived with their disciples in these caves, is also evident from the rock
inscriptions there. The main object of worship of the ascetics was a
Mukhalingam still to be found there. The archaeological remains of
Dengaposi and Sitabhinji and the caves near the Bhaskaresvara temple
furnish us with the evidence that the Gupta period in Orissa was marked
by Saiva ascendancy.
The fortunes of Saivism in Orissa in the sixth century A.D.
cannot be traced, but it may be presumed that its triumphant progress
continued in this century also. tn the first part of the seventh century
A. D. Sasanka, the king of Gauda, who was the overlord of Kongoda as
is evident from the Ganjam Plate of Madhava Raja II, dated A.D., 619
seems to have given a definite turn to the ascendancy of Saivism in
Orissa. His coins indicate that he was a follower of Siva and Yuan
Chwang’s accounts represent him as an enemy of Buddhism, who
destroyed a number of famous Buddhist monuments. It seems that he
played a great part in the east in the revival of Hinduism and stamping
out Buddhism. A persistent tradition recorded in the four sacred books
connected with the Saiva shrines of Bhubaneswar, states that Sasanka
who ruled up to Kalinga, built a Saiva temple in the shrine of
Tribhuvanesvara (Lingaraja). The temple which Sasanka built, cannot
however be located or identified Since his activities at Bhubaneswar
are not attested to by more authentic evidences other than traditions,
we cannot confirm the literary evidences of the sacred texts, but they
raise a strong presumption that Sasanka had something todo with the
progress of Saivism at Bhubaneswar and in Orissa. Sasanka, like
Indradyumna and Indrabhuti, is not a mere traditional figure, but he is
a historical king, known from inscriptions, coins, Yuan Chwang’s
accounts and Bana’s Harsha-Charita. His overlordship over Orissa is
proved by unquestioned epigraphical records. Therefore, when the
sacred texts of Bhubaneswar credit him with the building of temple at
Bhubaneswar, .this evidence cannot be lightly brused aside. One of the
verses of Chapter 48 of the Ekamra Purana defines Sasanka of the tradition
as follows : :
‘My devotee Sasanka, the lord of the earth, with his mind fixed
on none (except on me), will rule a portion of the earth extending up to
Kalinga.”
We have therefore identified Sasanka of the tradition with the king
Sasanka of Gauda,
316 HISTORY OF ORISSA
During the Bhauma rule which started from A. D. 736, it is the
Pasupata sect of Saivism that had a period of ascendancy in Orissa.
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar has shown that Lakuli, the first Pasupata teacher,
was born in the first century A. D. at Kayarohana, modern Karvan in the
defunct state of Baroda, and was considered to be the last incarnation of
Siva and that, of his four disciples, Kusika established himself at Mathura
and Garga at Somanathain Kathiawad. The frequent occurrence of the
Lakuli images on the early temples of Bhubaneswar has a great significance
The Lakull images are found within Chaitya arches in the
on their origin.
male figures,
early groups of temples at Bhubaneswar and have four small
two on each side, each with 4 pustaka held in the left hand and the right
showing abhaya mudra. They are seated on lotuses with stalks rising
from a common lotus forming the pedestal of the central figure. The central
figure, Lakulisa, hold a lakuta and shows Dharma-parvarttana-mudra.
Because of their yogasana, half-closed eyes, Dharma-parvarttana-mudra
and the distinct treatment of hair, they are likely to be mistaken for those
of the Buddha, but their distinct attributs lakuta discloses their identity.
The four mate figures found in association with the central figure, are
certainly the representations of the four disciples of Lakuli who, as we
know from the Vayu, and Linga Puranas and also from the Chitra Prasat
of the Chalukya ruler Sarangadeva, were Kusika, Garga, Mitra and
The common origin of all these four disciples is indicated by
Kaurushya.
rise from a common lotus
the lotuses on which they sit and which
forming the pedestal of their master and that they were all preachers, is
indicated by the books in their hands.
The Lakuli images on the early Bhubaneswar temples indicate that
such monuments were associated with Pasupatism. The names of some
temples of Bhubaneswar indicate that they were connected with the
Pasupata sect and an inscription on the Jagamohana of the Parsuramesvara
temple proves that its original name was Parasaresvara. The name of the
temple Kapilesvara at Bhubaneswara and one of the sacred texts known as
Kapilasamhita, were associated with Kapila, one of the Pasupata teachers.
The names of the temples like Mitresvara and Nakulesvara were also
connected with the names of Pasupata teachers. It is to be noted that
Nakulesvara, Kapila, Mitra and Parasara were all famous Pasupata
teachers.
It will thus appear that the name of Lakuli and those of some
famous teachers of his sect were connected with the earlier shrines and
g
RELIGION 317
one orthodox work. Besides, the oldest matha of Bhubaneswar still
follows a custom which was observed by the followers of Pasupata sect.
It was a practice with the sect to set uo a lingam to represent a dead
teacher and to erect a temple for it. The same practice is still being followed
in the Bharati matha of Bhubaneswar, as a result of which a gurvayatana
has sprung up within its compound. There are now as many as fifteen
miniature temples of standstone and laterite, each of which contains a
lingam. Besides, a number of lingams are to be found in the open space
and the niches and if credence is given to the statement of the Mahanta
of the matha, many more are still buried in the kitchen garden. Since each
of the Jingam represents a generation of teachers, we may reasonably
conclude that the origin of the matha goes to the time of the earliest:
standing temples. This conclusion gains ground from a tradition mentioned
in the seventeenth chapter of the Ekamra Purana that Yama, the builder of
the Yamesvara temple, gave a splendid matha to a Pauspatacharya who
lived in the close vicnity of the temple. As it was a practice with the
Pasupatas to set up lJingams to represent their dead teachers, this practice
seems to have led to the setting up innumerable Siva lingams at
Bhubaneswar, which the Ekamra Purana and the allied works represent as
ten milions or ten millions less by one, Pasupatism appears to have been
responsible for increasing the number of temples at Bhubaneswar.
Although the influence of the Pasupata sect can thus be traced in
the early shrines of Bhubaneswar, it is difficult to say whether it came from
Kayarohana, Somanatha or Mathura which are yet known to have been the
earliest centres of the sect. The names of the successors of Kusika, the
disciple of Lakuli, who established a branch at Mathura are found conr-ec-
ted with two early shrines of Bhubaneswar, Parasaresvara (now known as
Parsuramesvara) and Kapilesvara, and with one orthodox text viz.,
Kapilasamhita. Pasupatism made its way to Orissa either from Kayarohana
or Somanatha or Mathura. But it is difficult to ascertain as to when and
how it established itself at Bhubaneswar. From a study of the existing
temples of Bhubaneswar it however appears that Saivism, Pasupatism,
Saktism and Tantrism, all became inseparably mixed up and formed a
strange amalgam in the early medieval period of Orissa. Indeed in the
early medieval period such a state of things came to pass _ in the field of
religion not only in Orissa but also in all other parts of India and scholars
believe that the followers of different sects followed almost the same
practice. Mr. D. C. Sastri observes : “It appears that Lakayatikas, the
Vamadevas, the Sisnadevas, the Kapalikas, the Kalamukhas, the Aghoris, the
318 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Vamacharins, the Sahajiyas and the Tantrikas all walk along the same tract
with slight difference.” Itis true that in Orissa Saktism became mixed up with
Pasupatism. The Vaital temple, the Sakta shrine of Bhubaneswar assigned
to the Bhauma period, shows in its sculptures a strange amalgamation of
Saktism, Saivism and Mahayana Buddhism. While the presiding deity is a
Chamunda, it bears such images as Lakulisa, Virabhadra, Bhairava,
Gajantakari murti, Amoghasidhi and the male deity with the head of a
boar. The adjecent Saiva temple of Sisiresvara, also assigned to the
Bhauma period, bears on it the Buddhist Tantrik images like Amoghasiddhi,
Kuvera, Avalokitesvara etc, It thus appears that in the early medieval
period, particularly during the Bhauma period, Orissa followed a mixed form
of religion, from which Saivism cannot be extricated and treated separately.
During this period four Sakta shrines on the four sides of the Vindu
Sarovara were established and they bear the influence of Saktism as much
as of Saivism, It however appears that during this period Siva was consi-
dered to.be superior to Vishnu and other deities. In the Markandesvara
temple situated on the western bank of the Vindu Sarovara, a panel of
sculptures appears on its southern facade, in which Vishnu and Brahma
have been represented with folded hands, paying respect to the Siva.
From this evidence it appears that Siva was considered to be the supreme
deity of the Brahmanical pahtheon.
The three small Saiva temples of Baudh, which were probably
created by the Bhanja rulers in the Bhauma period, bear distinct Tantrik
influences, Their ground plan in each case is starlike, which was most
likely necessitated by the cult practised in them. The saktis of the lingams
enshrined in them, are also starlike and these shapes indicate that both the
temples and deities were made in the forms of mandalas or mystic figures
with the help of which the Tantrikas wanted to attain their siddhis. The
Saiva temples of Jajpur, built during this period, also bear Tantrik influen-
ces. Viraja, the presiding deity of the place, has found mention in the
Mahabharata and the Harivamsa and her antiquity is to be traced to a
much earlier period, But the rituals of the deity seems to have undergone a
great change in the Bhauma period and connected with Tantrik practices.
The Bhakti Bhagavata, a Sanskrit work of the Ganga Period
states that “the earth was being submerged in the ocean of the Tantras’”’
in the Bhauma period and the Tantras had become inextricably mixed up
with all forms of religions in Orissa, when the Somavamiéis started their
RELIGION 319
rule in this country about A.D, 931. The Somavamsis were the staunch
Saivas, as their surnames Mahasivagupta and Mahabhavagupta indicate.
In their copper plate grants they also style themselves as Parama-
Mahesvaras, but the type of Saivism which they professed, was not the
same as was prevalent in Orissa during the Bhauma period. It seems to
have been influenced by the Mattamayura sect of Saivism which prevai-
led in central India with its centre at Kandambaguha, identified with
Kadawaha in the former state of Gwalior. The name of Gaganasiva (also
known as Vyomasiva), the famous ascetic of this sect, is known from his
inscription in the old Somesvara temple at Ranipur-Jharial in the Titlagarh
subdivision of the Bolangir district, and from it is apparent that
Gaganasiva had also a secondary establishment at Ranipur-Jharial. The
Somavamsis of Kosala were in the occupation of this territory before they
came to Orissa, and it is very likely that the type of Saivism professed by
them was influenced by the Mattamayura sect. But the Somavamsis were
typical Hindus, clinging to a family deity of their own. but worshipping all
other deities and extending toleration and patronage to all other sects. They
revived the most important Vaishnava shrine of Jagannatha at Puri; the
kings of this dynasty were instrumental in raising the great Saiva temple of
Lingaraja at Bhubaneswar and Udyotakesari’s mother Kolavatidevi ‘built the
temple of Brahmesvara at Bhubaneswar. Itis they who are credited with
the performance of Asvamedha sacrifices at Jajpur, to them are attributed
the Saptamatrikas, which are now being worshipped on the bank of the
Vaitarani at Jajpur. It is one of the kings of this dynasty, who seems to
have set up the beautiful monolithic pillar at Jajpur, which is now known
as Subhastambha and which was originally crowned with a Garuda figure.
They thus seem to have been cosmopolitan in their religious outlook,
retaining all the conventions that had acquired religious sanctian through
long practice in the preceding centuries. As we have already seen.
Udyotakesari tolerated the creation of the Jaina monuments at Khandagiri
during his reign. But such revolting practices as were indulged in by the
Tantrik Saivas, do not seem to have been favoured by them. The Sakta
images in their terrific forms continued to be sculptured on the temples, as
is evidenced by a few such images appearing on the Brahmesvara, but the
only Sakta image that served as the presiding deity of the Gauri temple
near Kedaresvara, assignable to this period, is found in the pacific form.
The images of Lakulisa, which are to be fo:ind in large numbers in the
Muktesvara) do not appear at all on the other temples built in the
Somavamsi period, except only one an the Lingaraja. In the Bhauma porlod,
320 HISTORY OF ORISSA
as we have already seen, a mixed form of Saivism and Saktism prevailed in
Orissa, but the Somavamsis restored them to their purer forms.
The Gangas were originally Saivas. but after their conquest of
Orissa they became more inclined towards Vaishnavism as represented by
the Jagannatha cult, than towards Saivism. During their period of rule
Saivism continued to be a major sect and the Ganga kings and their
relatives continued to show reverence to Siva by building temples for him
and by donating Jands for their maintenance. Chodaganga, soon after his
conquest of Orissa donated a perpetual! lamp in the shrine of Lingaraja at
Bhubaneswar and granted villages for its maintenance. Kis younger brother,
Pramadideva, donated in A.D 1142 a similar perpetual lamp at thé shrine
of the Kedaresvara at Bhubaneswar with similar land grants. Svapnesvara-
deva, the commander-i--chief of the Ganga army under Rajaraja II and
Anangabhimadeva ||, built the temple of Meghesvara at Bhubaneswar.
Numerous Ganga inscriptions appear on the Saiva temples at Jajpur,
Bhubaneswar, Mukhalingam, Draksarama and Bhimesvara etc., conclusively
proving that, though the Ganga rulers later became inclined towards
Vaishnavism, they retained their veneration for lord Siva. During their rule
two innovations seem to have been introduced into the main Saiva shrines
of Orissa. One was the erection of a spacious hall, known as Natamandira,
in the important shrines and the other was the provision of perpetual
lamps. Barring these two, they retained all other conventions of the
Somavamsi period, Culturally the Suryavamsi period merged into Ganga
period. During the Suryavamsi period no new feature was introduced into
Saivism. They followed the pattern of Saivism established by the
Gangas.
Vaishnavism
Vaishnavism, like Saivism, is also a very old cult and its origin goes
back to the Rigvedic period when Vishnu was conceived as a member of the
solar family. Vaishnavism might haveexisted in Orissafrom very early times,
but we can connect it with archaeological monuments only from the early
medieval period. On the temples of Orissa belonging to the 7th-8th
century at Bhubaneswar and other places, Vishnu holding sankha chakra,
gada and padma makes his appearance asa subsidiary deity. In the
Svarnnajalesvara temple at Bhubaneswar, assigned to the 7th century a D.,
an image of Vishnu with the distinctive attributes had been originally
enshrined in the central niche of the southern facade and it was removed
RELIGION 321
te tha Orissa State Museum by the Present writer. The scenes from the
life of Rama, an incarnation of Vishnu, have been depicted on the outer
walls of the Svarnnajalesvara, Of them, the scenes of Rama cutting down
Sapta-salas and killing Vali, and of Hanumana preparing for flying to
Lankapura, are clearly discernible and identifiable. These panels of sculp-
tures giving panoramic views of Rama’s life story, prove beyond doubt that
the Ramayana story was fully known to the builders of the temple
The scenes of Siva’s marriage appear on the Bharatesvara,
Parsuramesvara and the Svarnnajalesvara at Bhubaneswar. In the
Parsuramesvara scene, Siva and Parvati stand in the centre, dressed as the
bride-groom and the bride. Agni, with flames rising on both sides, sits to
the proper right of Siva and below him is found a foliated vase with a
miniature Ganesa by its side, To the right of Agni, Brahma, with the three
heads shown, is pouring water from a vase. To the right of Brahma,
Surya is standing with the usual lotuses. Two female attendants, with
their swords in their hands, stand to the left of Parvati. To the left of the
last female attendant the four-armed Vishnu stands holding a vase with two
hands and aconch shell with the other two. Here we find an assembly
of all the main deities of the Brahmanical pantheon in which Vishnu is a
prominent one,
In the groups of Saptamatrikas to be found in the Parasurames-
vara, Vaitala and Muktesvara at Bhubaneswar and also at Puri, Jajpur and
several other places, Vaishnavi makes her appearance with the distinctive
attribute Garuda on the pedestals.
Vishnu and his female counterpart have thus been introduced into
the sculptures of the early medieval period, but in the coastal areas of
Orissa Vishnu images as the presiding deities of temple shrines are not
traceable. In the hilly region one solitary Vishnu temple is still in existence
at Gandharadi, ten miles from Baudh in the Phulbani district. An image of
Harihara in which the combined figures of Siva and Vishnu are to be seen,
appears on the northern facade of the Vaitala temple. Here also Vishnu
appears as a part of Siva and not as a supreme independent deity. We have
already referred to a panel of sculpture appearing on the southern facade
of the Markandesvara temple, in which Brahma and Vishnu with folded
hands are paying homage to Siva. The superiority of Siva over Vishnu has
thus been established.
Child Krishna makes his appearance on the temples of Bhubane.
awar, An architectural fragment containing a panel of sculpture
322 HISTORY OF ORISSA
showing the Kaliya-dalana scene, has been preserved in the Orissa State
Museum. Its provenance was Bhubaneswar and evidently it belonged, as
its stylistic development indicates, to a temple which is not later than the
seventh century A D .Reference may.also be made‘to a pane! containing the
figures of Nanda, Yasoda and thechild Srikrishna that appears on the
southern facade of the Vimana of the Lingaraja temple and another in
almost the same form on western facade of the small temple at the north-
east corner of the Brahmesvara, According to the Brahmesvara inscription
this is one of the four small structures built along with the main temple
with which it was certainly contemporary. In both the panels Nanda is a
bearded figure, sitting opposite Yasoda, who is engaged in churning curds
and the child Srikrishna is shown by the side of the vessel containing
curds.
At Jalauka near Chhatiain the Cuttack district, a temple with
four subsidiary ones in four corners of the compound, is still in existence
in a tolerably good condition. The presiding deity is a beautiful Vishnu
image with all his attributes. A study of its sculpture and architecture
points to the fact that it was a contemporary of the Muktesvara at
Bhubaneswar built in the Somavamsi period. Reference has already been
made to a beautiful monolithic pillar of Jajpur which is now known as
Subhastambha set up, ‘in all likelihood, in the Somavamsi period. A
beautifully carved flgure of Garuda originally crowned the pillar, but as a
result of vandalism it was pulled down, badly mutilated and thrown. It is
now to be found in the compound of the S.D.O.’s quarter at Jajpur. The
Subhastambha was certainly a Vaishnavite monument.
The Meghesvara temple built by Svapnesvaradeva, the comman-
der-in-chief of the Ganga army towards the close of the twelfth century,
contains onits southern facade a small panel of sculpture depicting
Godhana-harana. In the scene the multilated central! figure is Srikrishna
Seated on a couch or stool with female figures. no doubt Gopis, on both
Sides. and with a herd of cows on the pedestal. The little bearded figure
to be found in the right top corner, is witnessing the whole scene. The
bearded figure shou'd be identified with the Brahma.
The Ananta-Vasudeva temple, situated on the eastern bank of
the Vindusarovara, is a Vaishnava shrine which had originally a comme.
morative inscription, now preserved in the hall of the Royal Asiatio
Society of Great Britain and freland, London. Itis stated in the epigraph
that the temple was bullt for Srikrishna and Vala-vasa (Valarama) on the
RELIGION 323
bank of the Vindusarovara by Chandrika Davi. daughter of Ananga-
bhimadeva (Ill), in the Saka year 1209. corresponding to AD. 1278. The
epigraph further discloses that Anargabhimadeva married his daughter
Chandrika to Paramardideva the ornamant of the Haihaya family.
Paramardi, after having successfully fought with the enemies of the
Narasimhadeva |, ultimately went to heaven, As we have already shown,
the husband of Chandrika fell fighting on the battle field in the war against
the Muslims in Bengal and after his death, the widowed lady built the
temple of Ananta-Vasudeva for Achyuta (Vishnu) for whom she is
rapresented to have developed a devotion from the childhood, We have
seen that Bhauma queen Tribuvana Mahadevil was greatly devoted to
Vishnu and she makes a particular reference to the deity of her devotion in
her copper plate record. No monuments built by her for Vishnu can now be
identified but it is not improbable that she created some Vaishnava shrines,
While the male members of the royal families professed their official faith,
the female members were left free to be devoted to a faith other than
official. The Vaishnava faith of Tribhuvana Mahadevi and Chandrika Devi is
an instance in the point.
The figures of Rama, Lakshmana, Sita and Hanumana appear on the
balustrades of the window on the northern side of the Ananta-Vasudeva
temple, clearly proving that Rama was considered to be an incarnation
of Vishnu and as such, he, along with his associates, found place ona
temple meant for Srikrishna and his brother. The free-standing images
of the Boar and Dwarf incarnations are also enshrined respectively in
the southern and northern niches of this temple. On the southern side of
the temple there were also five images on the balustrades of the window,
consisting of Srikrishna and the Gopis, but three of the balustrades have
somehow become detached and have now been utilised in a miniature
temple on the eastern bank of the Vindusarovara in the close vicinity A few
other cult imagas like Lakshmiand Sarasvati appearon the Jagamohana
of the Ananta-Vasudeva near the balustraded window in the north and
they are no doubt the members of the family of Vishnu.
The sculptures of the Ananta-Vasudeva temple builtin A.D.
1278, clearly show that the ten incarnations of Vishnu ware wellknown
to the people of Orissa and all the incarnations were considered identical
with Vishnu, «hough representing his different forms. In the compound
of the Paramaguru family at Bhubaneswar, on the walls of a small
324 HISTORY OF ORISSA
temple the ten incarnations of Vishnu appear, in which the last two
incarnations viz., the Buddha and Kalki have also found place. The art
and architecture of this small temple point to the fact that it was built
in the Later Ganga period Stray images of the different incarnations of
Vishnu arejalso found on the pedestals and side-panels of the Vishnu images
discovered in the different parts of Orissa. These archaeological evidences
show that the ten inrcarnations of Vishnu had become familiar in Orissa.
Of the ten incanations, the incarnation of Nrisimha appears to have
received the special attention of the rulers and the people. A temple of
Lakshmi-Nrisimha is to be found in the compound of the Lingaraja and the
Nrisimhanatha temple at Simhachalam has developped into a great shrine
from the days of the Ganga. The Srikurmanatha temple at Srikurmam is
another Vaishnavite temple which seems to have become prominent
during the rule of the Gangas. Jayadeva’s Gitagovinda composed in the
twelfth century, appears to have been responsible for popularising the ten
incarnations. Jayadeva’s invocations to them are the most melodious and
beautiful songs and they have become classic and highly popular
throughout Orissa. In the Oriya Mahabharata composed by Sarala Dasa in
the fifteenth century there are references to necklaces with the representa-
tions of the ten incarnations of Vishnu. This also indicates that the different
incarnations of Vishnu and their special attributes were known even to the
artisans of Orissa.
Jayadeva and Narahari Tirtha appear to have made Vaishnavism
popular in Orissa during the Ganga period, We have already seen that
Narahari Tirtha. a disciple of Ananda Tirtha, the founder of ths Dvaita
Philosophy, lived in Orissa for long twelve years and exercised a great
influence on the Ganga royal family. He acted as regent to the boy king
Narasimha I! and also worked as Governor for some years. When
Narasimha came up age, Narahari placed him on the throne and went
back to his guru with the images of Rama and Sita, which was his Original
mission assigned to him by Madhava Tirtha. Narahari’s numerous inscrip-
tions at Simhachalam and Srikurmanatha testity to his religious activities for
the spread of Vaishnavism of his own sectin Orissa and Kalinga. It is
perhaps due to his influence that the later Ganga kings alternately bore the
names of Narasimha and Bhanu. _ It may be noted that, by this time
Bhanu or the Sun was being considered as an aspect of Vishnu.
In Orissa the Sun cult ultimately merged into the Vaishnava cult.
The Sun conceived as an aspect of Vishnu and was called Viranchi
RELIGION 325
Narayana. The great temple of Konarka and the beautiful Sun temple at
Palia in the Balasore district, are the only two known examples of Saura
monuments. Two colossal images of Padmanabha or Seshasayi Vishnu are
to be found near Talcher in the Dhenkanal district. At Sarang a colossal
image of Padmanabha, thirty-two feet in length, has been carved on the
stony bed of the river Brahmani and has the special attributes of Vishnu in
this form. At Bhimkand, eighteen miles from Taicher, another colossal
image of Padmanabha measuring fifty-one feet and a half in length, is stso
to be found. This image can be assigned to the eight and ninth century
A.D. Stray images of Vishnu assignable to the later Ganga and the
Suryavamsi periods have been discovered from the various places of
Orissa. In the Prachi valley of the Puri district huge images of Krishna-
Vasudeva have been discovered. But Krishna images with the specia!
attributes of flute and peacock feather are rarely found. One such image,
probably belonging to the transitory period of the fourteenth or fifteenth
century A.D., is now preserved in the Orissa State Museum. The deity
stands cross-legged with four hands, two of which hold a flute. This
image indicates that Krishna-Vasudeva of the earlier conception was being
merged into Krishna the flute-holder who became famous for his dalliance
with the Gopis.
The cult of Krishna Gopivallabha was made popular in Orissa by
Jayadeva. This form of Vishnu with Radha as his consort as described in
the Gitagovinda represents the conception of Vishnu of the later Sahajiya
sect. The Gitagovinda might have been popular in Orissa, but Orisga’s
earlier poets and people did not accept the religious philosophy expounded
in it. Jagannatha Dasa’s Oriya Bhagavata, composed in the sixteenth
century, does not refer to Radha atalfl. This work is not an Oriya transla.
tion of Srimadbhagabata Puranam and the poet has deviated from the
original at a number of points. He could have easily introduced Radha
into his Bhagavata, but he has not done so. The other members of the
Panchasakhas have also scrupulously avoided her in their works. The earlier
poet Sarala Dasa who composed his Mahabharata in the first part of the
fifteenth century, has ridiculed the tenets of the Sahajiya sect as propounded
in the Gitagovinda.
Sarala Dasa has shown respect in his writings to all sects, but
there is one exception to this general pattern of his religious behaviour.
The Sahajiyas were an extreme class of Tantrikas who advocated free
indulgence in sexual acts and sometimes they themselves acted as freg-
326 HISTORY OF ORISSA
lances. This sect has been the target of Sarala Dasa’s satires. There is
an episode in the fifth canto of the Gitagovinda in which a husband and
a wife were out at night to meet their paramours, but losi:.g their way in
intense darkness, met each other and soon became engaged in copulation
without knowing each other. Eventually they could recognize each other
as husband and wife through the utterrance of soft words at the time of
engagement. This episode has been utilised by Sarala Dasa to produce
a satirical story in the Adi Parava about Srikrishna of the Sahajiya sect’s
conception.
One day, so runs the story, Radha clothed the old Duti (the
female go-between) with her own clothes and bedecked her with her own
ornaments including the tinkling anklets and sent her to bring Srikrishna.
The latter was anxiously waiting for Radha on one of the branches of the
Kadamba tree (Anthocephalus) when Duti arrived there. Lured by the
tinkling sound of her anklets and mistaking her for Radha in the intense
darkness Srikrishna at once jumped from the branch of the Kadamba tree
and soon became engaged in copulation with her. In the intense darkness
he failed to recognize his partner, but when he ultimately knew her to be
the old Duti, his remorse knew no bounds. He cursed Cupid and warned
the future generations not to indulge in illicit love. When the old Duti was
off the scene, he found to his great bewilderment that there had been an
exchange of their clothes. The old Duti had taken away his clothes in
darkness, leaving her own form him. Hating to wear her feminine
garments, Srikrishna split a piece of bamboo and using it as his loin-cloth
went back home.
In the meanwhile Duti with all the evidences of her recent love
affair on her body returned to Radha and on being asked about them
explained them away on various pretexts. Radha was satisfied with her
explanations like an unsophisticated girl and expressed her sympathy with
Duti who had taken so much trouble for her. The love story of Srikrishna
and the old Duti ends with the birth of an ugly and bald-headed son from
their illicit union. This son was later helped by his father Srikrishna to
become a burglar and still later was employed by Vidura to dig a tunnel
through which the Pandavas escaped when the house of wax (J atu-griha)
was seton fire. Under instruction from his father. Srikrishna, this son also
dug a tunnel from the Kadamba tree to the bed-chamber pf Radha, so
that their love affairs could proceed without hindrance.
RELIGION 327
This story written in the inimitable language and style of Sarala
Dasa, has been embellished with various details producing humorous
effect at every stage. By means of contrast the poet has also brought
Out its satirical elements, His Duti is an old woman, but is extremely
beautiful too, and is capable of giving birth to ason. His Radha isa
clever lady who could nicely plan the discomfiture of Srikrishna, but yet
she is also a simpleton like an unsophisticated girl when she accepts the
explanations of Duti at their face value. Srikrishna’s manly contempt for
a feminine dress is contrasted with his shameless and foolish device to
use a split bamboo as his loin-cloth, Srikrishna has been conceived to be
most handsome person, but yet the son that was born to him by Duti
was an ugly creature. The poet brings his satire to a climax when he
says that the father sought the help of his son for his illicit love affairs
and the son also readily extended it to him.
The poet has provided all these contrasts witha view to hold
the tenets of the Sahajiya sect to ridicule, which, when pursued, produce
such contradictory and conflicting results. In this story he has put a
long statement in the mouth of Srikrishna, detailing the evil effects of
illicit love and has himself addressed a long invocation to Kamakshi, the
goddess of love, praying to her to prevent people from pursuing a
course of illegal love like the one pursued by Srikrishna, so that ‘‘the
world will not be destroyed”. From these statements It is clear that
Sarala Dasa was opposed tothe Sahajiya sect, and he wrote the story
with a view to illustrate the evil cffects of their tenets.
The Sahajiya-Tantrikas have also been represented by him as
some of the villains of his Mahabharata. The Brahmin Puranjana who
built the house of wax (Jatu-griha) under the order of Duryodhana
and set fire to it while the Pandavas were living there, was according
to him aresident of Jnanapura situated on the bank of the Ganges in
the neighbourhood of Ganga-Sagara-Sangama. According to the poet’s
description, all the residents of this place were proficient in black art
(kujnanis) and they killed men through it, Sarala Dasa believed that the
Sahajiya-Tantrikas were capable of killing men through their incanta-
tions and tracts. Another villain of his Mahabharata was Gaura-moksha
who has been described as the son of Puranjana, the builder of the house
of wax, and as such, was also a Sahajiya- -Tantrika. He ts the villain of
= story of True Mango of which a summary has been produced by
, Mayadhar Mansimha (History of Oriya Literatura, 1962, p, 67).
=e these and several other references to the Sahajiya-Tantrikas In hig
328 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Mahabharata. it becomes apparent that the poet did not quite tolerate
their faith and practices.
tt will thus be seen that Sarala Dasa abhorred the faith and
practices of the Sahajiyas whose religious philosophy forms the basis of
Jayadeva's love lyric, the Gitagovinda. Neither Sarala Dasa nor the
other great poets like Balarama Dasa, Jagannatha Dasa, Ananta Dasa
and Yasovanta Dasa who immediately followed Sarala Dasa, had any-
thing to do with the religious philosophy expounded by Jayadeva in
his Gitagovinda. Till the sixteenth century Oriya poets followed a
pattern of Vaishnavism which was very different from the one to be
found in the Gitagovinda. A changein the conception of the Krishna
cult, however, took place in Orissa from the time of the long sojourn of
Sri Chaitanya at Puri till his death in A.D. 1533. It must be said that
this great saint never favoured nor followed the type of love between
Srikrishna and Sriradha as described inthe Gitagovinda. He wanted to
emotionalise and idealise the love between Srikrishna and Sriradha, that
had no relation with carnal desire. His followers in Orissa and else-
where did not however keep the love, as preached by him, within the
meaning that he had given to it. All the later Vaishnava Oriya poets
writing on Krishna Charita (the life story of Krishna), followed more
Jayadeva than Sri Chaitanya in dealing with the love between Srikrishna
and Sriradha and almost all of them ended their works with a ful
description of sexuai intercourse between them as it is to be found in
the Gitagovinda. The great Oriya poets like Dinakrishna, Abhimanyu,
Bhakta Charana, Baladeva and Gopala Krishna have all followed in their
works the model of the love between Srikrishna and Sriradha as it is
depicted in the Gitagovinda, with one deviation that, like Jayadeva
they have not represented Radha as a Khandita (a woman forsaken bg
her lover). Orissa was occupied by Muslims in A.D.1568 and thereafter
it became benighted country. In the dark-age that followed in Orissa,
the Oriya Vaishnava poets were very much influenced by the petty
chiefs, their patrons, who favoured the type of love depicted in the
Gitagovinda. A class of Oriya literature known as volis originated in
this period and it must’ have exercised a great demoralizing influence
on the people at large. The volis dealt with the love between Srikrishna
and Sriradhain a form that transgressed all the limits prescribed by the
human society for controlling the sexual relation between man and
woman. In these works Srikrishna is described enjoying sexual pleasure
in various guiges, such ag the garland-maker, the dealer of ornaments,
RELIGION 329
the boat-man, the dealer of brass utensils and even as a tiger or sometimes
as amouse, In fact Srikrishna was depicted as a voluptuously lewd person
whose only business was to enjoy sexual pleasure in all conceivable forms.
In the sixteenth century and after Orissa produced a Vaishnava literature so
rich, so varied, so great in poetic attainments, anc so great in number that
its parallel can hardly be found in anyother contemporary iiterature of ludia
but yet this unparalleled literature was vitiated by a debased form of
religious philosophy forming its theme.
It is to be noted that Radha asa deity or consort of Srikrishna
was introduced into the Orissan religion and culture at a very late stage of
her history. Radha dogs not appear in the vast Indian Samskrit literature
except in a single verse of the Saptasati of Hala of uncertain date. It is
also not known whether she was created first in Bengal, Orissa or in any
other region of India. Inthe History of Bengal, Hindu period, (pp. 403-
404) it is stated that Radha was probably, a Bengali innovation made
shortly before the tlme of Jayadeva. Mr. P. Acharya on the other hand
maintains in his article entitled Radha-Krisna Murti Pujara Itihasa
(Odisara Pratnatattva O Anyanya Pravandha, 1969, pp. 411 ff) that Radha
Originated in Orissa. Beit as it may, the fact remains that before the
sixteenth century the image of Radha was not associated with the image
of Gopala or Srikrishna to be found in Orissa, The shrines of Kshirachora
Gopinatha at Remuna in the Balasore district and of Sakshigopala in Puri
district did not have originally the images of Radha associated with them.
Besides thesetwo famous shrines, there are also other shrines of Gopinatha
or Gopala at Balianta, Sarakana and Hirapurin the Puri district, but they
too originally had no Radha images in them. The Gcpinatha images of
Gopinathapura near Jajpur and of Malatira near Agarapada in the Balasore
district had similarly no Radha images by their sides, It is stated in the
above mentioned article of Mr. Acharya that an image of Radha was taken
from Orissa to Vrindavan where it was associated with the image of
Srikrishna. We have seen earlier that Narahari Tirtha also took the images
of Rama and Sita from Orissa and presented them to his teacher Madhava
Tirtha. The transportation of the images of Radha, Rama and Sita to the
other regions of India does not indicate that the cults of these images
originated in Orissa, it only indicates that Orissa had the best sculptors
who produced the most beautiful cultimages. The entry of Radha into
‘Orissan religion and culture thoroughly changed their original character
and gave a different turn to her history from the sixteenth century
330 HISTORY OF ORISSA
onwards. Prof. R. D. Banerjee’s view that Sri Chaitanya demoralized the:
Oriyas. is wholly unacceptable. Sri Chaitanya never favoured or presen’
the type of love between Srikrishna and Sriradha as it is depicted in the:
Oriya literature created after the death of the saint in A.D. 1533. Prof.
Banerjee had no knowledge in Oriya literature and had he any, he would
have been convinced that the Oriyas and their literature were influenced by
Jayadeva and not by Sri Chaitanya.
Saktism
In the early part of Orissan history Saktism established itself as
a separate cult, but it later merged into Saivism so much so that its
separate entity is hardly discernible. The Sakta shrine of Viraja at Jajpur
existed in the pre-Christian era as is clearly evidenced by the Mahabharata
the Harivamsa and the Vayu Purana. It is stated in the Vana Parva that
the Viraja Tirtha was situated in the Kalinga country onthe river Vaitarani.
It is stated in the Vayu Purana that Viraja;was the wife of Nahusha and the
mother of Yayati and that she was the mindborn daughter of the Pitris (the
dead ancestors). !t is further stated that she is to be propitiated by the
Vaisyas desiring successes, This description of Viraja also occurs in the
same form inthe Harivamsa. There is thus no doubt that the Sakta Pitha
of Viraja at Jajpur is a very ancient shrine,
In the later stage of Orissan history before the Gupta period, the
Sakta shrine of Viraja seems to have been dominated by Buddhism. We
have stated earlier that in the pre.Gupta period Guhasiva of the Datha-
vamsa tradition was probably the ruler of Kalinga and his name was
probably connected with-Guhadeva Pataka or Guhasiva Pataka, which was
the capital of the Bhaumas. The Buddhist tradition of Dathavamsa shows
that Guhasiva was a staunch follower of Buddhism and his predecessors
were also the Buddhists. {tis not unlikely that the Sakta shrine of Viraja
was greatly influenced by Buddhism during the rule of Guhasiva’s family.
There was therefore the necessity of reforming this Sakta shrine during the
Gupia period, when there was a revival of Brahmanical Hinduism in Irdia.
There is a well-known tradition that Gayasura was killed by Vishnu and
that the head of his dead body fell at Gaya, the navel portions at Viraja or
Jajpur and the legs on the Mahendra mountain and that at these three
places the great Brahmanical shrines sprang up. The Buddhist influence
in the Viraja shrine seems to have been eliminated in the Gupta period and.
RELIGION 33%
it seems to have been reconverted into a pure Brahmanical shrine with
Viraja as its presiding deity.
A tradition recorded in the Viraja Mahatymya which forms a part
of the Skanda Purana, states that there was a great Brahmanical sacrifice
at Jajpur, performed by Brahma and that Viraja was born from the sacri-
ficial pit. The image of Viraja, now under worship in the temple at Jajpur
is a twoehanded Mahishamarddini. The image of Mahishamarddini depicted
on the Gupta temple of Bhumara is fourhanded. The late Mr. R. Chanda
has therefore maintained that the image of Viraja now under worship,
belonged to the fifth century A.D. at the latest.
The Sakta shrine of Viraja «vas again influenced by Tantrik
Buddhism in the Bhauma period. We have already observed that the
Bhaumas had their capital at Viraja and that the earlier rulers of the dynasty
were Buddhists, but the Buddhism of this period, as already observed, was
a mixed form of religion in which Buddhism, Saivism, Saktism and
Tantrism had become strangely amalgamated, This mixed form of religion
must have influenced the Sakta shrine of Viraja. There are several Sakta
image@s, particularly of Chamunda, at Jajpur, which were the objects of
worship by the Saktas, Saivas and Buddhist-Tantrikas.
The great Saiva centre of Bhubaneswar has also a number of
Sakta temples which show an amalgamation of Saivism, Saktism and
Tantrik Buddhism and these temples were built during the Bhauma period.
The most ancient Sakta shrine of Bhubaneswar is the temple of Vaitala and
its sculptures clearly prove that the strange esoteric rites were being
performed in it. During the Bhauma period four Sakta shrines sprang up
on the four sides of Vindu Sarovara‘and they are now known as Vaitala,
Mohini, Uttaresvara temples. The namecf the Sakta shrine on the east of
the tank, which still exists, has been fost. These Sakta shrines contain
either the images of Chamunda or of Mahishamarddini. Of them, the Vaitala
is most prominent and a study of its sculpture and architecture indicates
that the strange esoteric rites ‘including human sacrifice, were being
performed in it.
The name Vaitala has been derived from the word Vetala or spirit
with the helpeof which the Kapalikas and the Tantrikas wanted to attain
their siddhis. Itis stated in the Svarnnadri-Mahodaya that the venerable
332 HISTORY OF ORISSA
goddess Chamunda garlanded with skulls exists on a spot on the west nor
far trom the tank Vindusarovara, and that she is of terrific form and iy
known as Kapalini. Evidently the shrine of Vaitala is referred to in this
passage. This Kapalini was the deity of worship of the Kapalikas, Though
the Kapalikas were the warshippers of Siva, the deity of their worship was
very often a Chamunda. The deity of Chamunda now under worship in
the Vaitaia temple, is of terrific form and she was the main deity of shrine
weorshined by the Kapalikas Act V of the Malati-Madhava drama of
havabhuti provides us with the information that a Kapalika, Aghoraghanta
by name, wanted to sacrifice :o Chamunda the noble lady Malati who had
been procured for the purpose by his terrible female disciple Kapalakundala.
From the Parsvanathacharita we get the information that Kali praises a
Kapalika who is ever collecting skulls for her, and is just about to achieve
108th skull by whose means she is to fulfill her purpose. These works thus
prove that Kapalikas used to sacrifice human beings to the goddess Kali or
Chamunda, The stary of Kanakalekhain the Dasakumar-charita and that
of Ratnachandra in the Mallinatha-charita also show how innocent and
beautiful women were being sacrificed by the Kapalikas. Vadiraja-Suri in
his Yasodhara-Kavya describes the preparation of a Kapalika for the
sacrifice Of two pretty children who had been procured for the purpose.
The temple of the Kapalikas, now known as Vaitala, was a shrine for
Sacilicing human beings and other-animals. The basement of a stone yupa
which was utilised for the sacrifice, is still to be found in front of the door
of the Vaitala temple. Unlike the cellas:of other temples where light and
shade jintermingle to create a serene atmosphere, the sanctum of the
Vaitala is intensely dark. The seriousness of the awful esoteric rites that
were ‘once performed here, must have been heightened by the darkness
of the cella aid by the presence of some images in their most
terrific forms. Among the terrificsfigures carved on the inner walls, occures
a Bhairava depicted in the most hideous and terrific form that human
imagination can ever conceive. This image might have been another deity
of worship. for, the Kapalikas take Bhairava to be the creator, protector
and destroyer of the world and believe that all other gods are subservient
to him, The form.of.Saktism that we find from a study of Vaitala temple
is not an independent one and it certainly allied itself with Saivism and
Buddhist-Tantrism. We have already seen that the Vaitala temple not only
bears the Sakta images, but also the Saiva and Buddhist-Tantrik deities.
The Kapalikas who followed this mixed form of religion were an extreme
sect of Saktism or Saivism or Tantrism. They indulged in such revolting
practices as wearing skulls, drinking, howling, sacrificing human beings,
RELIGION 333:
eating food in human skulls and keeping alight sacrificial fire with the
brains and lungs of men.
Besides the four Sakta shrines on the four sides of the Vindusarovara
at Bhubaneswar, there are also other smaller shrines at the place in which
the Chamundas are still being worshipped. One such shrine, known as
Bhuasuni, is in the neighbourhood of Sisupalagarh and the other is near
the house of Mr. Satyapriya Mohanti. All these images bear the characteri-
stics of the sam2 age, and are all depicted in terrific forms with sunken
bellies and with emaciated and sinewy bodies garlanded with skulls, and
seated on corpses with jackals by their sides. The presiding deity of the
largest temple at Khiching in Mayurbhanj 13 also a Chamunda showing the
same characteristics and it may be that it was the creation of the Bhauma
age, though it seems to have received the status of a presiding deity at a
later stage of its history.
The worship of Sapta-Matrikas was another form of Saktism
which can be traced back to the seventh century A.D, if not earlier. The
groups of Sapta-Matrikas are to be found in the Parasuramesvara, Vaitala
and Muktesvara temples at Bhubaneswar. Two groups of these deities are
to be found at Jajpur of which one is being worshipped in a small temple
onthe bank ofthe river Vaitarani and the other group, badly mutilated,
is to be found in the compound of the quarter of the S.D.O. of the Jajpur
subdivision. Another group existed at Chahata in the Dharmasala Police
Station of the Cuttack district and all the images of the group have now
been preserved in the Orissa State Museum. At Puri the Sapta-Matrikas
are to be found in a shrine on the bank of the Markandesvara tank, All
these groups, besides containing the images of Varahi, Indrani, Vaishnavi,
Kaumari, Sivani, Brahmi and Chamunda, also contain the images of
Ganesa and Virabhadra. The earlier Matrikas do not hold babies in their
arms, but the babies are invariably found in the arms of the later Matrikas.
This iconographic peculiarity divides the Matrikas of Orissa into two
broad groups. earlier and later. The earlier Matrikas seems to have been
in prevalence in the Sailodbhava andthe Bhauma periods and the later
group with the babies as the distinctive attributes, seem to have originated
in the Somavamsi period. The worship of the Matrikas seem to have
been widespread in Orissa and this worship formed an essential! part of
Saktism.
Sometimes Chamunda and Varahi were selected out of the group
and worshipped as single deities. Some of the temples with Chamundas as
the presiding deities have been mentioned above, and the Varahi shrines
334 HISTORY OF ORISSA
can also be traced in different parts of Orissa. A Varahi temple stilll exists
at Chaurasi in the Prachi valley of the Puri district. This temple is of
Khakhra or Gaurichara veriety of Orissan temple architecture and is
similar to, but smaller than the temple of Vaitala at Bhubaneswar, but it
seems to be later than its Bhubaneswar prototype. {tis not unlikely that
similar esoteric rites were also followed here. Another Varahi shrine is to
-be found at Narendrapur near Gadi in the Balasore district. The presiding
deity was being worshipped in a thatched house, but now it is enshrined
in atemple, A single image of Varahi was lying in the Raja Bagicha of the
Nilagiri town in the Balasore district, and it seems to have originally
belonged toa shrine. The partof an ancient fort named Kichakagada
at Khiching in Mayurbhanj district, is known as Vahri which is a
corruption of Varahi. Evidently a shrine of Varahi existed here, but it
cannot now be traced. The Varahi worship was thus widespread in
Orissa. She was supposed to be the cause of all epidemics and it was
believed by the peopie that, to ward off all epidemics it was necessary to
propitiate her.
The Gangas do not seem to have favoured and patronized the
worship of Sakti in Orissa, A tradition recorded in the Madalapanji
states that Chodaganga banished all goddesses from Orissa. Another
tradition recorded by Sarala Dasa tn the Madhya Parva of his
Mahabharata points to the fact that Chodaganga was responsible for the
removal of Ramachandi from her original shrine at Konarka to the seashore
at Liakhia Muhana. Another tradition recorded in a Panji discovered from
Berhampur, indicates that Chodaganga was antagonsitic to all Sakta images
excepting a few like Viraja. All these traditions point to the fact that
Chodaganga did not favour or patronize Saktism, in the Ganga period
Saktism took a different form. in this period all male deities were Provided
with consorts or female counterparts. In all Ganga temples built after the
temple of Ananta-Vasudeva (A.D.1278), the dikpalas or the guardian
deities appear with their female counterparts. Indra, for instance, appears
along with Indrani, both being carved one abeve the other and both
having identical characteristics, weapons and mounts. In the earlie
temples the female counterparts of the guardian deities donot mace
their appearance, The innovation introduced shows that in the Ganga
period it was thought necessary to provide consorts to ail male deities. Tne
shrine of Lingaraja ut Bhubaneswar had originally no separete temple for
Parvati. The temple of Parvati, now to be found in the Lingaraja compound,
RELIGION 335.
was built in the Ganga period. Its three-chambered porch, its architecture
and its sculpture clearly indicate that it is a Ganga monument. The great
temple of Konarka had originally a temple of Chhaya, the consort of the
Sun god, of which the basement has come downto us. Some earlier
scholars have maintained that this temple was meant for Maya Devi, mother
of Gautama Buddha, but this identification is wholly unacceptable. The
supposition of the presence of a Buddhist shrine in the compound of a
Brahmanical Hindu temple in the thirteenth century, is preposterous. The
name of the deity for which this temple was meant, wes therefore Chhaya
and not Maya. Inthe compound of the Jagannatha temple at Puri the
temples of Vimala and Lakshmi seem to have been built during the Ganga
period During the Ganga rule Saktism thus took a different turn in
Orissa.
There are still numerous Sakta shrines in Orissa, of which the
shrines of Mangala at Kakatapur, Charchika at Banki. Sarala at Jhankara,
Ramachandi at Konarka and Samalesvari at Sambalpur, are most famous.
The dates of these shrines cannot be determined.
Cult of Jagannatha
The origin of the Jagannatha shrine and his cult are shrouded in
obscurity. One great difficulty is that for the early histary of Jagannatha we
have only some legends and no other evidences. The legends again vary from
gource to source and make the task of extricating history from them almost
impossible. What is true to the faithful is not true to the historian. The
faithful take the legends as the true history of Jagannatha notwithstanding
their supernatural and variable character. We need not relate here the
story which states how the dead body of Srikrishna came floating from
Dvarika to Puri, turned into wood and was _ ultimately carved into the
images of Jagannatha and his associates. The earlier details of this story
given in the Puranas do not tally with those of the same story given by
Sarala Dasa in his Oriya Mahabharata composed in the fifteenth century
A.D, The story of the origin of Jagannatha given in the Vana Parva of
Sarala Dasa's Mahabharata relates that Srikrishna’s dead body came
floating from Dvarika to Puri and turned into wood. This fact was known
to Jara Savara and his wife Lalita and they were instructed by Indra to
keep it secret. Accordingly Jara Savara kept the sacred object -in the
dense forest and worshipped it for several years In the meanwhile the
King Indradyumna, son of King Galamadhava of Somavamsa, came to know
of it. Th@ name of Indradyumna’s wife .was Gundakeri and he was the
336 HISTORY OF ORISSA
ruler of Sakalya Dvipa. Indradyumna became eager to trace out the dead
body of Srikrishna turned into wood and therefore, to trace it out he sent a
Gauda Brahmin named Yadu who was the son of Vedasravana Vasukara
and grandson of Chandakara. The rest of the story relates how the
Brahmin Yadu came to Puri lived in the village of Jara Savara and ultima-
taly traced out the sacred object worshipped by the Savara chief. After
that Indr:dyumna came to Puri, got the sacred wood carved into three
images of Jagannatha, Balabhadra aiid Subhadra and enshrined them in a
temple built by him. This story of the origin of Jagannatha widely differs
from the same story given inthe Puranas and in an Oriya work named
Deulatola. in these versions of the story Indradyumna has been respre-
sented as the king of Malava. Galaniadhava was not his father, but was
an altogether different later king who falsely claimed to be the builder of
the first Jagannatha temple built by Indradyumna., According to these
versions the name of the Savara who worshipped Nilamadhava or the
sacred wood was Visvavasu and his daughter’s name was Lalita who was
ultimately married to Vidyapati.
It will thus be seen that the legends which have come down to us
about the origin of Jagannatha are of highly conflicting character. They
can give us no true history of Jagannatha. The matter-of-fact of history of
lord Jagannatha can be reconstructed only when some corroborating
evidences are obtained from the more reliable sources like epigraphic
records and coins or from the objects obtained from a systematic excava-
tion somewhere at Puri. Till then the history of the origin of this great
Hindu shrine will continue to be a guess-work.
The institution of lord Jagannatha at Puri, however, seems to be
of great antiquity with its history going back to the pre-Christian era. In
Chapter 114 of the Vana Parva of Mahabharata the sage Lomasa accqu-
aints Yudhishthira with the sacred places of Kalinga, He first acquaints him
won the shrine of Viraja, situated on the river Vaitarani. Yudhishthira after
having taken a plunge into the river Vaitarani heard a voice, which Lomasa
explained to be that of the dwellers of the;forest reciting mantras. Then
he explained to Yudhisthira the sacredness of the spot from whjch_ the
voice came, He said that once the sejf-existent (Svayambhu) performed a
sacrifice here aid gave the entire earth to Kasyapa. The earth was angry
and sank into the Netherland. Kasyapa propitiated her and she uprose and
showed herself in the form of an altar. The bottom of the altar reached
the sea. Yudhishthira was-advised by Lomasa to ride upon the altar and
RELIGION 337
Yudhishthira followed the advice of Lomasa and rode upon the altar and
took a plunge inthe sea. The sacred place described in this passage
evidently refers to a shrine other than the shrine of Viraja situated on the
river Vaitarani This sacred place, as its description indicates, was situated
on the seashore. In all likelihood the sacred spot referred to in the
Mahabharata was Puri situated on the seacoast. If this interpretation is
acceptable, the origin of the sacred shrine of Jagannatha goes back to the
pre-Christian era, and should therefore be considered as old as the origin
of Viraja at Jajpur The Mahabharata has distinctly stated the name of
the shrine of Viraja, but ithas not given the name of the sacred spot
mentioned immediately after it? The unnamed sacred spot was evidently
Puri.
Indradyumna, who prominently figures in all the legends as the
builder of the first temple of Jagannatha, stlll remains a legendary person
and his historicity has not yet been established. Had it been possible to
prove his historicity, it would have possible to throw some light on the
early history of the shirne. The numerous copper plate grants and stone
inscriptions of the ruling dynasties of Orissa do not refer to lord
Jagannatha. The absence of reference however, does not prove that he
did not exist in Orissa. It only shows thatthe deity had not become so
famous as he cametobe /ater. There is a reference in the Khurda
Plates of Madhava Raja Il of the Sailodbhava dynasty to lord Madhava,
the holder of the disc, and this Madhava is identified by some scholars with
Nilamadhava, which was the earlier name of Jagannatha, but the
identification seems to be far-fetched.
The word Purushottama which is another name of Jagannatha and
also of the sacred city of Puri, occurs in the Hindol Plate of Subhakaradeva
Ill, but it is capable of yielding two meanings. The relevant passage in
which this word is found, has been translated as “‘it was heard that being
an overlord, he was deserted by the soldiers (lit. horsemen), but his glory
was never impaired by his adversaries and he was the best of men.’’ This
verse like many other verses of the Bhauma copper plate inscriptions, is
capable of yielding two meanings. The word visadi means ‘‘One who was
deserted by his horsemen” and it also means “one who was sad (visadi)’”’.
Similarly the word Purushottama means ‘‘the best of men” and it also
means ‘the city of Purushottama’ which is another name of Puri. The
reference is thus ambiguous and we are not sure whether it means
the city of Rurushottama or the king Subhakaradeva | of the Bhauma
dynasty.
338 HISTORY OF ORISSA
We have already referred to the story of Raktavahu invasion
recorded in the Madalapanji in Chapter 6, which is probably an echo of
the Rashtrakuta invasion of Orissa under Govinda II! in the reign of Subha-
karadeva | of the Bhauma dynasty. If this interpretation is accepted, we
may be sure that the sacred city Purushottama (Puri) and the temple of
Jagannatha, Balabhadra and Subhadra existed in the early Bhauma period
of the eighth century A.D. We have also stated earlier that the Bhaumas
came from Assam. Both Kamarupa and Uddiyana (identified by many with
Orissa) were the primary pithas of Vajrayana, and Jagannatha and
Kamakshya, respectively of Orissa and Assam (Kamarupa) were established
on the spots bearing identical name Nilachala and this name Nilachala is
still attached to both the great shrines of both the states. It is not there-
fore, improbable that the Bhaumas built a temple at Puri for lord
Jagannatha and worshipped him as a Buddhist Tantrik deity. The name
Nilachala of the Jagannatha shrine seems to have originated from the
Bhauma period.
The indubitable references to lord Jagannatha and his temple are
however found in the later Ganga copper plate records in which Choda-
ganga, the founder of the Ganga dynasty in Orissa, is represented as the
builder of the present Jagannatha temple at Puri. We have already
observed in Chapter 7 that Yayati I also built a temple at Puri for lord
Jagannatha, Both Yayati | and Chodaganga were actuated by political
motives for paying a greater attention to the shrine of Jagannatha, which
must have acquired a great sanctity by the time they ruled in Orissa. Both
these monarchs did not possess any legal claim to the throne of Orissa
and, therefore, they wanted to placate the public opinion of this country
by building the spectacular temple of Jagannatha whose cult had a great
significance in the national life of the Oriyas, and who was considered to
be the unquestioned supreme deity of their country.
The probable course of the history of Jagannatha seem to be that
in the earliest times of his existence he was a Brahmanical deity worshipped
as an altar as described in the Vana Parva of the Mahabharata, The altar
was probably a wooden one and like the image of Jagannatha, liable to
be renovated every twelve years. It next came to the custody of the
Savaras who seem to have been the rulers of the region. Then the
Bhaumas came from Assam in the first part of the eighth century A.D., ruled
over Orissa, obtained the shrine from the Savaras, got the wooden alter
carved into three images, enshrined them in a temple built an the spot and
gave it the name Nilachala which was the name of the famous. shrine
RELIGION 339
of Kamakshya in their homeland of Assam. Since the early Bhauma rulers
of Orissa were Mahayana Buddhists it -is most likely that three images
carved represented tri-ratna as suggested by General Cunningham and
explained by Dr, Mahatab. Inthe next two political periods Yayati | of
the Somavamsi dynasty and Chodaganga of the Ganga dynasty built
spectacular temples in the shrine which gradually became famous as a
great religious centre of the Hindus. The survivals of the first two temples
builtin the Bhauma and Somavamsi periods, might still be lying in
different parts of Puri, used as later fixations. Puri has not yet been
archaeologically surveyed.
References to lord Jagannatha or his shrine at Puri in the medieval
Sanskrit works, are many. The Sanskrit work Jnana-Siddhi assigned to
the eight century A. D, and attributed to Indrabhuti, opens witha salute
to Jagannatha worshipped by ‘all sages who have conquered all their
desires’. The word Jagannatha in this sense also occurs in several
other verses of the same work. In these references the word has been
used in its etymological sense meaning ‘the lord of the universe’ but some
scholars through a forced interpretation maintain that the Jagannatha of
the verses refer to lord Jagannatha of Puri. This interpretation cannot
be accepted. A definite reference to lord Jagannatha of Puri occurs in
the Sanskrit drama Anargha Raghava-Natakam by Murari. assigned to
the medieval period. The Sutradhara of the drama clearly states that it
was meant to be staged in festival of lord Purushottama of the sea shore
studded with the Tamala trees. The famous astronomer Satananda
clearly states that he wasa resident of Purushottama and that his
famous work Bhasvati was completed in the Kaliyuga year 4200 or
A. 0, 1099 which falls in the closing part of the Somavamsi rule.
Dr. H. K. Mahatab cites a number of other Sanshkrit works composed
before the Ganga rule in Orissa, in which lord Jagannatha or his shrine at
Puri has been referred to (Odisa Itihasa, Part !, pp. 186-190). From the
beginning of the Ganga rule in Oriss, the mention of lord Jagannatha and
his shrine in the Sanskrit and Oriya works became a rule rather than an
exception.
For several reasons the shrine of Jagannatha became most famous
from the beginning of the Ganga rule in Orissa in the early part of the
twelfth century A.D, The spectacular great temple built by Chodaganga
on the charming sea-shore, attracted the notice of all Hindus. The great
antiquity of the deity enshrined in it also enhanced its sanctity. The
political conditions of India after the Turkish invasion in the closing part
340 HISTORY OF ORISSA
of the twelfth century A. D., also enhanced the sacredness of Jagannatha’s
shrine. The Muslims rapidly occupied the neighbouring regions of Orissa
but Orissa itself remained a strong independent Hindu kingdom up to
A.D. 1568. The faithfull flocked to Puri to follow their religious perfor-
mances unmolested.
The cult of lord Jagannatha is a composite one and the diverse
elements that compose it, have got into it at various stages of its develop-
ment. Its composite character became well-marked in the Ganga period.
It is really surprising how the diverse cults, so different in conception and
origin and sometimes even antagonistic to each other, could be welded
together into a cosmopolitan form of religion that bacame the order of the
age. Before the commencement of the Ganga period Saivism, Saktism
and Vaishnavism were the three main cults which existed side by side in
Orissa, each preaching its own superiority, but at no time either in theory
or practice, losing its separate entity. In the Ganga period there were
attempts to amalgamate them into one form of religion that contained the
principles of each, but yet exclusively represented none, The pithas or
shrines continued to bear distinct names in accordance with the cults of
their origin. Puri, Bhubaneswar, Konarka, Mahavinayaka and Viraja or
Jajpur, the traditional five pithas representing five distinct cults,
continued to be respectively termed as Vaishnava, Saiva, Saura, Ganapatya
and Sakta centres, but the form of worship that came into vogue in them
became essentially a cosmopolitan one. The movement aimed at a
synthesis of cults and sects by adopting principles not merely from the
different cults of Hinduism, but from Buddhism, Jainism and from the
primitive cults that were practised by the primitive people of Orissa. The
cult of Jagannatha embodies all these diverse elements and affords the
best example of this synthesis.
It is, therefore, no wonder that -different scholars would put
different interpretations on the origin and the development of the
Jagannatha cult. It is maintained by some scholars that the images, now
known as Jagannatha, Subhadra and Balabhadra, were originally triratna
symbols worshipped by the primitive Savaras, and the Savara origin of
the cultis further eought to besupported by the existence in the
Jagannatha temple of a class of servants known as Daitapatis
(Devata patis or the custodians of the deity), who claim their descent
from the Brahmin Vidyapati through the Savara mother Lalita. It is
also suggested by some thatthese three images represent Ananta,
Vasudeva and Ekanamsa as given in the Brihatsamhita. Some scholars
RELIGION 341
also think that they represent Buddha, Dharmma and Sangha and one
scholar would like to trace their origin to Jainism. The views of the different
scholars on the subject are, no doubt, partially right, for in reality
Jagannatha grew into an _ institution embodying the principles of all the
Sects and cults known to India. The shrine of Jagannatha was much earlier
than the period of the Gangas, but the character of the cult in its earlier
phases is not definitely known. During the Ganga period the final shape of
Jagannatha cult embodying the principles and ideas of various sects had
been reached and the theory of its Brahmanical origin emphasized and given
wide publicity. Brahmanism was a great unifying factor in the history of
Indian civilisation and in its gradual development one may recognize the
assimilation of various heterogenous ideas and beliefs, ail synthesized into
the larger concept of Hinduism. The emphasis on the Brahmanical origin of
the Jagannatha cult is nothing but an attempt to endow the various strains,
that went to the formation of this cult, with an authoritative sanction, The
orthodox interpretation of the three images as current in the Ganga period
and the subsquent period of the Suryavamsis, the last independent Hindu
dynasty of Orissa, came downto the early British period when Stirling
wrote his An Account of Orissa in 1822. It has been recorded by Stirling
that according to the orthodox interpretation, the three images of Jagannath,
Balabhadra and Subhadra respectively respresent Vishnu, Siva and Durga.
The Jagannatha religion in its final phase thus sought to synthesize the
three main cults of Hinduism, viz. Vaishnavism, Saivism and Saktism, but at
the same time it also retained some practices of the older cults and religions
to which it owed its origin.
Although the cult originated and.developed at Puri, it did not really
remain confined to that place, but it gradually spread to other shrines of
Orissa. As a matter of fact, it became the religion of Orissa, and not of the
Jagannatha temple alone. The spirit of the age in which the synthesis of the
cults took place manifested itself in art, architecture and literature of the
period, of which enough materials are now available. The cult as well as
the principles which formed it, influenced the religious history of Orissa.
The great temple at Konaska which, to judge from the presiding deity, was
purely a Saura shrine, bore the stamp of,this cosmopolitanism. It is difficult
to ascertain the form of worship that was in vogue _in that great temple,
for worship had long been abandoned there; but among its innumerable
sculptures, there are still to be found several panels in which the
342 HISTORY OF ORISSA
representations of a Siva lingam, Jagannatha and Durga are depicted side
by side, with a worshipper paying homage to them all. The worshipper is
a royal personage who most likely represents the Ganga king Narasimha I,
the builder of the temple.
The great temple of Lingaraja which, unlike the temple of Konarka,
is still under worship, affords ample evidence to show how this Saiva shrine
was influenced by the Jagannatha cult. The influences of the Jagannatha
cult are to be discerned inthe daily worship of the deity, inthe mantras
with which he is invoked, inthe offerings which are given to him, inthe
surroundings in which he is worshipped, in the festivals which are held in
his honour and in the orthodox literature in which he has been extolled
and the modes and merits of his worship propounded. It is now an accepted
fact with the priests here that the Lingaraja is a combination of both Vishnu
and Siva. tn other words, he is Harihara and not Hara alone, A natural line
that exists in that Svayambhu lingam (Lingaraja) is pointed out by them as
the line demarcating the Siva and Vishnu portions of the same deity which is
invoked as Harihara. Hemlock and hemlock leaves which are generally
given to a Siva-lingam are not allowed in the Lingaraja temple. The leaves
of Vilva and Tulasi, which are favourites respectively of Siva and Vishnu
are used in daily worship.
The temple and the surroundings in which the Lingarajais now
worshipped, underwent important changes and modifications to fit in with
the new conception about the presiding deity. During the Ganga period
the Natamandira and the Bhogamandapa were added to the Lingaraja
temple and so the Vrisha-stambha which now stands in frontof the
Bhogamandapa. would have been a work of that period. This stambha
bears atthe top not only a yrisha (bull) the mount of Siva, but also a
Garuda, the mount of Vishnu, which having been placed side by side
in front of the temple, have evidently been meant to make the synthesis of
the two cults visual to a visitor at his first approach to the shrine. The
crowning members of the great Lingaraja can be seen from a distance and
the topmost twoofthem, as in other temples, are an ayudha (weapon)
and a pataka (flag). Inorderto bring home to the general public that
the shrine belongs to boththe sects, the ayudha which must have
originally been a trisula, was replaced by one consisting of half a disc
and atrident. it is said that this change was brought about by a daring
man who climbed tothe topofthe spire in the dead of night under the
orders of a Ganga king, pulled down the original ayudha, replaced it by
this new and composite device. This manis said to have been granted
RELIGION 343
rent-free lands and given the little Nishanka-malla (the fearless hero)
which is still borne by his descendants living inthe Nuapalli village
near Bhubaneswar. Some orthodox Saivas explain the disc as the
pinaka, the bow of Siva, but this explanation is untenable in view of the
fact that the pinaka or bow is never used as a crowning member in any
Saiva temple.
In remodelling the Lingaraja temple the Ganga kings also
introduced some Vaishnavite features which are not to be found in any
Saiva shrine. In the southern door-Jambs of the Natamandira are to be
found the images of the Vaishnava dvarapalas Jaya and Vijaya in place
of Chanda and Prachanda. These images holding in the upper two hands
Sankha and Chakra andin the lower two a Gada stuck to the ground,
are close prototypes of the dvarapalas of the Ananta-Vasudeva temple
builtin A.D. 1278 and they furnish us with the further evidence that
the Natamandira was erected during the Ganga period. The _ interior of
the Natamandira also contained arrangements for the Jhulana festival
which is observed in the Jagannatha temple at Puri, but which has now
been somehow discontinued in the Lingaraja temple. On the western
side of the main temple of Lingaraja and onthe northern side of its
Bhogamandapa the images of Jagannatha and Lakshmi-Narayana have
been enshrined so that a devotee while making a circumambulation will first
meet these Vaishnavite deites before he enters the main shrine to pay
homage to the Svayambhu lingam. Among the subsidiary temples
standing within the compound of the Lingaraja, there are two to the
south of the main shrine of which .one contains the image of the Varaha
incarnation of Vishnu and ‘the other, the three tmages of Ananta,
Vasudeva and Ekanamsa. No Sakta influence can be traced in the
worship of the Lingaraja, but provision exists for the worship of Parvati
enshrined in a beautiful temple with a three-chambered porch, which
stands to the north of the main shrine and which was erected in the
Ganga period. On the day the Lord Tribhuvanesvara (Lingaraja)
returns to the temple after completing the car festival of Asokashtami,
amock quarrel is staged between two parties of priests respectively of
Lingaraja and of Parvati, because during the car festival the former
takes with him Lakshmi, wife of Vishnu and not Parvati.
The cumulative effects of the influences of the Jagannatha cult
on the Lingaraja temple have been that it has lost its distinctive
character of a Siva shrine and has adopted the cosmopolitanism of the
Jagannatha ‘at Puri, The Sudra priests, known as Vadus, who have been
344 HISTORY OF ORISSA
described in the sixty second chapter of the Ekamra Purana as the
descendants of a Savara mother by a Saiva saint known as Siddha-bhuti,
are, like the Daitapatis of the Jagannatha temple, still the custodians
of the Lingaraja shrine, although the Brahmins have also takena share
in the worship in recent times. Notwithstanding the well-known
orthodox dictum that the offerings given to Siva are not to be partaken
of by any Hindu, even the cooked rice offered to Lingaraja, is now eaten
by all caste Hindus including the Brahmins. The custom is certainly
analogous to the one prevalent in the Jagannatha temple where, while
partaking of the cooked rice offered to the. god, no caste distinction is
observed.
That these influences of the Jagannatha cult are not of recent
origin in the Lingaraja temple, is proved by the Ekamra Purana and
the allied works. They are unaninous in their assertion that no real
distinction exists between the .Saiva and Vaishnava cults and that it is
only superficial people who find a distinction in them, Thus says the
Ekamra Purana:
“There is no distinction between Vishnu and Siva. This is the
eternal Dharmma and the man who observes this Dharmma attains
mukti.”
In another place the same authority seeks to synthesize the four
main cults. viz. Vaishnavism, Sairism, Saktism and Saurism :
“O Goddess (Parvati), you are Vishnu; and Surya and Achyuta
are my emanations. The intelligent people say that there is no distinction
between them (i.e. between Vishnu and Surya). So Vishnu and Siva split
the one body in two. The god (thus became) Ardhanarisvara and (in
him) the female protion is really Janardana. O goddess (Parvati), do
not see any distinction, (for) he who is Vishnu, is also Mahesvara. The
vicious fool who makes a distinction goes to heil.”’
Instances can be multiplied from the same work to show that it
takes all the main cults to be one and the same cult. It also utters
warnings against the followers of Vishnu who want to vilify Saivism.
It Says:
“In the Kali age those persons, who having been Vaishnavas
become the vilifiers of Siva, will certainly go the hell. There is no doubt
about it.”’ |
RELIGION 345
On the ground that the Lingaraja is the combination of Vishnu
and Siva, it also justifies the partaking of the offerings made to him.,
“Bhubanesvara is no lingam: (he) is the image of Parama
Brahma. (So) the partaking of the offerings made to him leads to the
merits that accrue from a great sacrifice.”
The Svarnnadri-mahodaya in its sixth chapter further explains
the reasons why the offerings given to Bhubanesvara are not to
be tabooed. It says :
“This Lingam is neither god, nor Rudra, nor Madhava. Since
half of each exists there, it is Svayambhu. The offerings given toa
lingam are not to be partaken of, (but) Bhubanesvara is not a lingam.
So, O son, eat the offerings with the gods and demons.”
The same work in the same chapter also asserts that offerings
given to Lingaraja are not polluted by touch. In other words, it sanctions
that the lower-castes can take the offerings in the company of the
higher castes. The sanction still exists and it is now a common custom
that the lower-caste people carry even the cooked rice offered to
Lingaraja to distant places where it is served to the people of all castes
on ceremonial occassions
Culturally the Suryavamsi period merges into the Ganga epoch,
but towards the end of this period Vaishnavism became predominant in
Orissa on account of the visit of Sri Chaitanya to this county, his long
sojourn at Puri and his great influence on Prataparudradeva (A. D.
1497-1540), the last great king of the dynasty. So the ascendancy of the
Jagannatha cult popularly affiliated to the Vaishnava cult, was more in
evidence at Bhubaneswar. The earlier work, Ekamra Purana, while
describing in its 18th and 22nd chapters the procedure of visiting the
main shrine, enjoins that, a pilgrim after having a dip in the Vindu-
Sarovara, must first see Ananta-Vasudeva and then go to the shrine of
Lingaraja. Though the procedure gave the first precedence to a Vaishnava
shrine, nonetheless Ananta~Vasudeva was never conceived as the
supreme deity of the place. Qn the other hand, the work has consistently
maintained that at the request of Siva, Vasudeva with his brother
Ananta agreed to fix his abode at Ekamra, and to serve as the
Kshetrapala or the protector of the place. It thus maintains that
Bhubaneswar was mainly a Saiva shrine and Vaishnavism was allowed to
exist here on equal terms. Butthis position was soon to change along
with the growing popularity of Vaishnavism as a result of Sri Chaitanya’s
346 HISTORY OF ORISSA
activities and the patronage of Vaishnavism by Prataparudradeva under
the former’s spiritual guidance. The Kapila-samhita which would have
been compiled in or after the reign of Prataparudradeva, propounds
just the opposite view of the Ekamra Purana. The eleventh chapter of
the Kapila-samhita gives an account of Siva’s coming to Ekamra which,
on account of its historical significance, is worth quoting here in its
main outline :
In the age of Treta Siva once told Narada that, since Baranasi
had become overcrowd, he would not like to stay there any longer
and would choose a solitary place for his abode. Narada told him that
there was a beautiful place known as Ekamra situated to the north of
Nilachala on the sea-coast and Vasudeva with his brother had been
living there (at Ekamra). If he wanted to fix his abode there he should
first go to Vasudeva, practise penance to propitiate him and obtain his
permission to stay there. According to the advice of Narada Siva went
to Ekamra and at his first meeting with Vasudeva, fell at his feet and
propitiated him with various prayers. Vasudeva at last agreed to assign
him a place in Ekamra, but not without a condition. The condition was
that he must not try to go back to Baranasi again. Siva agreed to the
condition and was therefore given a place in Ekamra.
The inner significance of the story is that Ekamra was originally
a Vaishnava shrine and that Saivism was allowed to exist there after a
compromise and on certain conditions. This, however, is just contrary
to the archaeological evidence that we find with regard to its origin. It
is evident that, in the last part of the Suryavamsi period, the cult of
Jagannatha, popularly representing Vaishnavism, became the predominant
form of religion tn Orissa and all other cults were made subservient to
it. This Jagannatha cult, as we have already seen, is in reality an
amalgam of different cults and religions, and even of the practices and
faiths followed by the primitive tribes. There was therefore a grand
experiment in the field of religion in this eastern coast of India to reduce
heterogeneity to a sort of homogeneity.
The shrine of lord Jagannatha was visited by the great saints
like Sankara, Ramananda, Ramanuja, Madhava Tirtha, Narahari Tirtha,
Kavira Nanaka and Chaitanya, each of whom contributed to the growth
of its catholiclty and many of whom left some institutions at Puri
which are still named after them. The process of the growth of the
Jagannatha cult marked by changes. modifications and innovations,
reached its zenith by the end of the Ganga period and after that it
RELIGION 347
ceased to have any growth whatsoever, Admittance of the Harijans and
Adivasis into the Jagannatha temple would have been the logical
sequence of its liberality, had the process of its growth been allowed to
continue unhindered, Stagnation of this great shrine started from the
Suryavamsi period and it was enhanced in the Muslim period when Orissa
became a benighted country with but little contribution either to the body
politic of India or to the general Indian culture.
The laudable aim of providing a common religious institution to
all Hindus, irrespective of their castes and sects, conceived by the Oriyas
of the early periods, was scarcely understood or appreciated by their later
descendants who set their face against any reform or innovation in the
shrine of Jagannatha. Certain ritualistic elements quite foreign to the
earlier conception of the Jagannatha cult, were also introduced into the
shrine. We have seen that Prataparudradeva made the singing of the
Gitagovinda in the presence of lord Jagannatha by dancing girls, a
compulsory ritualistic performance. In the last phase of the development
of the cult, Jagannatha v/as no doubt conceived to be identical with
Srikrishna, but Srikrishna of this conception was a Sahajiya type as depicted
in the Gitagovinda. Sex never played any part in the cult of Jagannatha
in its earlier existence. He was conceived as Yogesvara far above all
carnal desires He always appears with his elder brother Balarama and
younger sister Subhadra and therefore, nothing of amorous or obscene
nature was to be sung or talked of in their presence. While allowing the
Gitagovinda to be sung by the dancing girls in the presence of lord
Jagannatha, the original import of the Jagannatha cult was scarcely under-
stood, Jagannatha was the sole source of inspiration to ‘the earlier
Oriyas, but as we have already observed, the Oriyas from the sixteenth
century A.D, developed a diversified religious interest and started to be the
followers of all sorts of sects and saints. The debasement of the
Jagannatha cult and the diversification of the religious interest
synchronized the gradual decline of the moral and the military spirits of the
Oriyas.
Other Cults
Reference may be made to a few minor cults not included in the
above categories of the sects and cults. We have already seen that the
terracotta Nagas and the multi-spouted vessels connected with their
worship were discovered from the excavations at Dhauli near Bhubane-
swara in 1948 and these abjects were similar to those recovered from the
348 HISTORY OF ORISSA
excavations at a spot known as Maniar Mathin Rajgir near Nalanda in
Bihar. The objects discovered from the Dhauli excavations along with
some Naga stone images found in Orissa lead us to think that the Naga
worship was popular in Orissa, and its origin might go back to the pre-
Christian era. Two statues of Nagaraja discovered by the present writer
from the suburbs of Bhubaneswar in 1949, and one image of Nagaraja
still being worshipped in a shrine at Sundarapada in the neighbourhood
of Bhubaneswar, vouchsafe the prevalence of the Naga cult in Orissa.
At Ranapur in the Puri district a deity is worshipped under the name of
Mainaka which is a corruption of Maninaga. The two Naga images
discovered by the present writer are now preserved in the Orissa State
Museum. One of them shows the full figure of a Nagaraja standing against
the coils of a snake with five hoods serving as a canopy over its head.
The image wears a conical cap on the head, unusually big ear ornaments,
a broad troque and heavy bracelets and probably had a sword hanging
down to the left, of which only the traces remain at present, Of the
two hands, the left is hanging down and the right is shown in the abhaya
form. in their modelling and in the manner of wearing the garments they
have great affinities with the Naga images of Patna and Pawaya
etc. They are free-standing images meant to be worshipped as the cult
deities. It appears that the Naga worship which represents a popular folk
cult, asserted itself onthe decline of Buddhism and Jainism which
flourished respectively under Asoka and Kharavela, There is no evidence
to show that Naga worship in Orissa continued to the later periods. {n
the later periods, the Naga figures were allowed to be carved on the outer
walls of the Brahmanical temple. The Nagas thus ceased to be the main
deities of worship and occupied a subsidiary position in the temple
structures.
The goddess now worshipped as Bhadra Kali in the Bhadra Kali
temple near Bhadrak in the Balasore districts, was originally a sylvan
deity. The Bhadrak inscription of Gana (Indian Historical Quarterly,
Vol, XXXV, p. 32 and Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XX!IX, p 169) mentions
this deity as Parnnadavadi (Parnnadevati ) and gives out that a lady
named Ranghali, wife of Sri-Pava, donated to the deity thiee pieces of
garments, one pedestal and two pieces of gold, the gold given bei:.g 80
panas. The objects were presented to the goddess after a settlement
with the Honourable Mahakulapati Agisarma (Agnisarman) in the eighth
regnal year of Maharaja Surasarma. The inscription has been palaeo-
graphically assigned to the third century A..D. The Parnnadevati of the
RELIGION 349
epigraph which thus belong to the pre-Gupta period, was a popular deity
and was analogous to Patarasuni. Bhalukuni and Khudurikuni which are
still being worshipped all over Orissa.
Another popular deity known as Stambhesvari has found mention
in the Bhanja copper plate grants of the Khinjali ma”dala and some Bhanja
rulers have been represented in themto have received boons from her
(Stambhesvari-vara-labdha). Recently a copper plate grant, consisting of
three plates and belonging to the seventh regnal year of the last
Somavamsi king Karnnadeva, has been discovered and edited by the
present writer. The donor Ranaka Jayarnnama (va), a feudatory of
Karnnadeva, has been prepresented in it as having received boons from the
Stambhesvari who evidently existed as a deity in medieval Orissa. There
is a shrine at Sonepur in the Bolangir district, which is known as the
Stambhesvari temple. The Stambhesvari worship is still in prevalence in
Orissa. The deity originally represented a wooden pillar. The present
writer has witnessed the establishment of Stambhesvari in the neighbouring
villages of his residence at Khiching in Mayurbhanj. The wooden pillar
representing the deity and worshipped by villagers as the gramadevati is
renewed in every ten years and the ceremony of the renewal is known as
Dasandhi. Animals like goats and pigs are sacrificed on the occasion.
Stambhesvari was, therefore, a pillar and like other rural deities mentioned
above, was very ancient and it is not unlikely that it originated from the
faiths and practices of the primitive tribes of Orissa. Originally Stambhevari
was made of wood but later it was carved in stone in some cases, We
have seen that the earliest object of worship in the shrine now
occupied by the Jagannatha temple at Puri, was an altar which was in all
likelihood a wooden one. [nthe Jagannatha shrine the making of images
out of wood has continued to be a practice from the hoary antiquity.
Stambhesvari also continues to be carved in wood in the rural areas of
Orissa from the tine immemorial.
Brahmanical Hinduism
Brahmanical Hinduism embraced in its hold all the sects and cults
discussed above. Buddhism which from the start wanted to grow up as a
separate religion, ultimately became merged into Brahmanical Hinduism.
We have seen that the early Bhauma rulers, while professing to be the
Buddhists, helped the re-establishment of the caste system which is an
essential feature of Brahmanical Hinduism. The Jainism always made a
350 HISTORY OF ORISSA
compromise with Hinduism and retained the essential features of Hinduism
such as the caste system and the employment of the Brahmins on cere-
monial occasions. There are evidences to show that Jainism prevailed in all
parts of Orissa, but it co-existed with Brahmanical Hinduism without coming
‘nto conflict with it. Buddhism too generally maintained a peaceful
co-exisence with Brahmanical Hinduism, though, as we have shown earlier,
there were sometimes conflicts between Buddhism, Saivism and Vaishnavism.
The main bulk of the people of Orissa were always Brahmanical Hindus,
though there are evidences to show that Buddhism and Jainism had _ their
periods of ascendancy in Orissa respectively under Asoka and Kharavela,
There is little evidence to show that the number of the Buddhists in Orissa
was ever greater than that of the Brahmanical Hindus.
It is difficult to determine the exact date of the period when Vedic
Culture made its first appearance in Orissa, but it seems that it spread to
Orissa from the neighbouring territories now known as Bengal and Bihar.
The late Vedic Literature condemns Kalinga as an impure country and
classes it with Anga, Vanga and Suhma. The Vedic Culture seems to have
entered into Orissa long before Asoka’s invasion in 261 B.C. Both Asoka
and Kharavela state in their inscriptions that they extended toleration to the
heads of all sects including the Brahmins. There is little evidence to show
that during the supremacy of these rulers in Orissa the Brahmins were
persecuted or Brahmanism was supressed. There is however no record to
show that till the Gupta period the Brahmins were given land grants and
settled in the villages known as Sasanas. Starting from the days of the
Matharas in the fifth century A.D. to the end of the Hindu rule in Orissa in
A.0. 1568 and even later, innumerable rent-free land grants were made by
the Orissan rulers to the Brahmins, which made them a privileged class in
the society. We have observed earlier that in the hilly regions of Orissa
the rulers established the Brahmin Sasanas with a view to attract other
castes of the Aryan origin to their principalities which were predominantly
tribal areas. The people of the Aryan origin and culture were better
cultivators than the primitive peoples. The Brahmin settlements in the
tribal areas thus led to the cultivation of more lands in the tribal areas in
better ways.
Brahmanical Hinduism thus penetrated tnto the_ hilly parts of
Orissa. In the coastal areas there were also strong sections of primitive
tribes who too were ultimately driven out to the hilly regions by the
RELIGION 351
people of the Aryan origin and culture, headed by the Brahmins.
Brahmanical Hinduism ultimately triumphed and entered into all parts
of Orissa, even though strong pockets of the people of the non-Aryan
origin continued to exist in the hilly and inaccessible tracts.
Most of the Brahmins claim in the copper plate records to have
migrated to Orissa from the other regions of India. The claim in some
cases may be fictitious, but the fact that most of them came from outside
cannot be denied. We have evidences to show that the Brahmins, who
received rent-free lands from the rulers of Orissa, were originally the
inhabitants of such well-known places as Kolancha (Kanyakubja), Sravasti,
Madhyadesa, Varendra, Pompasara, Radha, Vanga, etc, Several other places
from which the Brahmins claim to have migrated to Orissa have not been
identified. The names of some of such places as they appear in the
copper plate grants, are Apilombri, Atidha, Alopa, Bhatta Paroli, Nirola,
Palasa in Tirabhukti etc, (B. Misra, Dynasties of Mediaeval Orissa, p. 112).
A few of the donees have not however failed to mention that they were the
Original inhabitants of Orissa.
The epigraphical evidences are supported by a persistent tradition
that the Brahmins well-versed in the Vedic literature, came to Orissa from
outside, It is stated that Yayati Kesari invited ten thousand Brahmins from
Kanyakubja to perform sacrifices at Jajpur. A share of the pindas given to
the ancestors at Nabhigaya in Jajpur is still set apart by the pilgrims for the
Brahmins who came from Kanyakubja to this place for the performance of
sacrifices including Asvamedha. Thetradition cannot be brushed aside.
It is similar to the tradition of Bengal that Adisura invited the Brahmins
from Kanyakubja for performing sacrifices. Both the traditions are based
on some historical truth. Yayati of the tradition, as we have already
observed, was the Somavamsi king Yayati !, who is credited in all traditions
to have revived Brahmanical shrines and Brahmanical customs after the
unorthodox rule of the Bhauma-Karas. The Gangas and the Suryavamsis
were also the strong supporters of Brahmanical Hinduism and the Brahmins
occupying the religious shrines and enjoying rent-free lands had a very
strong influence on them The ceremony of Tulapurusha (weighing the body
of the king against gold) performed by some Ganga rulers, was meant to
appease the Brahmins. By occupying a predominant position in the shrine
of Jagannatha the Brahmins also exercised a great influence on the Orissan
rulers, It is at their instance that from the time of Anangabhimadeva Ill
the Orissan rulers considered themselves the deputies of lord Jagannatha.
352 HISTORY OF ORISSA
In the tribal areas of Orissa Brahmanical Hinduism influenced some
tribes so much so that thay were drawn to the Hindu fold, shed their tribal
complexes, and like other Hindus adopted the caste-system and employed
the Brahmins on the ceremonial occasions. The Sauntis, the Bathudis,
the Gandas.
the Bhuyan,
who were originally the tribal peoples,
ultimately adopted the casts systeme. The silent process of proselytization
has, however, received a strong set-back recently after the independence
of India because of the fact that their separate entities and the privileges
have now been preserved in the Indian Constitution.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Jainism
1. R.C Majumdar The Age of Imperial Unity, Bharatiya
Vidya Bhavana
2. R, D. Banerjee History of Orissa, Vol. |
3. K.C. Panigrahi Archaeological Remainsat Bhubaneswer.
4. K.C. Panigrahi Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and
the Somavamsis of Orissa,
5. 1. N. Ramachandran Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXVII,
P. 103
6. K.C. Panigrahi Itithassa O Kimbadant:
Buddhism
1. N.K Sahu History of Orissa, Vol. I
2 N.K. Sahu Buddhism in Orissa
3. K.C. Panigrahi Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswer
4. R. Chanda Memoirs of Archaeological Survey of
India. No. 44,
5. Beal Buddhist Records of the Western World
Vol. Il
6. Watters Yuan Chwang’s Travels in India,
Vol. Hi
7. R OD. Banerjee History of Orissa, Vol. |
8 8B. Misra Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings
9, N.N. Vasu Archacological Survey of Mayurbhanj
Saivism
1. K.C. Panigrati Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar
2. K.C, Panigrahi Itthasa O Kimbadanti °«
=
ee
“ &
sale oe
= ill acl aaa
ca
O°
DIDZ
C.
D,
K.
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Panigrahi
Banerjee
Mahtab
Govt. of Orissa
K, C. Panigrahi
P, Mukherjee
P. Mukherjee
A.B.
Mahanti
R. D. Banerjee
R, Chanda
H. K.
Mahtab
K. C. Panigrahi
K. C Panigrahi
K. C. Panigrahi
A
_K
A UT
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A. B.
Mahanti
Mahtab
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_C. Panigrahi
K. C, Panigrahi
RELIGION 353
Viraja Vaktrita Mala, No, 1
History of Bengal, Vol. 1
Elements of Hindu Iconography, Vol, Wi
part |
“Gagana Sivacharya’”’, etc, The Orissa
Historical Research Journal, Vol. (l,
No. 2
Vaishnavism
Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar
History of Orissa, Vol, I
Odisa Itthasa, Parts |.and Il
The History of the Eastern Gangas of
Kalinga
Orissa Review, Orissa Monuments Special,
1949
Sarala Das, Makers of Indian Literature
Series, Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi
Gajapati Kings of Orissa
History of Vaisnavism in Orissa.
The Madala Panji
Saktism
History of Orissa , Vol. fl
Memoirs of Archaeological Survey of
India, No. 44
Odisa Itihasa, Parts | and I]
Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar
Chroiclogy of the Bhauma-Karas and the
Sumavanis of Orissa
Itthasa O Kimbadanti
Viraja Vaktrita Mala, No. 1
The Madala Panji
Cult of Jagannatha
Odisa Itihasa, Parts | and II
History of Vaisnavism in Ortssa
Archazological Remains at Bhubaneswar.
Chronology of th: Bhauma-Karas and the
Somavamsis of Orissa.
354
K, C, Panigrahi
K. C. Misra
A.B, Mahanti
B. Misra
ON OM
=i
K. C. Panigrahi
2. B. Misra
1. R.C. Mazumdar
B. Misra
3. K. C. Panigrahi
Ro
HISTORY OF ORISSA
Viraja Vaktrita Mala, No, 1
The Cult of Jagannatha
The Madala Panji
Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings
Other Cults
Archaeological Remains at Bhubaneswar,
Dynasties of Mediaeval Orissa
Brahmanical Hinduism
History of Bengal. Vol.1
Dynasties of Mediaeval Orissa
Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and
the Somavamsis of Orissa.
18. Art and Architecture
In Orissa as elsewhere in India, art and architecture have been
connected with each other in such a manner that it is difficult to separate
the one from the other. This has provided a justification to deat with
them together here, The history of Orissan art and architecture is coeval
with her dated history, which, as we have seen, starts from 261 B.C.,
when Asoka conquered this country, then known as Kalinga. The
Kalinga war of 261 B.C. formed aturning point and it is difficult to
determine as to how much of Orissa’s culture, if she had any at
that period, survived after this great cataclysm, but it is definite
that Asoka’s occupation of Orissa gave a start to Orissan art and
architecture.
No specimen of Orissan monuments has yet been discovered,
which can be assigned to the pre-Asokan period, but fromthe time of
Asoka to the end of the Hindu supremacy in Orissa in the sixteenth
century A.D., their continuous history and existence can be traced. The
existing ancient monuments of Orissa thus cover a period of about two
thousand years and present a varied and interesting study. They have
survived through the vicissitudes of the time due tocertain historical
reasons. The Muslim rule in India started from the last part of the
twelfth century A,D., but Orissa continued to be a Hindu kingdom up
to A.D. 1568 when it was conquered by the Muslims. The Hindu state
of Orissa thus gained a period of about 375 years to continue her
bujlding activities unhindered on Hindu traditions. The Muslim rule in
Orissa was short, covering the period from A.D. 1568 to A.D. 1751
and except fora brief period of Aurangzeb’s reign, no large-scale
destruction of Hindu monuments in Orissa is on record. Besides, the
different ruling dynasties of this long period of Hindu supremacy vied
with each other in adding to the number of temples in the religious
centres of their kingdom. All these reasons explain an enormous survival
of ancient monuments in this eastern part of India. The existing ancient
temples of Orissa foiin the highest number in India andin the Struuggle
For Empire, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan (p, 535), the following observation
has been made about them :
356 HISTORY OF ORISSA
‘From the seventh to the thirteenth century A.D. innumerable
temples were erected in Orissa and it has been truely observed that
there are perhaps more temples now in Orissa than in all the rest of
Hindusthan put together.”
Monuments of Asokan Age
The earliest specimen of sculptural art in Kalinga is the colossal
figure of the forepart of an elephant carved at the top of the boulder
containing Asoka’s rock edicts at Dhauli. This elephant figure is certainly
contemporary to the inscription and reference may be made to an incised
figure of an elephant with a label in Asokan Brahmi which appears along
with the Asokan edicts at Kalsi (Dehra Dun). Hence it was not unusual
at that time to represent an elephant, the sacred symbol of the Buddhists,
along with the edicts of Asoka. The elephant figure of Dhauli lacks,
however, the characteristics usually found inthe Asokan sculptures, Tre
tustruous polish, characterstically described as Mauryan, is completely
absent. The absence of this lustruous polish, may with reason, be attributed
to the inferior type of sandstone utilized for its carving. It is significant to
note that the surface of the rock bearing the edicts, also does not show
this polish. Moreover, naturalism as evidenced in the anatomical
treatment of the figure corresponds to that noticed in other animal Capitals
of Asoka’s pillars. A significant parallel may be recognized in the Bull
Capital of the Rampurwa pillar. In modelling and anatomical treatment,
these two figures, one at Rampurwa and the other at Dhauli, are
nearer to the indigenous ideal of subdued naturalism, in contrast to
the realistic treatment of the Lion Capital at Sarnath. The latter appears
to have been the production of an artist reared inthe tradition of the
court, The Rampurwa or the Dhauli figure, however, appears to be
the work of the local artists who were upholders of the indigenous
tradition.
There is also another animal figure which may be assigned to
the reign of Asoka. {ft is the upper part of a lion capital recently
discovered at Bhubaneswar In order to showthat it belonged to the
reign of Asoka, itis necessary here to relate briefly the circumstances
that led to its discovery.
Although Asoka’s rock edicts have been found at Dhauli near
Bhubaneswar and at Jaugada in the Ganjam district, the existence of an
Asokan pillar within ihe limits of ancient Kalinga had sot yet been
traced. Or. Rajendralal Mitra had suggested in 1880 that the colossal
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 357
lingam, now enshrined in the temple of Bhaskaresvara at Bhubaneswar,
was the remnant of an Asokan pillar. Dr.B, M.Baruain his Asoka and
His Inscriptions, Part Il, p. 3, also made a similar suggestion, But
since their suggestion was a categorical one and based on no tangible
evidence, most of the later scholars writing upon the monuments of
Bhubaneswar took no notice of it and some scholars like Messars M.M.
Ganguly, N.K. Bose and K.N, Mohapatra who discussed the suggestion,
distinctly refuted it.
Notwithstanding the adverse views of these scholars, the
present writer subjected the colossal lingam of the Bhaskaresvara
temple to close examination, and most of its characteristics appeared to
him as unusual for a lingam, and some inexplicable. {ts dimensions,
which are nine feet in height, twelve feet and five inches in circumfere-
nce at its base, are unusual for an ordinary lingam and it has a yoni-
pith with an outer circumference of about twenty feet. Like other
lingams it is not smooth on the surface; on the contrary the origiral
smoothness has been destroyed by deliberate chiselling. It is not
rounded at the top, but has a tapering projection suggesting the broken
remnant of a monolithic pillar. Its yoni-pitha, instead of being made of
a single block of stone as is the case with all others, is made up of four
pieces joined together. This device indicates that the lingam was in
situ and the yoni-pitha had been fitted to it later on. These peculiari.
ties of unusual character led to further scrutiny which revealed traces
of some Asokan Brahmi letters on a vertical protion of the lingam where
chiselling seems to have been less heavy. It is true that the traces
giving the complete forms of Brahmi letters are only a few, but their
paucity is explicable, as after chiselling, only abnormally deep-cut
letters were likely to leave cognizable traces. That these were not chisel!
marks appears definite, as it cannot be held that chiselling at random
can ever produce letter forms of Asokan Brahmi of-such usual dimen-
sions. The attention of the archaeologists then worki:g in the
Sisupalagarh excavation, was therefore drawn to these traces, and they
agreed with me that the Iingam was of unusual character and that the
deliberate chisellings all over its body were inexplicable.
Searches for further evidences were therefore conducted in the
close vicinity of the temple which resulted inthe discovery of a railing
pillar half-buried in earth about three hundred and seventy five feet to
the north of «he northern door of the temple. This pillar has four sides
of which the broader two have lenticular sockets that evidently received
358 HISTORY OF ORISSA
the cross-bars (suchis) from both sides and the narrower two have each
a decorative female figure. At the top there is a small projection which
was fitted into the socket of the coping stone (usnisa). This discovery
marked a step forward, because a railing fence, of which the pillar was
undoubtedly a part, is usually associated with a stupa generally found
by the side of an Asokan pillar. It therefore, gave an incentive for a
further search to complete and correlate the series of evidences so far
achieved,
Fortunately, only about forty feet from the northern door the top
portion of a figure, very much weather-beaten, but sharply distinguished
in colour and fabric from the stones used in the temple, was found
buried and this, when dug out, proved to be the upper portion of a
colossal lion. The manes of the left side of this lion figure has been
partially chiselled smooth for two lines of inscription in characters of
the fifth century A.D. One line is perfectly preserved and reads as
Sri Simha-bandha. The fragmentary figure measures three feet seven
inches in height and eight feet seven inches in circumference in its
broadest part. It is now in the Orissa State Museum and has been
examined by a number of eminent archaeologists who have no doubt about
its belonging to a much earlier period than the date of the earliest
temple extant at Bhubaneswar. The colossal lingam in the Bhaskaresvara
temple and this fragmentary lion figure discovered within the close
precincts of the temple are both found to have been made in the same
kind of sandstone. The identity of stone fabrics of these objects and
the difference from the stone used in the temple itself, connects the two
and sucgests the possibility of their belonging to one and the same
monument’ A lion figure usually serves as a capital of an Asokan paillfar,
as we see in a number of instances. The lingam within the temple
was in all probability, one such pillar, as already observed, and the
suggestion is legitimate that this fragmentary lion figure represents the
remains of the capital of the Asokan pillar, the remnant of which is now
found converted into the colossal lingam of the Bhaskaresvara, The
lion figure is now much weather-beaten but the pose as indicated by the
remaining front portion, is suggestive of an Asokan lion capital. The
difference in the treatment of the manes, noticed in this particular figure
might have been due to local convention.
A suggestion might be made that the lion figute might have
formed part of an early Brahmanical temple that existed on this site. As
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 359
a type this figure stands by itself and is clearly distinguished from the
numerous stone figures of lions forming parts of temples. The inscription
that it now bears clearly proves that it was certainly carved before the
fifth century A.D. No temple of this period is extant now at Bhubaneswar.
Even if there had been any of this early period, it must have been like al!
early temples, asmall and an unpretentious one and hence incapable of
accommodating a figure of such huge dimensions in any of its parts.
Moreover, it should be emphasized that such lion figures are conspicuous
by their absence in any of the early temples, now extant, and sucha
feature in a still earlier temple may be regarded as an impossibility.
The cumulative evidence of the above discussion points to the
colossal lingam of the Bhaskaresvara as having originally been an Asokan
pillar and the lion figure discovered in a close vicinity as the remnant of
its capital. In course of digging, the lion figure was found to have been
laidin a pit with four stone slabs on the four sides to keep it in position.
This fact indicates that its burial was deliberate and not accidental, The
date of the inscription on the manes indicates the period when the lion
might have been buried in this way. Apart from this deliberate burial,
signs of distinct vandalism are ciear on the figure itself. There are chisel
holes on the left side, which indicate that there was a deliberate attempt
to break it into pieces. The indigenous process of breaking a stone into
pieces is to bore holes in a line and then to hammer on the tops of the
chisel fitted into these holes. The lower portion was apparently destroyed
thereby and the chisel holes. still existing in the upper portion, indicate
that there was a further attempt to break this portion also. The destruction
of the inscription on the pillar, its conversion into a Siva lingam and the
attempt to destroy the lion capital totally, supply clear proofs of vandalism
wrought on a Buddhist monument by the Saivas,
There is yet another piece of sculpture at Bhubaneswar which
can be connected with an Asokan pillar, It ts a portion of the capital
consisting of the abacus, the torus and the so-called bell. The height of
the fragment is 32 inches and its circumference near the upper bulge Is
about nineteen feet five inches. It was lying tn a tank known as Asoka
Jhara just behind the Ramesvara temple. situated half-way between the
Railway station and the Lingaraja temple. and has recently been brought to
the Orissa State Musoum, Bhubaneswar, It has already come to the
notice of several scholars. But many of them have concluded that itis in
360 HISTORY OF ORISSA
no way connected with the Siva lingam of the Bhaskaresvara temple. Mr.
N.K Bose thinks that the stones ofthe lingam and the bell capital
respectively are of different tyce and as such, they can have no connection
with each other. The present writer was at first inclined to accept hts
view, but after repeated examinations of the lingam, the fragmentary bell
capital and the tion figure, he has now come to the conclusion that all of
them are of the same type of stone’ The bell capital having been exposed
to the actions of weather for centuries, has become blackish with more
prominent grit on its surface. The same colour and the same grit are also
to be found on the top portion of the lion which was likewise exposed to
the actions of the element. The present writer has now no doubt that
even a chemical examination will prove that all these three objects are of
the same type of stone. It is to be noted here that, although the edges of
abacus of the capital have partly broken off, its upper circular portion
shows no sign of breakage, which indicates that the animal sculpture
surmounting it, was made ofa separate block of stone. Only the two
sides of the circular portion areraised up as rims to keep the animal
sculpture in position.
The bell capital, although a close parallel of other Asokan bell
capitals, presents certain divergences with the other specimens. This
ted Dr. A. K. Mitra to conclude that it was not an Asokan capital. Its
difference from other Mauryan’ capitals as noticed by him, may be
summarized as follows :
It does not bear the slightest trace of Mauryan polish, The animal
sculpture and the bell capital were not carved out of a_ single block of
stone. Below the so.called bell there is a frieze of sculptures, which no
other Asokan capital possesses in the same position. The arrises
resembling the pointed ends of leaves occur in bet\.veen the petals of the
so-called beil which is in reality a full-blown inverted lotus. The torus
moulding between the so-called bell and the abacus varies in decoration
fromthe rope pattern appearing in the same place in other Asokan
capitals.
To these points of difference noticed by Dr..Mitra, we may add
another. The decorative figures of the frieza of this capital not only
occupy a different position, but also differ from those to be found in
other Asokan capitals. A greater part of the frieze has broken off, but
nevertheless, what remains shows from left to right (a) a goose. (b) a
full-blown lotus, (c) a goose (d) a_ full-blown lotus, (e) a winged
elephant, (f) a full-blown lotus with a bud, (g) a winget tiger, (h) a
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 361
lotus bud with astem and (i) a galloping winged horse. The figures are
still distinct and they do not present any difficulty in identification. But
itis to be noted that except the lotuses and the geese, which are
common Asokan motifs, other figures are entirely novel. The honeysuckle
and the palmette which are taken to be foreign motifs, imported during the
reign of Asoka, are conspicuous by their absence,
The above differences are significant no doubt. But the shape
and form of the capital and their close similarity with the bell capital of an
Asokan pillar are also striking and cannot be overlooked because ofthe
differences in certain details in certails decorative features. The arrises in
this particular capital, which Dr. Mitra takes to be unique in appearance,
may also be found in the: capital of fhe Basarh Bhakira pillar, which some
scholars think, might even be pre-Asokan in date (Ray, Maurya and Sunga
Art, p. 26). The decoration on the torus, which consists of a twisted
rope pattern intervening with atwisted bead string, is nothing but a
combination of the well-known patterns that appear separately on the
Asokan capitals, In spite of the close similarity in shape and form, the
Asokan capitals may be found to exhibit well-marked divergences in details,
and the appearance of the frieze of sculptures at the base of the bell,
instead of at the top, might be regarded as another divergence in the long
series of Asokan capitals.
At Bhubaneswar, therefore, we find three remnants of art that may
presumably go back to the period of Asoka, viz. the circular shaft now
converted into the lingam of the Bhaskaresvara, the upper portion the lion
discovered in its close vicinity and the fragmentary bell capital in the
Asoka Jhara tank. Tne first two appearto beremnants’ of the same
monuments as we have already shown, The monument was presumably a
pillar set up by Asoka in his newly conquered province. The bell capital
in the Asoka Jhara tank might have represented the remnant of another
such pillar or was a part of the same pillar of which the Iingam and the lion
capita! were the remnants. None of the remnants, however, bear the usual
characteristics of Asokan sculptures like the brilliant polish or the strong
realism in the anatomical treatment. Nevertheless, asin the case of the
Dhauli elephant. a subdued naturalism is evident in the lion figure and the
manes in their spiral curls are more natural than the stylised treatment of
the manes in other Asokan lion figures. The pose and the treatment of the
mouth of the tion figure also resemble those of the Asokan lion dis.
covered elsewhere. These fragments are all executed in local stone
362 HISTORY OF ORISSA
and possibly offered little scope for polish which characterized the
other Asokan sculptures, all in Chunar sandstone of a_ fine-grained
texture.
The natural inference, therefore, is that the monuments of which
these remnants once formed parts, were the works of local artists under
the direction of imperial officers or artists. It has been generally held
that Perso-Hellenic influence was responsible fora vigorous revival of
art and architecture in stone during the reign of Asoka, It will be too
much to imagine, however, thatno form of stone carving existed in any
part of India prior to his reign. Weare inclined to think that in ancient
Kalinga the local artists, even before pre-Mauryan days, had experience
in handling stone which has always been an easily available and work~
able material at Bhubaneswar. Or elseit will be difficult to think that
they would have ever been ina position to execute them under the
imperial direction. The reference in the Hatigumpha_ Inscription of
Kharavela to a seat of Jina, which had baen carried away to Magadha
by Nanda king, and which was brought back to Kalinga by Kharavela,
also strengthens our conclusion, becauss it seems most likely that the
seat was of stone, or it could not have been preserved for centuries till
Kharavela recovered it from Magadha. Conscious of its own strength
and cultare, Kulinga presented a great challenge to the growing imperia-
lism of Magadha inthe time of Asoka, and in the reign of Kharavela,
this challenge took the shape of aggression. During the reign of Asoka
it must have been at the height of its power, or else itcould not have
resisted with such vehemence the aggression of the Magadhan empire,
which practically included the whole of India and the territories now
known as Afghanistan and Beluchistan. Therefore, it will not be
unreasonable to infer that the people of ancient Kalinga alreacy had a
flourshing culture and were famililar with the art of stone carving.
Our above view about the existence of an Asokan pillar at
Bhubaneswar has not been accepted by the scholars like Mr. N. K. Bose
and Dr. N. K. Sahu. The main ground of their objection is that the
fragments of the pillar which we have taken tobe Asokan, do not
conform to the characteristics usually seen in the Asokan monuments
discovered in North India. We have already explained the reasans of
their nonconformity. The Asokan monuments discovered in North
India were the work of court-artists, whereas those found in Orissa
were created by local artists. An absolute conformity in respect of the
Asoken art as defined by modern scholars, cannot be conceivéd to have
been in vogue throughout a vast empire as that of Asoka. In his inscrip.
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 363
tions Asoka has expressed his solicitude for Kalinga and, therefore, it is
reasonable to expect that he set upa pillar in this country. After
Asoka no rulling dynasties or private persons of Orissa are known to
have set up great monolithic pillars like those of Asoka, Mrs, D. Mitra’s
excavation at the base of the Bhaskaresvara lingam has only proved that
the stump of the pillar, later convertad into the Siva lingam, was brought
from some other place, but the excavation has not revealed any evidence
to show that it was not the part of an Asokan pillar. It may be that the
Bhaskaresyara lingam and the bell capital originally lying at Asoka Jhara,
belong to oneandthe same monolithic pillar, The stump. of the
pillarand the fragmentary lion capital weretaken tothe present
Bhaskaresvara site andthe ‘bell capital’ was allowed to lie at Asoka
Jhara.
Itseems thatthe site of Asoka Jhara preserves the name of the
emperor Asoka who setup apillar there. Once ina year on the day of
Asokastami in the month of Chaitra (March-April) the movable images
Offord Tribhuvanesvara (Lingaraja) and his family members are driven
to Asoka Jhara ina chariot withthe usual pomp and show. OQnce ina
year again, on the day of sukla saptami in Magha (January-Februry)
the same movable images .are taken to the temple of Bhaskaresvara, That
these festivals are not of recent origin is proved by the fact that they
find mention in such Sanskrit texts, as the Ekamra Purana and Svarnnadri
Mahodaya which profess to deal with the history of Bhubaneswar from
orthodox stand point. From the early medieval period Tribhuvanesvara
(also known as Krittivasa and Lingaraja) came to be the presiding deity
of the place. These festive visits of the presiding deity of the place of
Asoka Jhara (Ramesvara) and Bhaskaresvara are significant. Both these
temples cannot be dated earlier than the twelfth century A.D.and both
of them occupied the sites of previous older shrines. Inthe former the
name of the tank and the _ bell capital originally lying there § are
reminiscent of Asoka and in the latter. the lingam which was once a
part of the Asokan pillar, is also reminiscent of the emperor. The
shrines that might hava existed at these places in thetime of Asoka
were apparently Buddhist, but they were later converted to Brahmanical
ones. These festive visits of Tribhuvanesvara to these places on special
auspicious days might bein the nature of the deity of alater shrine
paying homage tothe earliest ones, In india, it should be remembered,
the earliest places of worship, whatever thelr character, are held in
great venetation and people, irrespective of faiths, visit them. The
festival of Asokastami is peculiar only to Bhubaneswar and itis not
364 HISTORY OF ORISSA
observed in any part of Orissa or India. In the Sanskrit works mentioned
above, itis explained that onthe day of Asokastami the flowers of the
Asoba tree should be eaten by the people to be free from miseries (soka),
but this seems to be a later explanation of the name of the festival when
all reminiscences and traditions connecting the place with the emperor
Asoka had been lost. It may be noted that these Sanskrit works were
composed not earlier than the fourteenth century A. D. as the internal
evidences in them clearly show. The earlier tradition correctly preserved the
name of Asoka who set up a pillar at this site, but the later tradition con-
nected it with the Asoka tree.
We have pointed out above that the fort of Sisupalagarh existed
at the time of Asoka as the results of the excavations carried on here in
1947-48 indicate. We have spoken of the main features of this ancient fort
which appears to be the only survival of the secular architecture of the
Asokan Age in Orissa,
Monuments of Kharavela’s Age
The next stage of the development of Orissan art and architec-
ture is marked by the caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri, which stand
side by side about five milesto the west of Bhubaneswar and which
have respectively been mentioned inthe epigraphic records as Kumari
Parvata and Kumara Parvata. These hillocks have been honey-combed
with rock-cut caves meant for Jaina ascetics, which now bear various
names such as Jaya-Vijaya gumpha, Svarga-puri gumpha, Mancha-puri
gumpha, Rani gumpha, Hati gumpha etc, These rock-cut-caves represent
the earliest devotional architecture of Orissa. The earliest groups of
the cave abodes belong tothe age of Kharavela, There is nothing grand
or excellent about the architecture of these caves. They are small,
simple and utilitarian in character, meant to provide limited living
accommodations in the rainy season to the wandering ascetics.
These simple abodes were particularly ment for Jainamonks and
were therefore necessarily inspired by Jaina idealism and _ traditions.
Most of them bear bas-relifes which depict the Jaina objects of devotion,
Panoramic views of the worship of the sacred trees or sacred symbols
and the stories of the by-gcne days of which some still remain unidenti-
fied. Though most of the sculptures are common place, there are in them
some specimens of real artistic excellence marked by vigour and simpli-
City befitting the age of their creation, They rank in point of anquity with
the sculptures of Bahrut, Sanchi, Bodh Gaya, Pithalkora etc. and also share
their characteristics.
ART AND AKCHITECTURE 365
We have already given in Chapter XVII under Section Jainism
a brief account of the cave temples of Udayagiri and Khandagiri along
with the different groups to whichtney belong andthe chronological
positions which they occupy in the evolution of the cave architecture
there. Therefore, they need not be repeated here, We have also quoted
the view of Mr. T, N. Ramachandran’ obout the identification of an
important scene in the Mancha-Puri cave of the Udayagiri. The
identification comes within the range of possibility because of the evidence
furnished by the Hatigumpha Inscription that Kharavela brought back the
Kalinga Jina from Magadha. There are several other scenes depicted in
the sculptures of the caves of Udayagiri; particularly of the Ranigumpha,
which present panoromic views that might have represented the incidents
of Kharavela’s life. Such incidents are not however known to us from
the Hatigumpha Inscription which forms the sole source of our information
about him, Historical inferencas always involve a process from the known
to the unknown. The incidents or stories depicted in the Ranigumpha
cannot be connected with the life of Kharavela on account of the fact that
we find nothing about such incidents or stories from the Hatigumpha
Inscription or from any other source, Dr, N. K. Sahu without considering
this main point has conncted several scenes appearing in the Ranigumpha
with the life of Kharavela (History of Orissa. Vol. |. p, 360). Kharavela
being a devout follower of Jainism might not have indulged in the pastime
of hunting, but Dr. Sahu identifies one hunting scene with that of
Kharavela, It may be that the scenes described by Dr, Sahu really represent
some incidents or stories, but we «now nothing of them from any source.
Therefore, Dr. Sahu’s identifications are hardly acceptable to scholars.
Recently Dr. Ramesh Prasada Mahapatra has published an excellent
book entitled Udayagini and Khandagiricaves. The book, provies the
scholars an opportunity to know the details of art and architecture
of the caves of both the hills along with their tllustrations and
measurements.
Monuments of the Dark Period
We have already seen that from the end of the Chedi dynasty to
the rise of the Sailodbhavas in the seventh century A.O. there is an
immense intervening period of which no connected political history is
available. Prof.R. O. Banerjee has, therefore, called it the ‘Dark Period’.
The recent discoveries have horever madoit possible to throw some
spotlights here and there on this dark period mainly with the help of art
and architecture.
366 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Reference has been made to three railing pillars discovered from
the neighbourhood of the Bhaskaresvara temple at Bhubaneswar. The
human figures to be foundinthem indicate the characteristics of the
Sunga art. They certailny belonged toa railing fenceofa stupa of
which all traces have been obliterated.
The four Yaksas images recently discovered by the present writer
at Bhubaneswar appear to form the next link in the chain of Orissan art
and architecture. Of the four images, three were found ina field inthe
village Dumduma near Jagmara not far from Khandagiri and one froma
site near the Brahmesvara temple. Two of the Dumduma statues are in
complete form, each measuring five feet seven inches in height and each
having a socket on the head, which was evidently intended for the
insertion of some other structural part. Like the conventional dwarfs of
the later temples, they have also been shown as bent under the weight
of a structure which they raise with uplifted hands. There can be no
doubt that they were utilized in some structure. Their frontal pose, the
bulged-out bellies, bent knees, broad torques, heavy ear-ornaments,
bracelets numbering more than one in each hand, and the folds of their
dhotis hanging down between their legs, are strikingly similar to those of
the Yaksas forming the capitals of the pillars that support the architraves
in the west gateway of the Sanchi Stupa. The third specimen discovered
from Dumduma is a torso which has been split in the middle, dividing it
into two halves, front and back portions. It was also a Yaksa image. Its
back portion shows elaborate knots of a dhoti as the back portions of the
other two do, but in addition it also shows a scarf with borders of beads,
worn in the form of across witha rosette at the point of intersection.
This type of scarf is also to be found in the Yaksa image of Sanchi. The
fourth specimen discovered from the BrahmeSvara area, though a Yaksa_ of
the same type, is entirely different from the other three in dimensions. It
measures four feet by five feet and has holes below the arms
which no other specimen has, Another Yaksa of the Dumduma
type is being worshipped as a_ village deity in a small shrine
situated near a tank in the village Badgad, about two miles to. the
north-east of Bhubaneswar and a sixthspecimen is reported to be in
the village Panchgan about five miles to the west of the temple
town.
The sockets onthe heads of the above showthat they were
architectural parts and were most probably utilized in the’stupa structu-
res as capitals of pillars, The Yaksas of Sanchi, standing back to back
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 367
and numbering four in each capital, have been carved in relief, but the
specimens found here are free-standing statues carved, like all other
early images, on both sides. The pillars of the gateways of the stupas to
which they originally belonged, therefore, had capitals different from
those at Sanchi. These capitals seem to have been formed of a single
Yaksa, but not of four as in Sanchi. As we have already said, these Yaksa
images and their miniature prototypes inthe Khandagiri and Udayagiri
caves indicate close cultural contracts between Bhubanewar and Sanchi
which was probably in the occupation of the Andhra-Satavahanas during
the reign of Satakarni IH.
Two statues of Nagaraja recently discovered by the present
writer from the suburbs of Bhubaneswar, possibly belong to a period
when the style and tradition of the north again make themselves felt in
Orissa. One of them was found from a_ spot near the Brahmesvara
temple, about a mile to the east of Bhubaneswar and the other from the
village Sundarpada situated about a mile and a half to the west of the
Lingaraja temple. Of the Sundarapada statue, a part of the torso and
the head are missing. The front parts of its feet which whre carved out
of another piece of stone are also missing. It stands aginst the coils
of a snake, the tail of which is found going underneath its leg. The image
wears a dhoti, the lower end and folds of which hang down between the
legs and the left side. From the girdle or waistband, which it wears, a long
sword with a sheath also hangs down. Carved out of a poor type of sand-
stone, ithas suffered from much wear and tear. Aciose parallel of the
above, the Brahmesvera’ specimen has also suffered much from wear and
tear and has, in addition, a thin coat of lichen and verdigris covered all over
the body. But it shows the full figure of a Nagaraja standing against the coils
of a snake with five hoods serving as a canopy over tts head. The hoods
have broken off, but the lines demarcating them show that they were five in
number. The image wears a conical cap over the head, unsually big ear
ornaments, a broad torque and heavy bracelets and had probably a sword
hanging down to the left, of which only the traces remain at present. Of
the two hands, the left is hanging down and the right is shown in the
abhaya form.
A careful comparison of the ornaments, garments and swords
worn by these Nagarajas with those of the sculptures in the Udayagiri
cave temples, particularly the large-sized dvarapalas there, shows that
they belong to a conception entirely dissimilar and different. These
Statues must have therefore preceded or suceeded Kharavela’s time.
368 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Probably they succeeded the age of this monarch, because in their modelling
and in the manner of wearing garments, they have greater affinities with
the series of colossal Yaksa and Naga images such as those of Parkham,
Patna, Pawaya etc. A comparison of these two figures with the statue of
Manibhadra Yaksa from Pawaya, clearly reveals aclose affinity and it is
not impossible that the three belong to the same period, i.e., first century
B.C. Like the Pawaya one, the two Bhubaneswar figures reveal themselves
as free-standing images carved on both sides, which in all probability were
worshipped as cult deities. Naga worship seems to have been widely
spread in India, and one of the most flourishing centres of this worship in
the north-east was Rajgir where an image of Naga of about the first century
B.C. has been discovered. It appears that the Naga warship, which
represents a popular folk cult, asserted itself on the decline of Buddhism
and Jainism which flourished respectively and Asoka and Kharavela.
Reference has already been made to Parnnudevati of the Bhadrak
Inscription of Gana (Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXXV, p, 327)
who was no doubt the presiding deity of the shrine, As the deity is always
covered with a piece of cloth the present writer got no opportunity to see
the image when he visited the shrine, but now he learns from a friend that
itis an image of Mahisa-marddini. Viraja of Jaipur and Parnnadevati of the
Bhadrakali temple near Bhadrak were all very ancient deities and as we
have seen earlier, tve former has found mention in the Mahabharata and
the later belongs to at least the third century A.D. as is evidenced by the
aforesaid inscription. It seems that the original images of both the shrines
were replaced by the images of Mahisa-marddini inthe Early Gupta Age
when a Brahmanical revival took place in Orissa as in other parts of North
India. We have already observed that the present image of Viraja is
Mahisamarddini bearing the characteristics of the Early Gupta Age.
Another image which belongs to the fourth-fifth century A.D.
is a Mukhalingam which is still lying at Sitabhinji the Keonjhar
district. Mr. T. N. Ramachandran made a special study of the
antiquities of the Sitabhinji and published them in Artibus Asiae,
Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, Vor. XIV, 1-2, pp. 5-25.
According to him the fresco painting, the inscriptions, the Mukhalingam
mentioned above, the so-called Puri Kusana coins, metallic objects and
one soap-stone figurine found there reveal a civilization that flourished
inthe period between the fourth and sixth century A.D. He also
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 369
concludes that site where in inscriptions are found, was a Siva shrine.
Inthe Mukha-lingam which he assigns to the Gupta period, he has
noticed the flap or the foreskin of the phallus, that can be seen below
the heads of Siva. In the Bhaskaresvara lingam which, as we have shown,
is a remnant of an Asokan pillar converted into a lingam about this
period, there is a deeply incised small dent on the top centre, just
resembling the central orifice on the inside nut of a male organ. The
representation of these details indicates how the Saivas of this period
made Siva lingams closely resemble the membrum virile.
A few detached sculptures of an earlier date found at
Bhubaneswer evidently formed parts of earlier structures, the shape and
form of which will, however, remain unknown. The’ two-armed
Kartikeya image to be now found in the Lingaraja compound with the
peacock aS the mount, sakti and vijapuraka as characteristic attributes
and distinguished by the absence of the cock, is related to similar other
figures from various parts of India, which, on good grounds, may be
placed to an age in the fifth or sixth century A. D. Reference may also be
made to three more detached images, now in the Bharati Matha at
Bhubaneswar, One of them isa mutilated image of Hara-Parvati which,
to judge from its stylistic peculiarities such as the fine modelling of the
torso, naturalism and perfect equipoise combined with a high standard
of idealistic execution, may be placed inthe fifth or sixth century A.D.
The other two are Lakulisa images which are distinguished from the
numerous images of the same deity at Bhubaneswar by a high degree
of spiritual expression imparted to them, The Lakulisa imaqes again
carry with them some_ Buddhistic reminiscences. Stripped of their
lakutas (clubs) these images with half-closed eyes, the dharmma-chatra-
pravarttana-mudras and the haloes round their heads, would appear to
be the good specimens of the Buddha images. The coils of lotus shoots
to be found on their pedestals, have a great resemblar:ce in shape to the
wheels that appear on the pedestals of the Buddha images in dharmma-
chakra-pravarttana-mudra, It is not unlikely that these early specimens
of Brahmanical art at Bhubaneswar were in some way connected with
the schoo! of Buddhist art that flourished at the Ratnagiri Vihara in the
Cutteck District. The existence of the Ratnagiri Vihara in the fifth
or sixth century is testified to by the discovery at Ratnaairi, of a
fragmentary stone inscription, most likely containing a Buddhist
Tantra, which, as the late Mr. R. Chanda observes is “‘in very
cursive Gupta characters’’ and ‘‘may be assigned to the sixth century
A.D. on palaeographic grounds.” The probability is that the inscription
370 HISTORY OF ORISSA
is still earlier. The deities that the above detached sculptures at
Bhubaneswar represent, are found to be inseparably connected with temple
structures and there can be no doubt that such sculptures formed parts of
temples, no longer in existence, which were apparently earlier in date
then the Satrughnesvara, the earliest standing temple of Bhubaneswar.
Such detached sculptures as are found in the Bharati Matha also
exist ata number of places of Bhubaneswar. The temple of Uttaresvara
situated on the northern bank of the Vindu Sarovara tank along with
eight other smaller temples, contains most interesting early sculptures.
The temple has been rebuilt and treated with modern mortar and plaster
and the side-niches have been renewed and projected out of the main
plan. Its Jagamohana which is a close copy of that of the Vaitala temple,
contains in the front facade two images of Dvarapalas not in the usual
positions of door jambs, but on the wails on each side of the door facing
the east. In the western niche is enshrined a unique image of Kartikeya
which is the earliest image of that deity and may be assigned to the third
or fourth century A.D. On the north side is to be found an image of Kama
with Rati and Priti. In the small temples standing to the west and north of
the Muktesvara temple are to be found two images of Nagas
that bear sockets below their arms and clamp marks on. their
pedestals which indicate that they were part of astructure, but the type of
temple to which they belonged, has not come down to us.
The detached sculptures to be found at Bhubaneswar and at
Jajpur suggest the existence of the early temples of Orissa which are no
longer in situ. These early temples probably represent the tentative
efforts of the architects, which led to the growth of the sikhara temple
or the rekha temple as it otherwise known in Orissa. There arealso the
remains of temple structures at Jajpur in the Cuttack district and at
Mahendra mountain in the Ganjam district, which may be connected
with the early movement of the temple architecture in India. At
Kalasapur, situated about a mile from the present temple of Viraja at
Jajpur, which is traditionally known to be the original site of the shrine
of that deity, there are still the remains of a small stone temple that may
be assigned to the early Gupta period The door jambs which were
perhaps the only sculptured parts of the structure, have been removed.
The remaining parts are still lying there to give an idea about its shape
and form. Among them the main amalaka sila (the fluted finial) and
the bhumi amalakas so profusely found in the early sikhara temples,
ART AND: ARCHITECTURE 371
Cannot be traced. The different mouldings invariably seen in the base-
ments of all later sikhara temples, are afso conspicuous by their absence.
Evidently the temple was very different from those still existing in
Orissa and itis not unlikely that it was a flat-roofed one like the Gupta
temple at Sanchi. The small stone temple representing the shrine of Bhima
still to be found on top of the Mahendra mountain in the Ganjam district,
is devoid of sculptures, but itis nota stkhara temple. It is a flat-roofed
stone structure, but with no circumbulatory covered path to be generally
seen in the early Gupta temples. The shrine of Gokarnnesvara at the same
place is very ancient and it is frequently mentioned in the copperplate
records of the Ganga kings of Svetaka dating back to the _ fifth
century A. D.
The shape and form of the most of the early temples of Orissa
still remain unknown to us and, as observed above, they perhaps repre-
sented the tentative efforts which finally ted tothe emergence of the
sikhara temple as the dominant type.
The Kalinga Type of Temple Architecture
The sikhara type ultimately became the dominant form of temple
architecture at Bhubaneswar andthe earliest standing temples are the
finished products of that type. But the Orissan temple architecture by
reason of its distinguishing peculiarities and a long history of evolu-
tion, sooncame to acquire for itselfa distinct nomenclature viz. the
Kalinga type, and was incfudod in the other types of temples, Nagara,
Besara and Dravida raising their number to four, Prof R. D. Banerji
has drawn our attention to aninscription of the pre-Muslim period in
the temple of Amritesvara at Holal in the Bellary District, in which
mention has been made of four classes of temples, Nagara, Kalinga,
Dravida and Besara. Prof, Banerji's view has further been supported
by other scholars who have opined that «2rtain well-marked peculiarities
distinguish the Orissan group of temples from the temples of Northern
India, Central Provinces, Rajputana, Guzerat and Congra. They have also
shown that the stkhara temples characterised by the Orissan spire are to be
found in the area formerly kr.own as Trikalinga. They are to be found in
Bankura (Bengal) inthe east, Amarakantaka (M.P.) in the west and
Vizagapatam (Andhra) in the south, which, according to them comprised
the area of Trikalinga.
But the Kalinga type should be taken to be a sub-class of the
Nagara type rather than aclass by itself in as much as both Kalinga and
372 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Nagara temples posses spires or sikharas and mukhasalas, owing their
origin probably to the sams wooden modsls. The surface of their spires
also consists of aseries of miniature sikharas which dominate the
latter, but gracefully adorn the former. These points of similarity are
however sharply contrasted by the points of difference which are best
illustrated in the Lingaraja temple at Bhubaneswar and Kandarya temple
at Khajuraho in Bundelkhand, both being almost contemporaries and
the mature products of the Kalinga and Nagsra types- The Khajuraho
temple stands on a higher platform and is supported by a higher base~
ment. The pillared side chapels and massive round piers embedded in
the wall provide additional features and stability tothe temple structure.
The orderly repetitions of the miniature sikhara on thesurface become
an elemant of decoration besides being additional supports to the main
and cantral sikhara. The total effect of all these architectural devices
has been to strengthen the central structure and to make ita compact.
and organic whole with the side ones. The Lingraja temple, on the other
hand, has not these stabilising factors, but what has apparently been a
loss, has added to its grace and dignity. The sikhara rises in almost vertical
sweep with rows of miniature sikharas forming part of the wall surface
but not dominating it. Stability has been secured by the intrinsic strength
of the temple itself but not with the help of side structures. These are, in the
main, the differences between two types of temples, Nagara and Kalinga,
but the European writers have discerned only two main movements in the
Indian architecture viz. Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, representing the two
main cultures of Ancient India. This classification, in a wider sense, is
also correct.
But in their early developments the spire of the Nagara ,and the
Kalinga types appears to have been almost the same. The temple of
Mundesvari in the Bhabua Subdivision of the Shahbad district in Bihar,
which has been assigned to the seventh century A.D. by scholars, shows
that it was not very difrerent from the early temples of Bhubaneswar
and other places of Orissa in the seventh century A.D. The sikhara of
Mundesvari is notin existence, but a fragment of the amalaka «fluted
finial) originally crowning the top of the spireis still lying in the site.
Several half-amalakas are also to be seen among the detached architectu-
ral members lying scattared around the monument, which provide an
indubitable proof that the bhumi-amalakas had originally been used on
the spire of the Mundesvari. On the temple of Parsuramesvara_ at
Bhubaneswar, which is a contemporary of the Mundesvari, the bnumi-
amalakas make their appearance on the konika-pagas (corner facets or
pilasters) of the spire at regular intervals of tnree courses. ft may, there-
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 373
fore, be presumed that they occupied the similar position on the
Mundesvari also. To these bhumi-amalakas we have to trace the evolution
of the anga sikharas (the turrets) that constitute such a prominent feature
in the later temples and that are found as part of wall surfaces on the
temples like Lingaraja and Brahmesvara at Bhubaneswar and as sharp pro-
jections on the temples like Kar.darya and Laksmanesvara at Khajuraho.
In their early developments the Nagara and Kalinga spires thus do not seem
to have any great difference. !n Magadha, the original home of the Nagara
type, and inthe northern regions the early temples of the Nagara type
characterized by lofty towers, have completely disappeared, but the minia-
ture votive temples still to be found at Saranath and in the Museum of the
Bharatiya Kala Bhavan at Venaras, demonstrate that they too had bhumi-
amalakas at regular intervals of three courses like those on the spire of
the Parasutamesvara. Thus ‘in their early manifestations there was very
little difference between the Nagara and the Kalinga types. The real
distinction between the two types is however to be seen in their ground
plan which is octagonal in the former, but is square in the latter. Whatever
may the differences between them, the Orissan temple came to be known
as the Kalinga type and found mention as such evenin the inscriptions
asin the Amritesvara temple mentioned above. Alltemples built
between the sixth century and the sixteenth century A. D, in Orissa belong
to this Kalinga type and the differences to be noticed between the earlier
and later ones «re of dimensions and elaborations rather than bold
departures. To understand the long series of tha temples of Orissa we
have to divide them into groups and place them to the political and cultural
epochs known to us from history. Such aprocess may involve marginal
errors and overlappings, but this is the only way to present the subject
to the readers inan intelligible form, There are numerous temples in
which the epigraphic or palaeographic date are entirely lacking. Such
temples can however be correlated on the basis of their architectural
features, their decorative motifs and sculptures and iconography of their
images, toone or otnerof the monuments of which the chronology is
known. An anal;tical study of the dated and datable temples and
its cumulative results bring out their correlation in an emphatic
manner.
The Monuments of the Sailodbhava Period,
(c, A.D. 650-750)
As already observed, the temples assigned to ths Sailodbhava
period were not necessarliy buili b, the Sailodbhava rulers, mor had
374 HISTORY OF ORISSA
they all been erected inthe areas over which the rulers of this dynasty
established their sway. They have been assigned to the period of their rule
on the basis of the close affinities to be found in them and on the basis of
their dates as ascertained from various data. |
Satrughnesvara :—Even the earliest extant temple, the
Satrughnesvara, is found to bea mature conception and the origin of
the monument apparently lie further back. It represents a sikhara temple
and its shape as available now after restoration and afew sculptures
that still existon the mounmentorhave been’ recovered from it,
supply affinities with those of the Dasavatara temple at Deogarh,
also assigned to the sixth century A.D. A Navagraha _ slab,
originally forming the lintel of one of its side niches, contains the names
of the eight planets which can palaeographically be assigned to the end
of the sixth century A.D. (Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol.
XV, 1949, p, 114). The sculptures of the Satrughnesvara are marked
by the vigour and exuberance of the designs recalling the best characteri-
stics of the post-Gupta Art. It had a Jagamohana of which tectangular
plinth still exists, but during the recent restoration it was neither noticed
nor restored. It seems to have been a pillared hall {ike the porch
of the Parasuramesavara, but unlike those in the Parasuramesvara
Jagamohana such pillars were octagonal in shape with lotus designs
atintervals andlotus capitals at the tops. The only pillar that had
somehow escaped. destruction, was lying inside the — ruined
temple and it was preserved by the present writer inthe Orfssan State
Museum. A partof a arill similar to that ‘inthe Jagamohana of the
Parasuramesvara, containing dancing figures, was discovered from the
neighbourhood of the Satrughnesvara and it has found place in the Orissa
State Museum. These evidences conclusively prove that the Satrughnes-
vara had originally a porch with the free-standing pillars supporting the
superstructure, which resemble those inthe Siva temple at Bhumara,
roughly contemporary in date, though it should be emphasized that in
Spite of such affinities the Bhumara temple architecturally belonged to an
entirely different conception. The ruined temple of Laksmanesvara
Standing by its side appears to be a closely analogous monument in shape
as wellas form andit seemsto bean immediate successor of the
Satrughnesvara.
Parasuramesvara (A. D. 650): The temple shows the same
Structural peculiarities and also provides us with an oppertunity to
study the form of the Jagamohana which is in a good state of preser-
vation. The temple was thoroughly repaired by the Public Works
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 375
Department in 1903, and in the process, much of the original canstruction
of the roof in the cella has been disturbed; but nevertheless, its original
shape and form have been preserved to some extent. The arrangements
followed in the roof or story of the cella in these two early examples and
their cognate members, are suggestive of the storeys (atus) formed of
wooden beams and planks to be still found in the mud houses of villages.
The Jagamohana is a rectangular structure with a clerestory, plain massive
caves, perforated stone windows and two doors. The interior of the
structure whichis a pillared hall, is, therefore more lighted than the later
Jagamohanas with only one door and two balustraded windows.
The pagas or pilasters which are one of the main features of the
Orissan temple architecture, are not found to have been fully developed
in the Parasuramesvara, Inthe main temple they appear more as shallow
buttresses than as the pilasters of the later periods. Nevertheless, the
architectural principle of projection in each face on which the later
builders relied so much, is to be found in its beginning. We may call
the temple and a tri-ratha type, in which the fully decorated pilasters, one
central (raha-paga) and two corner ones (konika-pagas), alternate with
reserved interspaces, but not with deep recesses with the figures of
gaja-simha as in the later temples. Each of the pilasters contains a niche,
the central one containing the largest and the other two two, smaller ones
of equal dimensions. Because of the door of the sanctuary occupying the
position of the central niche in the front facade, the total number of
niches has been eleven, but in the later temples their number was
reduced to only three, corresponding with three central projections on
three faces. In each of these eleven niches was enshrined a deity carved
out of asingle block of stone and otherwise unattached to the main
structure. It is due to this technique that most of the deities have been
removed, excepting the images of Ganesa and Kartikeya still to be found
in the central niches of the south and the east.
The designs in the tower are ones of chaitya aches with meda-
lions or shallow niches, all containing Saivite images or scenes from
Siva’s life. The designs are stereotyped and repeated in all the four
facades with equal emphasis. In the corners half-amalakas occur in
every three courses of stone and to them we may trace the origin of the
anga-sikharas that constitute such a prominent feature in the later
temples, A sunken panel marking the transition between the perpedi-
cular parallelopiped cube and the curvilinear tower, runs round the
376 HISTORY OF ORISSA
temple and contains mostly the amorous couples and diamond-shaped
designs The crowning members of sikhara are an amalaka, a kalasa
and alingam, but not an ayudha as inthe later temples. Ail designs,
decorations and deities occur in bas-relief but notin alto-relievo and in
this respect they are more reminiscent of their distant ancestors in the
Udayagiri and Khandagiri caves than of their protoypes inthe later
temples. The interiors of both the temple and the Jagamohana are
severely plain.
Svarnnajalesvara: It stands on the road from the Lingaraja to
Kedaragauri at Bhubaneswar and was ina utterly ruined condition, but
the structure is being restored now. The evidences that connect it with
the Parasuramesvara are that the cult images in both have the same
attributes and that both possess close architectural affinities. It
bears on the lintel of its northern niche a scene of Siva’s marriage, which
can be regarded as a replica of the same scene carved on the lintel of
the eastern niche of the Parasuramesvara. The Svarnnajalesvara like all
the early temples, also bears several scenes from the Ramayana and the
Mahabharata ina sunken panel running round the Vimana and marking
the transition between the vada and the sikhara. Some of these scenes
have been damaged beyond identification but others, though partially
preserved, can be identified in full, The first of these stories appearing
on the north, is that of Rama killing the golden deer, Rama is seen here
in the act of discharging an arrow at the deer which inthe next panel
assumes the terrific form of the demon Marichi. The trees represent the
jungle where the scene took place. The second story ‘appearing on the
west represents Vali-badha, Rama is first seen here cutting down sapta-
salas and next two monkeys, who are evidently Vali and Sugriva, are
seen inaclose combat Tic third scene on the south represents the fight
between Kirata and Arjuna, in which the boar has become the bone of
contention. Another panoramic scene onthe north side represent the
story of Hanuman flying to Lanka for ascertaining the whereabout of
Sita These scenes of rare antiquarian and artistic value are crumbling
the pieces
The Badagaon Temple: Badagaon is a small village situated
five miles from Bhanjanagara of the Gar.jam district. A stone Siva temple
which ts to be found there, isa close prototype of the Parasuramesvra.
in plan and elevation, in the scheme of decoration, in height and dimen-
sions, it shows such remarkable affinities with the Parasuramesvara that a
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 377
conclusion becomes unavoidable to regard them as close contemporaries.
The chaitya arches, the medallions, number of niches on the outer walls,
the undeveloped pilasters or the pagas the sunken panels marking transi-
tion between the perpendicular portions and curvilinear towers and the
half-amalakas occurring on the corner pilasters in both, all show a remarka-
ble conformity in both the structures. The Jagamohana which was
Probly like that of the Parasuramesvara, is no longer, in existence and
ithas been replaced by a modern Mukhasala. The Sailodbhavas originally
ruled over Kongoda comprising the modern districts of Ganjam and Puri
and this temple at Badagaon appears to have belonged to the period of
their rule.
The Svapnesvara at Kualo : Itstands in an utterly ruined
condition on the bank of the Brahmani river near the town of Talcher. It
is a panchayattana temple, of which the four corner shrines are in a reaso-
nably well-preserved condition. Its scheme of decoration is closely similar
to that of the Parasuramesvara. Dr. Vidya Dehejia has for the first time
described and discussed the features of this early ruined temple (Early
Stone Temples of Orissa, New Delhi, 1978. p, 90). It possibly belongs to
the last part of the Sailodbhava rule or the earliest part of the Bhauma
epoch,
Th2 Singanatha temple : {tis situated ina rocky island in the
Mahanadi river and can be approached from the village Gcpinathpur in
the Cuttack district. It is also one of the earliest standing temples of Orissa
and it shows close affinities both ia art and architecture with the earliest
group of standing temples. Dr, Dehejia observes that ‘the entire scheme
of decoration of the Mubkhasala walls is an organised one that speaks of a
maturity not to be found in any temples of group ’’A’.”’ It too seems to
have belonged to the transitory period between the Sailodbhava and
Bhauma political epochs.
The New Bhavanisankara Temple at Bhubaneswar: \t has been
recently discovered while digging a drain inthe compound of the later
Bhavanisankara temple and itis to be found between the Lingaraja
temple and the Vindu Sarovara tank. This is a very small temple, but
possesses close affinities with the earliest standing temples of
Bhubaneswar.
The Monuments of the Bhauma Period (c. A.D 750-950)
The Sisiyesvara: In the monuments of this period the earlier
traditions have been preserved, but they show ceitain inrovations,
378 HISTORY OF ORISSA
modifications and improvements which constitute the peculiarities that
mark them out from the earliest group. The typical specimen of this
group is the temple of Sisiresvara (c. A.D, 800) at Bhubaneswar, which
illustrates these peculiarities and these peculiarities are to be noticed
inthe pages of the Vimana, in the new orientations of the niches
enshrining side-deities, in some innovations introduced in the outer face
of the sikhara andin the modifications of the roof of the Jagamohana.
The pagas in the cubical portion of the temple are still undeveloped and
as inthe Parasuramesvara, they appear as flat projections or shallow
buttresses, but their number has increased to five and the total number
of niches carved in each paga with a deity in each has also become five.
The central or raha-pagas contain as usual the largest niches enshrining
the images of Ganesa in the south, Kartikeya in the west and Mahisa-
marddini in the south, and the smaller niches in other pagas contain
other gods or goddesses or decorative figures. A noteworthy feature of
the images enshrined is that, unlike their counterparts in the niches of
the Parasuramesvara, they have all been made of two or three blocks of
stone contained in two or three courses of the walls. They have thus
been made part of the walls with the result that none of the side-deities
is missing from the Sisiresvara or its cognate members. The new
technique is to be traced to the centres of the Bhauma tradition of art
and architecture, where the colossal images are found to have been built
In sections,
While these peculiarities provide a contrast, the Sistresvara is
otherwise linked with the Parasuramesvara by possessing almost a similar
type of sikhara. The chaitya arches, haltf-amalakas, shallow niches and
medailions that decorate the sikhara ofthe Parsauramesvara areto be
found in the similar positions of the Sisiresvara also. The only innovation
is a rectangular nicte that occurs in the raha-pagas and that occupies the
position of the largest medallion of the Parasuramesvara. A sunken panel
with amorous couples carved in it, also marks the transition between the
cubicul portion a:.d the curvilinear tower. The summit is ruined, but with a
reference to congnate temples, it can safely be concluded that it possessed
the usual crowning members.
The Jagamohana., like that of the Parasuramesvara, is a
rectangular structure with a clerestory which has fallen down and with
Massive caves fully sculptured with the battle scenes and episodes from
Siva’s life. Like the Jagamohana of the Parasuramesvara, it does not
however possess two doors, perforated stone windows or grills. The
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 379
interior also does not reveal free-standing pillars but has only the pilasters
in the walls, The roof was built in the cantilever principle which is an
advanced architectural feature and is to be noticed in the porch of the
Gandharadi temples at Baudh, taken to be later then the Parasuramesvara.
The inner walls of the porch are plain, but those of the cella, by possessing
six small niches, show altogether a new feature. These niches might have
served some utilitarian purpose or contained delties no longer to be found.
The Vaital Temple : Though a contemporary of the Sisiresvara,
the Vaital temple (c.A.D.775) represents altogether a different concep.
tion, and as we have already said, its shape, which does not conform to
the dominant Orissan type, might be traced to that of a Buddhist chaity a
hall. Mr. M. M. Ganguly suggests that the shape of the Vaital has been
derived from the rathas of Mahabalipuram. Of the seven pagodas at
Mahabalipuram, Bhima’s and Sahadeva’s rathas have some similarity with
it. The finials on the roof of the Vaital temple, however, unlike those of
the rathas, consist Of amalakas, kalasas and ayudhas (trisulas) which ae
the usual crowning members of all Bhubaneswar temples. but its elongated
and vaulted roof is suggestive of the ratha archltecture of the south.
However, as Mr. Percy Brown has shown, in the ultimate analysis the
ancestors of the vathas, gopurams and the Vaital temple are found to be
the chaitya halls of the Buddhists, Besides, the similarity of the style we
have further reasons to connect the Vaital temple withthe Buddhist
tradition, because the influence of the Bhauma School, essentially
representing a Buddhists tradition, ts clear and definite on it. The sikhara
temple had not a firm footing at Bhubaneswar when the Vaital came into
existence and its builders were surely aware of the type as is proved by the
existence of four miniature sikhara temples on the four corners of its
J agamohana. The finials on its roof are.also a proof of their knowledge
of the sikhara temple. But with their Buddhistic learning and training,
the Bhauma architects seem to have first showed a predilection for the
chaitya-hall type and the Vaital temple, has been the result of that
predilection. The Vaital, however, did not remain a solitary example,
because, the Jater builders of Bhubaneswar evolved a type of temple
architecture similar to that of the Vaital, which came to be known as
Khakhara in their Silpasatras. At least three more examples of the
Khakhara type, on inside the compound of the Lingaraja temple; the
second the Gauri temple itself near the Kedaresvara: the other, a miniature
near the Siddhesvara, are still to be found at Bhubaneswar.
380 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Mr. M.M. Ganguly attempts to derive the name Vaital from
vahitra (a sea-going vessel) in comparision of mastaka with the hull of a
ship reversed andits finials with the masts, but these comparisons are
far-fetched and the word Vaital cannot be taken to be acontraction or
corruption of vahitra. His suggestion to connect the shape of the temple
with a pumpkin gourd with an assumption that the Oriya people have a
particular liking for this vegetable, is also fanciful. The true origin of
the name is to be traced to the type of the cult that was practised in this
temple, The Vaital temple was a place of worship of the Kapalikas who
used to invoke the aid of the Vetalas (spirits) for their siddhis, and from
the word Vetalas, the name Vaital has been derived.
Although the roof of the Vaital is of different style, the lower
stages of the superstructure follow almost the same architectural
disposition and decoration as those of the Sisiresvara. Heavy mouldings
with scrolls peculiar to the sculptures of this group, are to be noticed at
the lower basement and this peculiarity is also shared by the Sisiresvara.
A rectangular niche in the pattern of a window occurs on each side of
the roof except on the west and sunken panel running round the
Structure and containing various scenes and amorous couples in relief,
serves as a line of demarcation between the walls (vadas) and the roof
(mastaka). The Jagamohana, a low rectangular structure with four
miniature sikhara temples embedded at its four corners, which are an
innovation in this particular temple, is otherwise a close prototype of
the porch of the Sisiresvara. {t has no perforated windows, grills or
pillars inside and its roof has been builton the cantilever principle. The
interior of the temple particularly of the sanctuary, is intensely dark,
which was perhaps necessary for, and consistent with, the strange
esoteric rites that were once performed here. Both the inner and outer
faces of the walls of the porch are plain, but the outlines of certain
designs still existing on the outer faces indicate that the decorations
have been left incomplete. The inner wails of the sanctuary contain
fifteen niches enshrining deities, some of which are most terrific in the
appearance,
The Talesvara and others: Another ruined temple, Talesvara
by name, situated in the paddy-fields in the close neighbourhood of the
Parasuramesvara, also bears architectural and sculptural peculiarities of
this group of temples. The sikhara has broken off, but vadas of the
Vimana and the door frame that still remain, furnish enough evidence
lo connect it with this epoch The lintel contain eight planets, and the
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 381
jambs; the figures of Ganga and Yamuna and the scrolls of the jambs
are similar to those of the Vaital temple. The side-deities still existing
are found to have been built in sections. Several sculptural specimens
of this temple have been removed to the Orissa State Museum, of which
one is animage of Lakulisa and another is of Ardhanarisvara, both built
in sections,” The latter isa close prototype of the image of the same
deity tobe foundin the western vada of the Vaital temple. Another
specimen, removedto the Museum, contains the dwarfs with uplifted
hands, flanking a central chaitya arch. This decorative design is
peculiar only to the temples of this group and is conspicuous by its
absence in the other groups. The Talesvara, so far as available eviden-
ces indicate, belongs to the Vaital-Sisiresvara group, probably a close
contemporary of the Vaital asthe style and execution of sculptures
indicate.
The two notable temples of the period, the Vaital and the
Sisiresvara are still in a tolerably good state of preservation. The artistic
excellence of the sculptures of the Vaital may be found lacking in the
Sisiresvara, but there is a class of evidence which connects the two in
spite of their fundamental difference as architectural conceptions, In
both we recognize the same sculptural designs and motifs, a few in such
a manner as to suggest their being replicas of each other. The images
of Nataraja that appearon the front facades of both, have not only
identical characteristics, but they also appear in almost identical
surroundings. Certain decorative motifs favoured by the sculptors of
the period such as the dwarfs withthe uplifted hands that flank a
central chaitya arch, andthe Kirttimukha flanked by the two lions
with strings of pearls hanging from their mouths, constitute conspicuous
motifs in both the monuments. The two monuments, in spite of their
belonging to different architectural conceptions, are found to possess in
common more than mere affinities and cannot be widely separated from
each other in time.
Two other small temples, now in ruined condition, stardto the
north of the Sisiresvara inthe compound of the family home of the
Paramagurus. The title of the family indicates that the family served
as the preceptors or priests of some royal family and these temples
enshrined their family deities. Although miniature in shape, they
exhibit the same architectural dispositions, the same type of decora-
tions and the same type of Natarajaas above and as such, they should
be included in the group.
382 HISTORY OF ORISSA
The temples so far discussed bear the above characteristics in
their superb manifestations and as such, they may be taken to be the
products of the best period of this epoch. There are, however, four
other examples wholly undecorated, which, on account of certain
characteristic features, may be placed to this epoch. They are the
Mohini temple situated on the southern bank of the Vindu Sarovara and
the Uttaresvara situated on the northern bank of the same tank and two
more unnamed ones, in the midst of the bazar half-buried in earth. The
image of Ganesa and other sculptures to be foundin the Mohini belong
to the early types and are allied to such sculptures in other monuments
of the group. Ithas acdagamohana whichis similar to that of the
other temples, but with several free-standing pillars inside the hall. It
is difficult to say whether these pillars were part of the original
construction or later additions, The temple of Uttaresvara is also
wholly undecorated. We have already shown that several images which
have been fixed toits walls and niches did not originally belong to it,
ithas a cdagamohana whichis a _ close prototype of the others of the
group. The Mohinicontains a Chamunda as its presiding deity which
is similar to the onein the Vaital temple. The Uttaresvara besides a
Siva lingam, also has a Chamunda, The seventeenth chapter of the
Savarnadri-mahodaya tells us that four images of Chandika are to be
found on thefour banks of the sacred tank, Vindu Sarovara. Of these
four, the images of Chamunda of the Mohini and the Uttaresvara
temples apparently represent the two, and the other two are probably
represented by the two images of Mahisamarddini now enshrined
respectively ina miniature modern temple on the western bank, and in
a dilapidated laterite structure on the eastern bank. Since the two
images of Chamunda are similar tothe onein the Vaital temple, and
since the two images of Mahisamarddini belong to the early type oi this
epoch, we should trace the origin of these four shrines, back to this
epoch. The dilapidated laterite stucture on the eastern bank contains a
badly defaced inscription which refers itselfto the reign of the Ganga
king, Vira Narasimha. {t is certain that the type of Mahisamarddini,
which the shrine contains as its presiding deity, never occurs in any of
the temple built during the Ganga period The possibilities are that the
inscription was either incised during the Ganga period, orthough the
shrine was existing from the period under observation, the temple was
built during the Ganga supremacy.
The temple of Vahirangesvara standson the top of the Dhauli
hill and was inutterly ruined condition, but it has now been rebuilt.
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 383
The walls of the sanctum that still remain, though unsculptured, clearly
show affinities with other temples of this group. The images of Ganesa
and Kartikeya that are still to be found inthe side niches, are built in
sections as part ofthe walls, and belongto their early types and are
closely analogous to those in the temples of this group. Thereis an
inscription in an_ artificial cave of this hill datedin the year 93 of
unspecified era, which refers itself tothe reign of Santikaradeva, and
which credits Bhimata, a resident of Viraja (modern Jaipur), with
the construction of amonastery. The year 93, when referred to the
Bhauma era of A.D. 736 corresponds to A.D. 829. Itis apparent that
the hill of Dhauli again became a centre of religious activities during
the reign of the Bhauma king Santikaradeva, Apart from the characteristic
features presented by the temple, the above inscription also appears
to support the ascription of the Vahirangesvara as a monument of this
period,
The presence of not a few sculptures and architectural fragments
bearing such features ag are characteristic of the temples of this group
at Bhubaneswar, indicate the existence of more temples other than those
sn situ. The main consideration here, apart from. stylistic peculiarities,
is one of technique and iconography andin both these respects such
sculptures are found to be closely allied to those that are familiarin the
temples of this group. Reference, among other, may be made in this
connexion to the three detached images of Mahisamarddini inthe Vaital,
the Sisiresvara and the Charanarayana, the image of Parvati in the
Lingaraja compound, the image of Kartikeya in the Yamesvara compound
and two images of Ganesa originally in the Ganga-Yamuna temple and
now in the Orissa State Museum. Most of these images are built in
sections. In iconography also they each present the early type and form,
characteristic of this period. From evidence, stylistic as well epigraphic,
the extant temples have been ascribed to the Bhauma epoch of influence.
and the monuments of which such detached sculptures once formed the
parts, should be assigned to that period. The architectural fragment now
underneath the ruined laterite building in the Yamesvara compound
represents part of a sikhara which, with the early charactertstics in shape
and decoration schemes, might have belonged to an early monument of
this period.
The monuments produced at Bhubaneswar during the Bhauma
epoch of influence, may be divided into two sub-groups, the first
represented by the Markandesvara, the Talesvara, the Vaital and the
384 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Sisiresvara and the second by the Mohini, the Uttaresvara and the two
half-buried temples in the midst of the bazar. The first group is
characterized by awealth of sculptures and decorative motifs that are
significantly absent in the second. Such ‘sculptures and decorative
motifs inthe first sub-group are distinguished by a strength and vigour
combined with a balance and a chasteness of execution that make them
the best products of the age. The dates of the temples no longer extanf,
cannot be ascertained. But from a fewof the detached asulptures
exhibiting the same vigour and excellence, some such temples might
have been correlated to the temples of the first sub-group which, on the
evidences of the Vaita!l and the Sisiresvara, may be placed inthe eighth
century A.D. In the other sub-group, headed by the Mohini the temples
present a rather bald appearance because of sparse decoration, and the
sculptures too lose much of their vigour and elegance. Possibly they
indicate a later period of decadence, say the ninth century A. D., when
the tradition itself was on the wane due, perhaps to the decline of the
power of the Bhaumas.
Inthe Ratnagiri area inthe Cuttack district and in the present
town of Jajpur the architectural and sculptural survivals still to be traced
indicate thatthe temples of the Bhauma epoch also existed at these
places. These survivals are tobe discussed later. tn the valley of the
dried up Prachi river several temples bearing the characteristics of this
cultural epoch, still exist and among them the Varahi temple at the village
Chaurasi is most remarkable. The architecture of the temple shows a
modified form of the Khakkara type to which, as already observed, the
temple of Vaital at Bhubaneswar belongs, The temple of Varahi seems to
have been builtin the last part of the ‘Bhauma period. It has still a
rectangular porch with no pillars supporting the superstructure, but like
ne Mukhasala of the early temples it has a clerestory. Dr, Dehejia has
given some details of the characteristics ‘of “this temple in her work
Early Stone Temples of Orissa 1978, p. 125ff.
The twin temples of Gandharadi, about ten miles from Baudh
bear the characteristics of the Bhauma epoch, but since this place Wise
In the occupation of the Bhanja rules of Khinjali, :it is they who probably
erected these two monuments. One of them is dedicated to Siva and the
other to the Nilamadhava (Vishu) These two temples show the
architectural and sculptural features of the Sisiresvara at Bhubaneswar and
may be assigned to this epoch, |
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 385
The main reason for considering the monuments discussed above
as products of one cultural epoch, is furnished by unmistakably identical
features and characteristics in art and architecture. So far as architecture
is concerned the temples are characterized by the pancha-ratha plan
unlike the tri-ratha plan of the temples of the earlier group; by
rectangular niches in the facades of their sikharas; by triangular or
rectangular niches in the inner walls of their cellas with or without
images; and by the same type of dJazamohanas with one door but no
window and pillars inside. Apart from the above common characteristics,
another significant feature of identity is furnished by the practice of
building up the images of the parsva-devatas in sections as part of the
wall surface, instead of carving such images entire from one block of
stone and then fixing them in niches. Such affinities may also be
recognized in their sculpture, in the decorative schemes and in the
iconography of the images. In style as well as in execution, the
sculptures are characterized by a certain strength and vigour, combined
with a balance and equipoise, and a charming modelling full of the
plastic sense and perspective. Among the decorative motifs we find the
common types .of scrolls, foliated vase capitals, lotus medailione,
lotus petals, chaitya and half-chaitya arches, the borders of
beads in the medallions, the Kirtti-mukhas flanked by lions with
strings of pearls hanging from their mouths and dwarfs with uplifted
hands flanking a central chaitya arch, The last two decorative patterns
occur only on the temples of this group. In iconography, the images of
Ganesa, Kartikeya, Parvati, NMahisamarddini, Nataraja, Ardhanarisvara
and the planets occurring on these temples are bound together not only
as typological but also as belonging to a common conception by their
identical etances and poses, by the commonness of their respective
attributes and by similar types of ornaments and dresses. The divine
figures are separatad and distinguished from the secular ones by the
presence of haloes. The latter usually stand cross-legged, sometimes
with their weight resting on staffs fixed to the ground. A Buddhist
inspiration might have influenced the iconography and execution of a
few of the images in the Vaital and the Sisiresvara and this inspiration
may perhaps be traced to the influence of the Bhaumas and, or their art
tradition that flourished under their patronage, This art tradition, it
may be noted, served in its initial and formative stages the Buddhist
religion. The artists reared in that tradition were imbued with Buddhist
ideas and might have unconsciously left apparent traces of their training
in erections of a different faith.
386 HISTORY OF ORISSA
The Buddhist influences and ideas are best illustrated in some
sculptures of the temples of Sisiresvara and Vaital at Bhubaneswar.
Carved in bold relief and partially mutilated are to be found two images
onthe southern wall of the Sisiresvara Jagamohana. One of them is a
figure of Lakuli seated in preaching pose (Dharmma-pravartana-mudra)
with a lakuta or club placed on his right shoulder and with his six
disciples seated on the side panels. The pedestal is occupied by a
tri-ratna super-imposed with a lotus and flanked by a deer and a Naga
on each side. If we put a wheel in place of the lotus we get a complete
Saranath device (a wheel flanked by deer) which is distinctly a Buddhist
symbo!. A sculptor trained in the Buddhist tradition and accustomed
to carve a Saranatha device on the pedestals of the Buddha images, has,
by force of practice, allowed himself to carve the same device here and
then has tried to camouflage it by putting a lotus in place of a wheel.
It is to be noted that neither a canonical prescription nor a precedence
of occurrence exists to allow such a device to be carved on the pedestal
of a Saivite image.
The second image is that of Amoghasiddhi whom the Nepalese
Buddhists consider as the fifth Dhyani Buddha, Itsits inthe samadhi
posture with a canopy of seven serpent hoods over its head and holds a
vase in the Jeft hand and a japamala intheright. Thatin the medieval
times a form of the Buddha had been corceived with a canopy of seven
hoods over its head, is proved not only by the images under consideration,
but also by another image, now preserved in the Orissa State
Museum, which has also a canopy of seven hoods over its headand a
Saranath device (a wheel flanked by two deers) on the pedestal, The
Saranth davice unquestionably proves its identity with the Buddha.
The Orissa Museum image originally belonged to Khadipada near Jajpur,
which wasoneofthe centresof Bhaumaartand from which six
Buddhist images have been removed to the Orissa State Museum,
including one of Avalokitesvara containing an inscription — that refers
itself to the reign of the Bhauma king Subhakaradeva. Since the
Khadipada image with a canopy of seven serpent hoods over the head
and a Saranath symbol on the pedestal, was discovered in association
with such, Buddhist images as Dhyani Buddha, Vagisvara and
Avalokitesvara, its identification with Amoghasiddhi cannot ba
doubted and consequently its prototype occurring on the Sisiresvara
temple should also be taken to be a_ representative of the same Buddhist
dividity. An Amoghasidhi of the Sisiresvara type with the same_attri-
ART AND- ARCHITECTURE 387
butes and even with the same details of representation, also occurs on the
northern inner wall of the sanctum of the Vaital temple.
A few more images, distinctly of Buddhist origin, are also to be
found on the Sisiresvara temple. One such image, now every much
mutilated was most likely of. Jambhala, the Buddhist counterpart of
Kuvera. The otheris an image of Avalokitesvara carved on the northern
outer wall of the sanctum. It holds inthe left hand a lotus with a
stalk rising from the pedestal in the usual fashion of the Avalokitesvara
images discovered from Khadipada, and has also the same __ types of
Ornaments and top-knots of hair. A comparison of this image with that
from Khadipada bearing the inscription of Subhakaradeva, leaves little
doubt that both are the products of the same school of art. Even some
Brahmanical images have been given the appearance of the Buddhist
deitios. An image apparently intended as Brahmanical, carved in a
shallow niche below the Nataraja figure occupying the front facade,
exhibits in the manner of its sitting and in the lotus with a stalk to the
proper right, analogies with the figure of AvaloKitesvara) Some Buddhist
influences are also to be noticed in the friezes which occuron the
cornices of the Jagamohana and which depict various incidents of Siva’s
life. One sleeping figura in the eastern cornice very much resembles
the Buddha usually depicted ina Nirvana scence of the Buddhist
sculptures,
Buddhist tradition has not feiled again to impose some of its
architectural peculiarlities on the Sakta and Saiva temples of Vaital and
Sisiresvara. The Vaital Deul is nota sikhara type of temple, although
its predecessors at Bhubaneswar like the Satrughnesvara and Parasura-
mesvara were almost the finished products of that type. This bold
departure from the traditional form must be traced to an external force
which Mr. Percy Brown has attempted to explain in the following
words :
“But the Vaital Deulis a very different conception, and derives
from another and entirely different tradition, For it is obvious that the tower
of its sanctuary is not only allied more to the southern style as examplified
by the Dravidian Gopurams, but like those structures, its original ancestor
was the Chaitya hall of the Buddhists’’.
The Buddhistic ‘influences are thus a factor which is tobe taken
into consideration. while determining the characteristics of the temples
produced during the period of the Bhauma supremacy.
388 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Monuments of the Somavamsi Period (c. A.D, 950-1150)
The Muktesvara : The Muktesvara temple of Bhubaneswar
which appears to be the earliest monument of this period is one of the
most beautiful temples of India and has been described by Mr. M. M.
Ganguly as a dream realized in sandstone. Elegantly decorated from top
to bottom, it stands within a gracefully laid-out low compound wall
with a beautiful toranain front. Apart fromits beautiful sculptures
that eloquently speak of the sense of proportion and perspective of the
sculptors and their extraordinary skill in depicting the objects of the
most minute character with great exactitude, the temple also reveals
some notable features both in architecture and in the attributes of the
cult images, which with some orno modifications cameto be the
standard of all the other important temples that followed it. Here we
find a porch which marks the beginning of a pidha temple. well-shaped
pilasters and recesses formed by them, the images carved in alto-relievo
and gaja-simha and Nagacolumns. in thecult images we find here a
mouse used as the mount of Ganesa, acock associated with Kartikeya
babies carried in the arms of Sapta-matrikas and Ketu among the planets,
The sculptures in theceiling of its Jagamohana are also altogether a
new conception. Itis to be noted that these architectural and iconogra-
phical features are conspicuous by their absence inthe early groups of
temples represented by the Parasuramesvara and the Sisiresvara, but are
present in the Brahmesvara and the succeeding temples. The affinities
of the art and architecture of the Muktesvara temple are therefore to be
found with the Brahmesvara and not with the Parasuramesvara, Not
withstanding these differences which are obvious at the first examination
of the temple, Prof.R, D. Banerjee seems to think that at Bhubaneswar
the Muktesvara was the immediate successor of the Parasuramesvara
temple. He also makes a curious statement that the temple of
Muktesvara ‘Shows the use of decorative bas-reliefs of human or divine
incidents for the first time in the medieval temples of Orissa’. Butas
we have already seen, the Parasuramesvara which according to himis the
earliest temple of Orissa, contains in bas-relief several incidents from Siva’s
life.
Although the Muktesvara possesses architectural and sculptural
affinities with the Brahmesvara (c. A.D. 1060), in point of chronology
the former ts certainly earlier than the later. The porchin the
Muktesvara whichis a pidha temple shows that this type of structure
was still in the experimental stage and that it had not been provided with
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 389
the usual crowning members to be found in its full-fledged prototypes.
Some features of the earlier temples are also to be found in the Muktee-
svara. Like all early temples, it is a small monument rising to a height of
Only thirty-four feet. It was built at a time when temples of great height
were yet tobe attempted. It contains latticed windows in_ the
Jagamohana, the models of which were in all probability borrowed
from he Parasuramesvara. The models for its graceful octagonal
compound wall and the beautiful torana were also borrowed from the
temples which are now no longer in existence, but of which the remains
can still be traced at Bhubaneswar. The present temple of Siddhesvara
standing in the Muktesvara compound, occupies the site of an earlier
temple. It has also around it the remains of the octagonal compound
wall of that earlier temple, stillto be traced. Since the Muktesvara
and Sijiddhesvara are situated close to each other, it will be legitimate
to infer that the model of the octagonal compound wall in_ the
Muktesvara was derived from its prototype that existed in the site of
the present Siddhesvara. Barring these two examples, no octagonal
compound wall isto befound in any temple at Bhubaneswar. No
torana is also to be found in any of the existing temples at Bhubaneswar,
but there is a moundin the paddy-fields known as Dola-mandapa
situated in between the temple town and the Brahmesvara, which ‘on
excavation yielded the arch of atorana along with some of its other
parts and also some sculptural specimens showing the earliest types of
Chaitya windows. The remains of this torana are now in the Orissa State
Museum and they show that like the Muktesvara torana, it was built in
sections and had an _ arch supported by two pillars. in all likelihood this
torana Which appears to be earlier, provided the model for the Muktesvara
one.
The builder of the Muktesvara thus borrowed certain features
from the early architectural tradition but also introduced new architec-
tural designs, new art motifs and new conceptions about the
iconography of the cult images. The abrupt changes in the early forms of
the cultimages, in the architectural designs and eveninthe minute
details of the sculpiural representations indicate that the builder of the
Muktesvara was the harbinger of anew culture. One other significant
fact about the iconography may be recognized in the absence of haloes
round the heads ofthe cult imoges. In theearily temples the halo
formed a distinguishing feature of the cult image and separated it from
the secular figure. That the temple is not an exotic one is indicated on
390 HISTORY OF ORISSA
one hand by certain architectural traditions and, on the other, by the
persistence of its innovations in all the other notable temples that
followed it- In fact, the Muktesvara divides the numerous temples of
Bhubaneswar into two broad groups, early andifate, and any of its
innovations canconfidently be taken as the basis of such a division. We
can, for instance, take the omission of the haloes from the cult images or
the presence of acock by the side of a Kartikeya as the basis of sucha
division. Its chronological position lies somewhere between the Sisiresvara
(c.A.D.800) and the Brahmesvara (c.A.D. 1060) temples.
The Vimana, square in ground pian, stands ona raised platform
and has five pagas or pilasters on each facade. The base shows the
usual sub-divisions such as pada, kumbha, pata, kani and vasanta, which
are present in the Brahmesvara and the succeeding temples, This fivefold
division is absent in all other earlier monuments. The pilasters, unlike
those of the Parasuramesvara and Sisiresvara, are well formed and are with
recesses containing gaja-simha and Naga columns. As in the earlier
temples, each of the facades has three niches which contained parsva-
devatas, but are now empty. Likewise, there is also a sunken panel which
marks the transition between the cubical and curvelinear portions of the
temple. Inthe earlier temples all images have been carved in shallow
niches or medallions, but here forthe first time the principle images in
alto-relieve is to be noticed. The earlier practice has not however been
altogether abandoned, for, some images appearin niches both in the
cubical portion and the sikhara, The sikhar is short and it had four
Natarajas and the four Rirtti-mukhas ,on four facades. The Nataraja
figure on the western facade became detached and found place ina
miniature temple situated within the same compound but it has now been
stolen away, Asin the earlier temples, no anga-sikharas appear on the
body of the main tower, The top portion of the sikhara has the usual crown.
ing members.
The ground plan of the Jagamohana is starlike. Its pyramidal
roof rising in tiers or Steps, which diminish as they ascend, ends at the
centre and is crowned by a kalasa, but there is no amataka as in the
later pidha temples. The vadas on the northern and southern sides have
the broadest central pilasters which project out of tte main plan of the
temple and have each a perforated window with a square frame. The
portions of the roof above the windows are of different orientation.
They rise in two tiers with the pidhus or steps of the roof and are
surmounted by the lion. The ends of the tiers in their horizontal
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 391
positions have makaras swallowing fish. As in the main temple the recesses
in between the pilasters have gaja-simhas and Naga-columns.
Just in front of the door of the Jagamohana stands the beautiful
torana, The basements of the pillars supporting the arch, square in section,
contain on each face a miniature temple flanked at the top by twin gaja-
simhas. The sixteen-sided shafts consist each of four blocks of stone of
which the topmost has loops of pearlis-strings hanging down from the
mouths of a row of kirtti-mukhas above. Superimposed on the topmost
block are to be found a vedika, an amalaka and finally a spreading lotus
capital. The arch itself, built in transverse section has a ridge at the top
and is sormounted by a kalasa. The designs on both the halves are identical
and they consist of exquisitely beautiful scorlls,a pair of female figures in
a most graceful pose, ornamental niches, and figures of monkeys, peacocks
etc. At each end of the arch there is a projecting makara-mukha, The total
effect of all these decorative designs has been to make it the most beautiful
product of art.
The outer face of the octagonal low compound wall is decorated
with a number of rectangular niches superimposed by stylized chaitya
arches. Eachof these niches contains a wheel, a lotus medallion ora
medallion with a beatiful scroll, and the chaitya arches contain in each a
human or an animal head, The faces in the human heads show various
expressions and indicate various stages of human life, some being youthful
and others aged. By the strokes of his chisel, the artist has succeeded in
making these miniature representations most lifelike, some faces being
most serious and contemplative and others most humorous or grotesque.
At each turn of the octagonal compound wall, the outer face also has
square niches containing deities. These are, in the main, the architectural
arrangements of this miniature gem of Orissan architecture, in which each
part has been so well placed and so elegantly executed that the whole has
been an epitome of beauty.
The ceiling of the Jagamohana contains mosr beautiful sculptures
which have been referred to by the earlier scholars, but nothing definite
has been spoken of them. The decorations have been conceived in the
form of a canopy with an eight-petalled lotus at the centre, each petal
being occupied by a deity. These deities constitute a group of Sapta-
matrikas with Viresvara, The main difference of the group from the
earlier ones is that all the »natrikas, except Chamunda, hold babies _ in
their arms and that Viresvara holds a sword in the right hand. On the
outer edges of the lotus there appear several panels of sculptures,
392 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Among these may be recognized Kartikeya, Ganesa, several narrative
scenes, like Parvati’s penance and dancing and musical parties,
Kartikeya sits holding a sakti in the left hand. with a peacock to his
tight and acock to the left, He has three male attendants by his side,
of whom two are to be found to his left and one tothe right. Ina similar
panel on the west, occurs an eight-handed dancing Ganesa, holding in
the uppermost two hands a snake over the head. In the remaining SIX
hands, of which two are lost, modakas. a battle-axe, a broken tusk and
lotus are to be found. One attendant to tho left of the deity strikes
cymbals and another to the right. an ankya-mridanga. The scrolls,
arabesques, flying Vidyadharas, and inter twined tails of Nagas and Nagis
enhance the beauty of these sculptures which may truly be regarded as
some of the masterpieces of Orissan art. Bt situated as they are at a
difficult place end being always in dark, thay have rarely yielded
to the camera of a photographer,
The Siva Temple of Baudh:—The Siva temples at Baudh, the
Sub-divisional Headquarters of the Phulbani district, seem in all appea-
rance, to belong to the early period of the Somavamsi supremacy. The
fine execution of the Muktesvara temple with its superb proportions
and exquisite finish of the sculptures and other decorations indicate a
resurgent movement linked up probably with the advent of the
Somavamsi dynasty. Reference may be made in this connection to the
three temples of Baudh situated in the upper Mahanadi Valley which
was included in the Kosala country, the original seat of power of the
Somavamsis. The three small templés of Baudh are of almost the
same height and have identical architectural and sculptural peculiarities,
The ground plan in each case is starlike, which is most likely
necessitated by the cult practised in these shrines. The sabktis of the
Siva-lingas enshrined in them are also starlike and these shapes
indicate that both the temples and deities were made in the form of
mandalas or mystic figures, with the help of which the Tantrikas
wanted to attain their siddhis. Barring these peculiarities in their
planning these three temples are otherwise linked up with the
Muktesvara in respect of other features. All these monuments add the
Muktesvara possess in common the same sub-divisions at the base, such
as pada, kumbha, pata, kani and vasanta with a leaf design in the kumbha
linked up with a chaitya arch above; the same form of rounded corners and
the same kind of sunken panel marking the transaction between the
Vimana and sikhara.
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 393
We also find in them they same forms of the nine. not eight
planets, in which Rahu has been represented by a head, but not by a
half-bust figure: the same types of door-keepers, alasa-kanya, kirtti-
mukhas, Chaitya arches, the dwarfs with uplifted hands as if supporting
the sikhara, and the same ‘form of pouncing lions with riders. What is
however most significant is the fact that certain forms of decorations
which are peculiar to the Muktesvara alone and not to be found in other
Bhubaneswar temples, except one or two that are its close contempo-
raries, are also to be found in these Baudh monuments. These decorations
' consist of a peculiar type of interlacing scrolls that occurs in its sikhera
and the pitchers (kumbhas) carved in alto relievo inits Vimana. A large
Chaitya arch flanked by the two Saivite images holding a chain with a
bell at the end dropped into a lotus medallion,which, in the Bhubaneswar
temples, occurs for the first time on the Muktesvara and then
on the later temples with an imperfect knowledge of its characters, is
also to be found on the facades of the Baudh temples, though in a badly
mutilated condition. The decorations in the sikhara of the Muktesvara
partly consist of a female figure opening a door with a parrot sitting at
the top which has been repeated in several panels, and of the miniature
images of Lakulisa in various mudras, These images, too occur inthe
Baudh monuments in the same forms. The similarity in the major aspects
of art and architecture of the Baudh temples and the Muktesvara sugge-
sts that the former belong to the Somavamsi period, but they might have
been erected by the Bhanja rulers who were in the occupation of the
territory.
The Rajarani Temple of Bhubaneswar : The names of all the
Saiva temples at Bhubaneswar end with isyara e.g. Parasuramesvara,
Barhmesvara Mitresvara, Yamesvara, Tribhuvanesvar, etc. and the
names of the non-Saiva temples have been derived from their presiding
deities, e.g. Gauri temple, Parvati temple, Mohini temple and Ananta-
Vasudeva temple etc. But the temple under review alone bears a peculiar
nama, for explaining the origin of which some fantastic stories have been
invented by the local people. The mystery about this most beautiful
and magnificant edifice has been enhanced by the fact that at present
it contains no deity in the cella. Mr. M. M. Ganguly rightly rejects a story
which represents it as a pleasure resorts of an Orissan king (raja) and
his queen (rani), for, had it been so, it should have been provided with
outhouses and stables etc. But both in art and architecture, the Rajarani
possess all the elements of a temple structure, viz, a Jagamohana. side
niches, the dikpalas, and the Navagraha slabs both on the -Jagamohana
394 HISTORY OF ORISSA
and the Vimana. Mr. Ganguly is probably right in thinking that the
present name Rajarani has been derived from a ‘‘very fine-grained
yellowish sandstone called Rajarani in common parlance’? with which
the entire edifice has been built. We cannot, however, accept his view
that it was a Vaisnava temple, Thereis a mass of evidence on the body
of the temple itself, which has escaped his notice, and which thoroughly
repudiates such a view. We shall presently show that the original name
of the temple was Indresvara and that it was a Saiva shrine.
Although the Rajarani temple has been one of the notable
monuments of the place, such a name does not occur in any of the four
Sanskrit texts that profess to deal with the history of Bhubaneswar from
the orthodox standpoint. Inthe list of the temples given by each of
these works, a temple known as Indresvara has been placed to the east
of the Siddhesvara, situated in the compound of the Muktesvara. The
twenty-fourth chapter of the Ekamra Purana fixes the position of the
Indresvara to the east of Siddheswara and indicates the close proximity
of the former with the latter by the word adurena (not far).
Of all the temples, the beauty of this temple has also been most lavishly
praised. The ninth chapter of the Svarnnadri-mahodaya places the
temple of Chakresvarato the east of the Siddhesvara and then speaks
of the Indresvara. Even now there is a small temple known as
Chakresvara standing in the paddy-fields in between the Siddhesvara
and the Rajarani, In the fourteenth chapter of the Ekamra-Chandrika,
after the Siddhesvara and the Muktesvara, mention has been made of
the Sakresvara which is no doubt a synonym of the Indresvara. Like
the other works, the fifteenth chaptereof the Kapilasamhita places the
Indresvara to the east of the Siddhesvara and gives the distance between
the two as seventy cows. In all these works the distancs between the
shrines have been recorded in the number of cows (dhenvantaras).
According to them to the distances between the Lingaraja on cone hand
and the Brahmesvara, Kapilesvara and Ramesvara on the other are
respectively 1,130, 1,016 and 970 cows, Since all these temples are
situated about a mile or a little more than a mile from the Lingaraja
temple, a distance of seventy cows as given between the Siddhesvara
and the Indresvara conforms to that between the Siddhesvara and the
Rajarani. There appears to be no doubt, hence, that the temple of
Rajarani bore the name of the Indresvara at least up to the time when
these works were compiled and that ite present name has probably been
derived trom the name of the sandstone used in it.
ART ANDZARCHITECTURE 395
Mr, M. M. Ganguly observes : ‘On examining the Khura_ pristha,
or upper plinth carvad as it is with the petals of lotus, it appears that
the temple was meant for being dedicated to Visnu.’’ This feature in
itself is really no weighty evidence to connect the temple of Rajarani
with a Vaisnava shrine, As Prof.R.D. Banerjee has pointed out, such
lotus petals are found carved inthe Hindu and even the Jaina temples
of the South Mahratra country. There are certain features in the
temple, which have escaped the notice of the earlier scholars, out which
undisputably prove that Saivite origin of the monument, In the usual
positions of the door jambs of the Jagamohana occur the Saiva door-
keepers, Chanda and Prachanda, which are close prototypes of the
similar door-keepers of the later temples, particularly of the
Meghesvara and the Brahmesvara. The dvarapala carved on the right
jamb stands, holding inthe right hand a Jong trident stuck to the
ground and_ allowing the left to hang down freely. It wears J ata-mukiuta,
a garland of skulls reaching to the thighs and a snake that issues forth
from the right ear. The face is damaged, but it was probably bearded
like that of the dvarapala in the Meghesvara temple. The door-keeper
on the left jamb also holds a similar long trident and has jata-mukuta
and a snake issuing forth from the ear. These door-keepers are
characteristically Saivite and cannot be expected to be present on the
door of a Vaisnavatemple. Besides, on the lintel of the dJagamohana
occurs an image of Lakulisa seated in yoga-mudra, holding a lakuta and
has four disciples on the side panels. The disciples here, as in the
Meghesvara temple, have been represented as emaciated and bearded
figures and have their right hands raised in abhaya-imudra: only two of
them are seated on lotuses. On both sides of the Lakuli image, the
lintel was carved with eight bearded and emaciated ascetics kneeling
side by side in arow witn fan-shaped jata-bharas on their heads and
carrying on their backs the pots hung from their shoulders. The right
half of the row with four ascetics is in the complete form but on the
left, the lintel has broken off and has been replaced .by a plain stone, These
ascetics are no doubt the Pasupata teachers, occurrirg as they do tn
association with Lakuli and his disciples.
These sculptures alone repudiate the theory that the Rajarani
was ever a Vaisnava temple, but there are also other Saiva sculptures on
the body of the main temple, The side niches have been robbed of their
images, but at the bases of the southern and northern niches have been
carved the scenes of Linga-worship. Besides, the main temple also
contains on its facades three panes!s which show Siva and his female
396 HISTORY OF ORISSA
counterpart dancing in the company of attendants holding musical
instruments. In a rectangular shallow niche nearet to the Jagamolana on
the south, occurs a beautiful image of Parvati holding in the upper left
hand, a club. In the lower left hand, she holds a lotus with stalk, which
rising from the pedestal passes through the left arms of the deity. This
conventional form of Parvati which the priests of Bhubaneswar call Nisa-
Parvati has, as rule, been enshrined in the norther niches of all the later
Saiva temples, including the Lingaraja. A scene probably representing a
simple form of Siva’s marriage, also occurs onthe western side below
the central niche. Siva sits here wearing the crown of a bridegroom
and leaning against a pillow, while Parvati standing in front of him,
extends her hand which is caught by Siva’s right hand. Two attendants,
one holding a fly-whisk andthe other a ving appearin the scene. The
elaborate scenes of Siva’s marriage also occur onthe earlier temples,
but the simple types of Siva’s marriage, like the one under discussion, are
not uncommon in the Indian sculptures, Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao gives
some illustrations of Siva’s marriage called Kalyana-sundara-murtis, in
which the marriage has been indicated by the joining of the hands of
Siva and Parvati. Itis interesting to note here that Siva here greatly
resembles the Siva of an elaborately carved panel onthe southern door
of the Jagamohana of the Lingaraja temple, representing his marriage to
Parvati.
These sculptures coupled with the fact that the temple has been
described as Indresvara in the local Sanskrit works, leave little room for
doubt that it was a Saiva shrine. There should also be no doubt that it
originally contained a deity, because the temple finds mantion in the
lists of the temples given in the orthodox texts intended as_ the pilgrims’
guide. An unconsecrated temple without a deity is not likely to find
mention in the sacred literature. The exigency of removing the presiding
deity probably arose when the Jagamohana collapsed, blocking the way
to the cella of the main temple. As is apparent from Arnott’s Report, the
Jagamohana had become a heap of ruins when it was repaired in 1903.
Eight guardian deities appear in their places on the body of the
main temple, but they are in no way different from their prototypes in the
temples of Brahmesvara and the Meghesvara, except that the image of
Kubera which has on its pedestal kalpavriksa (Wishfulfilling tree) with
eight pots attached to it, perhaps reprsenting ashta-nidhis.
Consistently with the magnificent wealth of sculptures
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 397
which the temple possesses, these guardian deities have been the most
glamorous and successful group to be found on any temple of
Bhubaneswar, The Jagamohana is entirely plain, but there are signs
to show that carvings had begun at some points, particularly near the
balustraded windows. As in the Jagamohana of the Meghesvara, on
both sides of the door, there are two columns with a Naga and Nagi
at their tops holding garlands in their hands, The absence of carvings
on the Jagamohana does not indicate that the temple was neither
completed nor consecrated, because, the temples of which the
Jagamohanas have remained uncarved, but in which worship is still
going on, are not rare at Bhubaneswar. The notable examples are the
Vaital and Mohini temples.
Both Prof, R. D. Banerjee and Mr. M. M. Ganguly have taken the
Rajarani to be an exotic temple, because of the fact that the angasikharas
(the miniature sikharas on the body of the main tower) appear
on its body as sharp projections, but not as part of the wall surface as
in the Lingaraja and the Brahmesvara. Inthe absence of any definite
evidence, these features should not however be traced to an extraneous
source, but should rather be considared as a logical evolution of a
process that had begun long ago. We have seen that on the corner
pilasters of the earlier temples, bhumi-amalakas occur at regular intervals
and we have also seen that anga-sikharas occur on the bodies of the
Brahmesvara and the Lingaraja as part of the wall surface. These
architectural features were elaborated in the projecting turrets that we
find on the Rajarani. The Rajaraniis not however, the only temple at
Bhubaneswar to bear these miniature sikharas as sharp projections.
There are several other temples bearing the same features. Of these
mention should separately be made of the Dakra Bhimesvara
situated on the road to Puri within a short distance of the eastern gate
of the Lingaraja, which bears the same features almost in the same forms.
The temple of Kotitirthesvara also bears them on the gandi, though in
somewhat modified form. These turrets had the effect of breaking up
the graceful contours of the gandi and were moreover easily liable to
breakage or cracks. So they seem to have been considered architecturally
unsound, and discontinued after an experiment on only a_ few
examples. Bereft of the projecting miniature sikharas, the Rajarani is
otherwise a pancharatha temple with the usual elements peculiar to the
type. The Jagamohana likewise follows the traditional style of a pidha
temple, but the usual crowning members are absent from it. Its summit
is similar to that of the Jagamvhana of the Muktesvara. As we have
398 HISTORY OF ORISSA
already shown at the time of repairs, it had become a heap of ruins, and
itis now difficult to say whether it had originally the usual crowning
members. No exotic influence is to be found on the vast wealth of
beautiful sculptures of the Rajarani, which possess close affinities with
the similar decorations of several other temples. It is difficult to
determine the date of this famous temple, but it seems most likely that
its chronological position lies between the Muktesvara and the Brahmesvara
(c A. D, 1060).
The Panchayatana Visnu Temple of Jalauka : It stands in the
village of Jalauka about three miles from Chhatia in the Cuttack district.
The present writer hurriedly visited it more than twenty-five years ago
and carried the impression that the temple, as its art and architecture
indicate, belongs tothe Somavamsi period. The four smail sikhara
temples standing on the four directions of the main shrine are now
utterly ruined, but the main temple is still in a comparatively good state
of preservation. The temple complex is similar to the Brahmesvara which
too has four smaller temples on its four sides, but in the scheme of
decoration it shows greater affinities with the Muktesvara. The temple
contains a wealth of sculpture which still remains unstudied.
The next stage in the development of the temple architecture is
provided by the Kedaresvara, Siddhesvara, Ramesvara and Alavukesvara
of Bhubaneswar. They all seem to be earlier than the Brahmesvara.
They are mostly devoid of sculptures except the parsva-devatas which
are Mostly missing and the alasa-kanyas which too have been mostly
pilferred.
The Brahmesvara : The next datad temple, Brahmesvara (c. A.D.
1060), shows mature workmanship and advanced architectural features.
Here the canons of Orissan’ architecture as explained by Mr. M. M,
Ganguly and Mr. N.K. Bose, are found to have been fuliy applied.
Among the dated temples it is the earliest one where iron beams have
been used, and where the proch or the dagamohana consists of the
full-fledged pidha deul with the usual crowning members’ The ceiling
of the Jagamohana contains sculptures in several tiers ending with a
lotus at the centre, a feature which is shared by only one more temple
at Bhubaneswar, viz, Muktesvara. The Brahmesvara is a panchae
ratha temple with five pilasters, namely two corner pilasters, two
intermediate ones and one central one, fully developed, which give the
structure almost a rounded appearance, unlike the earlier temples which
are somewhat square in appearance: The pilasters alternate with deep
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 399
teceses containing gaja-simhas, which has become a definite feature in
all important later temples, but which is conspicuous by its absence in
all earlier ones. Both the Jagamohana and the temple rise abruptly from
the ground level without a plinth or a platform, butthe basement of the
main temple shows the usual structural divisions such as pada, kumbha,
pata, kani and vasanta which are to be noticed in the later temples. The
five conventional divisions namely the jangha, varandi, vandhana. upper
varandi and upper jangha are also to be noticed in the cubical portion.
Both on the cubical and curvilinear portions of the main structure,
we find for the first time the miniature replicas of both the pidha and the
sikhara temples, some half-finished and others fully carved, but ail
forming part of the wall surface and subdued withthe scheme of the
linear ascent of the tower. As we have already noticed, the miniature
sikharas do not occur on the earlier temples, dated or undated, but the
half-amalakas appearing atregular intervals at thecorners provide a
semblance and mark a rudimentary beginning of these miniature replicas.
In no other example except in the Brahmesvara, the miniature replicas of
the pidha temples appear as decorations, The chaitya arches continued to
be the decorative motif but in much stylised forms, The Bhauma technique
of making the side deities (parsva-devatas) in sections was not followed
in this temple but the main side deities Ganesa, Kartikeya and Durga were
carved out of single blocks of stone and putin the niches made in the
central pilasters as we find in the Parasuramesvara and other temples.
This unwary process of enshrining side deites has resulted in the
remova, of all the three images probably by the antiquity collectors.
The Pidha temple that serves as the porch is full-fledged tn every
sense of the term, unlike its prototypes in the Muktesvara and Rajarani,
which lack crowning members, As is usual with a pidha temple, the roof
of the Jagamohana shows undeocorated pidhas or steps diminishing as
they ascend and crowned by a huge amalaka. butthe lowermost step
contains reliefs showing battle scenes and various animal figures. The
vadas (walls) divide themselves into five pilasters each and contain gaia-
simhas in the recesses and half-finished miniature pidha temples and
stylised chaitya arches as decoration. Besides adoor inthe east, the
dJagamohana also possesses to balustraded windows with female figures
carved on the outer facesof the baiustrades, The temple complex
is aponchavatana one and has four smaller shrines on four sides
400 IyW}STORY OF ORISSA
besides the main one. A commemorative inscription originally attached
to the temple furnishes the evidence that Kolavati Devi, mother of
Uddyota Kesari, built it in the eighteenth regnal year of her son.
The Lingaraj: The temple of Lingaraja is by far the most notable
temple not only of Bhubaneswar, but also of Orissa, and according to
expert opinions is also one of the best archaeological monuments of the
East. Rising toa height of about one hundred and eighty feet and
dominating the entire landscape within an area of about ten miles, this
great temple represents the quintessence of the Kalinga type of architecture
and the culminating result of the architectural activities at Bhubaneswar.
It stands in the midst of a number of smaller temples within a spacious
compound of faterite measuring five hundred and twenty feet in length
and four hundred and sixty five in breadth and having gates on the
east, north and south. So much has been said about its architecttural
features that very little remains tobe said, Prof.R. D. Banerji records
from his personal observation that the sanctuary is a hollow pyramid
composed of several superimposed chambers, the access’ to which is
obtained by a staircase built through the thickness of the wall. This new
technique was perhaps necessitated on account of the extreme height of
the tower which could not be sustained by a single roof asin the smaller
temples. Barring this peculiarity, the sanctuary is otherwise a pancha-ratha
deul having close architectural affinities with the Brahmesvara temple.
We have already noticed the special features connected with its plinth,
angasikharas and walls while comparing it with the Kandarya temple at
Khajuraho in Bundelkhand. <
Like the Ananta-Vasudeva temple, it has a three-chambered
frontal component consisting of the Jagamohana, Natamandira and
Bhogamanadapa. There are clear evidences at the point of juncture that
may indicate that the dagamohana was a later addition; but since both
the structures are built of the same type of sandstone and have sculptures
representing the same liner of artistic tradition, it can safely be concluded
that the sanctuary and the -<Jagamohana formed parts "of the same
original scheme especially as these two components formed at the time
the temple complex proper. The next two structures, namely the
Natamandira and Bhogamandapa are, however, much later than both the
sanctuary and the <Jogamohana because they are built of an altogether
different type of sandstone and because their sculptures bear the obvious
signs of the artistic development and peculiarities of a laterperiod, The
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 401
roof and the crowning members of the Jagamohana are similar to those
of the Jagamohana of the Brahmesvara and like the latter it ,had also
balustraded windows in the north and the south, which have now
been blocked up Both the Natamandira and the Bhogamandapa are open
halls and the former has a flat roof.
in their attributes and distinctive treatment, the cult images on
the Lingaraja are similar to those of the Brahmesvara. The dikpals with
‘their distinctive mounts and attributes appear in their respective positions,
but only on the temple walls and not or the dJagamohana as in the
Brahmesvara, The images of Ganesa, Kartikeya and Parvati appear
respectively in the southern, western and northern niches of the sanctuary,
which, with the smaller structures built in front of them, have been
converted into subsidiary shrines. These smatler structures betraying a
lack of artistic taste and obscuring the sculptures in the basement of the
sanctuary, are certainly later additions and could not have been designed
by the builders of this magnificent monument. The life-size images of
parsva-devatas are all chlorite which must have been imported froma
distant place and which were used to ensure greater permanence and
to bring out finer details of artistic designs. Except the figure of Ganesa,
these marvellous images have been sadly mutilated, but nevertheless,
even in their mutilated condition, they cannot fail to arouse admiration
from any discerning observer. Fine scroll work that must have entailed
months of labour for incision decorate the garments of the deities. The
magnificent backgrounds against which these deities appear, indicate
a supreme artistic taste and the zenith of the decorative art of the
period.
Among the other cult images, mention may be made of an image
of Kartikeya that occupies the medallion enclosed by the largest chaitya
arch in the east. He is shown here in the earlier form riding a peacock to
front and holding sakti in the teft hand. An image of Mahisamardini is to
be found in the squthern facade of the Jagamohana. The main feature to be
r.oticed in this representation is that the victim is not a_ buffalo-headed
demon but a buffalo, from the decapitated trunk of which a male figure is
shown as issuing forth. The only image of Lakulisa that appears on the
front facade of the sanctuary has besn blocked from view by the ascending
tiers of the roof in the Jagamohana. Lakuli is accompained by four figures,
two on each side,
The three distinct episodes are to be faund on the wails of the
sanctuary and of the Jagamohana. One of themis an elaborate scene ot
402 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Siva’s marriage to be found on the southern door of the dagamohana.
Siva wearing the crown of a bridegroom, but none-the-less appearirg
oerfectly naked, is found in the centre of the scene sittirg in front of a
man with matted hatr, who may be identified with Bhrikuti. Parvati ts
being led to Agni which is represented as a human figure with flames
rising on all sides and by the side of which Brahma is tobe found, There
are also other gods riding on their respective mounts. The scene has been
disfigured by the application of modern paint tothe images, perhaps in
recant times. The second episode to be found on the southern facade of
the sanctuary is that of Yasoda churning curds and the child Sri-Krishna
disturbing her, The images of Nanda, Yasoda and Sri-Krishna are in a good
state of preservation and they form an attractive panel. It has been noticed
by Mr R Chanda and Prof. R D. Banerjee. The third episode representing
a simple form of Siva’s marriage on the western side of the Vimana has
also been noticed by them.
According to the local tradition the Lingaraja temple was built
by Yayati Kesari who may be identified with Yayati Il «c. 1025-1040 A.D )
of ihe Somavamsi dynasty
The correlation between the Brahmesvara and Lingaraja is to be
noticed inthe fully developed pidha temples which appear as their
porches; in the appearance of similar types of gaja-simhas and vyalis in
the recesses between their well-formed pilasters; in the projecting
figures Of gasaj-simha in the raha-pagas of the sikharas; in the single
niches of the vadas, enshrining deities carved out of single blocks of
stone; in the division of the janghas into two sections, upper and lower,
by a course of mouldings known as pandhana: inthe anga* sikharas in
vertical rows in the anuraha-pagas; in the Navegraha architraves with
the figures of planets exhibiting the same type and form; in the images
of such deities as Kartikeya and Ganesa, each in an identical
form; in the representations of the Dikpalas, each with the same
mounts and same attributes, in eight directions of their Vimanas
and dJagamohanas; in the identical types of the decorative female
figures; in the remark&ble similarity to be found in the other decorative
motifs; and finally in the almost identical slopes presented by the
sikharas. Moreover, both the temples are characterized by the absence
of the plinths or raised platforms. These distinct affinities make the
two cognates of each other Again, there are certain motifs, not to be
noticed in any other temple of Bhubaneswar, which indicate also that
they were close contemporaries of each other. The identities in the
details of representation and the execution of these mutifs ware, in all
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 403
probability, due totheir being produced by the same artist, or by
artists reared in an identical tradition. Reference may ba made in this
connexion to a panel containing the figures of Nanda, Yasoda and the
child Sri-Krishna, already noticed above, that appear onthe southern
facade of the Vimana of the Lingaraja, and another in almost the same
form on a facade of the small temple at the north-east corner of the
Brahmesvara. According to the Brahmesvara inscription, this is one of
the four subsidiary structures built along with the main temple with
which it was certainiy contemporary. !n both the panels, Nanda isa
bearded figure sitting opposite Yasoda who is engaged.in churning curds,
and the child Sri-Krishna is shown by the side of the vessel containing
curds, One royal figure that appears in both the temples appears to be
similar in form. In the Lingaraja he is found engaged in reading a copper
plate and in the Brahmesvara, he appears as a warrior, but in both his
royaltyis indicated by the two parasols held over the head, This royal
figure may in all probability, represent Uddyota Kesari or his father
Yayati Il alias Chandihara.
The Suresvara and Gauri Temples : There are two other temples
at Bhubaneswar, which may be regard as close contemporaries of the
Muktesvara, One of them is the Suresvara, a very small structure which
stands near the Kotitirthesvara temple in the close neighbourhood of the
Svarnajalesvara and the other is the Gauri temple situated in the
compound of the Kedaresvara. These two temples have in common
with the Muktesvara, the plinths of raised platforms on which they
stand, tne same types of alasa-kanyas scrolls, the dwarfs with uplifted
hands, pitchers (kumbhas)carved in alto-relievo inthe Vimanas and the
large chaitya arches flanked by bearded figures holding a long chain.
The temple of Suresvara has on the front facade a Nataraja whichis an
exact prototype ofthose to be found inthe Muktesvara. Its sikhara is
wholly undecorated, but the Vimana has decorations which are almost
identical with those of the Muktesvara. The small Gauri temple is of
the Khabkhara type which is akin to the Vaital temple in its architecture,
and thus represents a different architectural conception. When the
late M. M, Ganguly wrote his book Orissa and her Remains in 1916, the
tront part of it was inruins. It has since then been repaired and carved,
but the modern carvings become sharply distinguished from the original
ones in spite of the attempts of the sculptors to bring about a uniformity
in them.
There are several ruined temples at Bhubaneswar and in the
Prachi valley of the Puri district and at Ranipur Jharial in the Bolangir
404 HISTORY OF ORISSA
district which may belong to this period. The last named place was in
the original seat of Somavamsi power and still contains anumber of
temples which will be noticed later.
Monuments of the Ganga Period (c.4.0. 1110-1435)
an, One peculiarity of the Ganga temples which may be regarded as
anfadvance on the designs of the former monuments, isthe sapta-ratha
Blan recognized to be a characteristic feature of all the notable
monuments of the period. The direction in the development of the
design of the temple is supplied by the increase inthe number of
projections on each face of the temple. The earliest monuments, now
extent, show one such projection in the middle of each face.. and each
face is thus divided into three surfaces (tri-rathas). This tri-ratha plan
develops into the pancha-ratha by two such projections and the
Somavamsi monuments exhibit this plan in its complete form. The next
stage is apparently the sapta-ratha plan which, however, does not come
into view. so far as the extant monuments are concerned before the
Ganga period. The Meghesvara, the earliest of the Ganga temples at
Bhubaneswar shows the beginnings Of a sapta-ratha plan, conspicuous
by its absence in the preceding periods, and aS time passed on, this plan
came to be theestablished rule with the Ganga monuments. The
accumulated experiences of the past in the temple building were utilized
to co-ordinate skilfully this elaborate design, horizontally as well as
vertically, to build strong and compact edifices. But the builders of
this period like the earlier builders could not select the right types of
stone, a fact that, more than their age, has been responsibie for the
comparatively greater wear and tear. The evolution of the three-
chambered frontal adjunct is to be traced to this period. We have seen
that in the early groups of temples, the frontal porch consisted of a
single rectangular low mandapa with a clerestoried flat roof; in the
Muktesvara it was something ofa pidha; andin the Brahmesvara full-
fledged pidha temple came into view. In the Ganga period, inall the
important structures, the frontal adjunct consisted of three chambers
known as the Jagamohana (audience hall), the Natamandira (dancing
hall) and the Bhogamandapa (offering hall),
The important Lingaraja that originally possessed a single
chamber as its porch, was furnished with two more, apparently during
the Ganga period. Again the side niches on the sanctum walls were
converted into the miniature shrines with subsidiary structures in front
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 405.
of them, that varied in shape from miniature temples to highstepped'
platforms. These additional side structures, besides being subsidiary
shrines, also served as propylons to strengthen the central structures,
namely the Vimanas. The temples of Jagannatha, Konarka and
Ananta-Vasudeva that definitely belong to this period bear this
architectural feature, also shared by the smaller examples like the
Yamesvara and the Chitresvara. It is true that the temple
of Lingaraja built during the Somavamsi period also ‘possesses
these side structures. but there are evident signs in them that they were
. later additions, possibly of the Ganga period. The temple architecture of
the period shows signs of maturity and developmentin other features
also. The so-called corbelled arch is to be found notonly in the
door-ways of the Vimanas of the Ganga monuments, but also above each
doorway of their porches. Evidently the builders understood its utility
more than their predecessors. Tha iron beams which begun to be used
in the preceding period, nowcame to be used regularly. Because of
the increase of projections and their further subdivisions, the temple
structures became more diversified, solid and compact andvery often
circular in appearance around the perimetre. Another new feature
introduced is the vahana-stambha set up infront of the shrines, which
did not exist in any of the earlier temples. The stump of the pillarto be
found in front of the Vaital temple is, as we have already noted, a
remnant of 2 yupa or a sacrificial post, but not a vahana-stambha.
These pillars in many temples have disappeared, but they are stillto be
traced in the temples of Konarka, Jagannatha, Lingaraja, Meghesvara,
Ananta-Vasudeva and Yamesvara, all of which except the Lingaraja, belong
to the Ganga period. Since the Natamandira and Bhogamandapa of
the Lingaraja temple were built during the Ganga period, it is legitimate
to infer that the vahana-stambha, set up in front the whole temple,
was also an addition of that period. This pillar contains at its
top not only an image of Nandi, but also an image of Garuda, indicating a
svnthesis of Saivism and Vaisnavism which, as we have already shown,
was attempted in the Ganga epoch. Another well-marked characteristic
of the Ganga monuments is noticed in the basement plinth, conspicuously
absent in the Brahmesvara and the Lingaraja, the two notable temples
of the Somavamsi period. Further, insome of the notable monuments,
the temple complex rests ona_ terraced platform, which may also be
recognized as one of the characteristic feature of the temples of the
Ganga period. .
Besides these architectural features the Ganga temples also bear
several distinctive features in their sculptures. Some ofthe cult images
406 HISTORY OF ORISSA
like Ganesa and Kartikeya appear in their fast evolutionary forms, In
the Navagraha slabs Rahu appears as holding half-moons in his hands
and Ketu as holding a sword and a shield or only a sword: Sometimes
both Brihaspati and Sukra appear as the bearded figures In the
monuments built during the middle and last parts of the period, not
only the dikpalas, but also their female counterparts make their
appearance. The chaitya arches so profusely used as the decorative
motifs in the earlier temples, become scarce and highly stylized during
the period under review. The decoration of the walls was taken up by
scrolls, usually in the form of creepers, with full or half-medallions
enclosing leaf-designs and animal-figurines such as deer, bears,
elephanis, horses and swans. Among other favourite motifs on the
temple walls, sunken diamond-shaped designs and beads shown in relief
have become Most prominent. The minute designs and figurines have
beencarved and cut in stone with such consummate skill that they
create almost an illusion of wood or ivory carvings. The restraint in
the decorations, to be noticed in the Somavamsi monuments, is no longer
a feature in the Ganga tempies; on the contrary in the important
structures all available spaces in the walls, in the pilasters and the
basements, have been occupied by the decorations, indicating a love for
pictorial art which is found in its extreme form inthe great temple of
Konarka. The large chaitya arches flanked by human figures continued
to be a feature in Some monuments, but the Ganga _ builders copied
them from the earlier temples without understanding their creed or
character. We have seen that in the Muktesvara where the design
occurs for the first time, the flanking human’ figures with the hoods
of snakes on their heads are distinctly Saivite in character. In the
Ganga period their Saivite character was scarcely understood, as is
proved by the fact that this design has also been carved inthe Vaisnava
temple of Ananta-Vasudeva.
With the help of these guiding features in art and architecture,
itis possible to enumerate the,temples which, in all likelihood, were
built during the Ganga period. A list of the important monume tts
with a short description of each is given below :
The Temple of Jagannatha at Puri: \tis the earliest Ganga
monument Of Orissa, but it must be noted that the Ganga temples of
much earliear date are still to be traced in the Andhra regions, the
original seat of power of the Gangas. There isa definite mention in
almost all the later copperplate records of the successors of Chodaganga
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 407
that he was the builder of this great temple at Puri. But as already
observed, a tradition recorded in the Madalapanji avers that one of his
successors Anangabhimadeva II] built this monument. To reconcile the
epigraphic evidence with tradition we may perhaps conclude that
Chodaganga had began this huge structure and ore of his successors
Anangabhimadeva II completed it or added the dJagamohana to it. We
may also agree with Or. D.C, Sircar that Anangabhimadeva III
constructed a Jagannatha temple inthe Ganga capital Kataka (Cuttack)
and notthe present great Jagannatha temple at Puri. The evidences
furnished by the Muslim sources, already discussed, shows that Firuz
Shah raged the Jagannatha temple tothe ground, but in the present
Jagannatha temple at Puri there is hardly and evidence to show that it
was demolished at any time by any invader, So it seems that Firuz
Shah demolished the Jagannatha shrine at Cuttack, but not the same
shrine at Puri which still stands in tact. The height of the Jagannatha
temple at Puri as calculated by Mr.M.M. Ganguly is 215’-8. It is
therefore the loftiest religious edifice of Orissa, though the temple of
Konarka seems to have had a greater height.
At present a thick coat of plaster covers the whole of the main
temple and prevents an investigator from studying its architectural and
sculptural features It is a pancha-rathu temple analogous to the Lingaraja,
butit cannot now be ascertained whether, as in the temple of Ananta-
Vasudeva at Bhubaneswar, it has a row of narrow and undeveloped
pilasters in between the main ones. The temple has on three sides the
miniature temples enshrining prasva-devatas which also serve as the
propylons of the main stsucture. The sikhara has the usual divisions
and subdivisions as are usually found in all temples of this pertod, It
has a three-chambered porch consisting of the cdagamohana, the
Natamandira and the Bhogamandapa. The sculptures of the last two
structures clearly indicate that they were !ater additions. According to
traditions these two. structures were built by Kapilendradeve. A
comparative study of the sculptures of the Ganga period and the
Suryavamsi period confirms the evidence.of ttaditions Asis usual in
all great temples of the period, the monument stands on a high platform
which is connected with the ground level by a flight of twenty two
steps. The edifice is massive and strong aid is a product of the
accumulated experience of the past in temple architecture and this
factor has enabled it to withstand the ravages of the time. An immense
variety of sculptures that decorate the temple cannot be studied so long
the plaster is not removed,
408 HISTORY OF ORISSA
The Laksmi temple inside the Jagannatha compound standing
with a three-chambered porch seems to be a contemporary of the main
temple. From the beginning of the Ganga rule in Orissa it became
customary to build a smaller temple in the compound of al! important
shrines for «he female counterparts of the main deities. By the time
the Jagannatha temple was built, Jagannatha had been conceived as Visnu
and therefore, the construction of smaller temple for his consort Laksmi
seems to have been warranted by the time-honoured custom.
The -.eghesvara of Bhubaneswar: The temple of Meghesvara
had a commemorative inscription originally attached to it, which is now
fixed to the western compound wall of the Ananta-Vasudeva temple.
The epigraph discloses that the temple of Megesvara was built by
Svapnesvaradeva, son of Ahirana and grandson of Mutladeva,
Svapnesvaradeva was the commander-in-chief of the Ganga army and he
seems to have served in that capacity under two Ganga_ kings,
Rajarajadeva Il and Anangabhimadeva Il. It is stated inthe epigraph
that Surama, the sister of Svapnesvaradeva, was married to Rajaraja II.
the son and successor of Chodagangadeva. Rajaraja |! is known to have
ruled from A.D. 1170-1190. but since Svapnesvara also served under
Anangabhima II (A.D. 1190—1198), the successor of Rajaraja II, there is
also the possibility of his having built the temple in the reign of
Anangabhima. The date of the erection of the Meghesvara temple can-
not be accurately fixed, but it can safely be assigned to the closing years
of the twelfth century.
The Meghesvara temple is an important structre in the history
of the evolution of the temple architecture in Orissa. It has been
provided with a plinth or platform and has seven pilasters fully formed,
which make the structure almost a round one around its perimetre, Oue
to anincrease in the number of pilasters, little space has been left in
the body of the temple and in consequence the recesses have been very
narrow and not well-marked. The intermediate pilasters have a series
of complete miniature sikhards, forming part of the walls, and repeated
up to the top, but the corner pilasters have only half-amalakas which
take the place of anga-sikharas. The raha-paga (The central pilaster) is
plain and is with a projecting lion and a kirttimukha as its relieving
features.
The Jagamchana which is a pidha temple, is wholly undecorated
and is with a door and two baiustraded windows. The present two
naga-stambhas on both sides of the door has become a relieving feature
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 409
in this otherwise undecorated structure, !n front of the door facing the
west, there was a round Vrisa-stambha (a column with a bull-capital) of
which only the base has survived and the bull-capital which was lying
in the tank nearby, has been removed to the Orissa State Museum.
The sculptures of the Meghesvara temple (c. A. D. 1195) have
suffered much from wear and tear on account of the fact that it is built
of a soft and gritty variety of sandstone. Besides, it being situated in
the furthest north-east corner of Bhubaneswar without human habitation
in the near neighbourhood, the work of dispoliation has been carried on
here almost unmolested. There are signs of deliberate breakages in the
body of the temple which indicate that not only the parsva-devatas, but
also many of the decorative female figures have been cut away. In the
southern niche, the feet of Ganesa still remaining indicate that the
other partions of its body have been forcibly removed. Nevertheless,
the temple still retains some important cult images of iconographical
interest. The guardian deities are to be found in their respective
directions, but they do not possess any special features or attributes
different from those of the same deities in the Brahmesvara temple.
They have suffered so much from damage that their distinguishing
peculiarities also cannot be correctly ascertained, Of the three parsva-
devatas only Kartikeya is to be found in the eastern niche, but it is in
no way different from the one tn the Brahmesvara. The pedestal of
Ganesa still remaining in the southern niche, contains a mouse.
Fouy of the images of this temple deserve special mention. Of
these, the image of Lakuli to be found on the southern facade, is seated
cross-legged with a yoga-patta tied to the knees witha lakuta placed
on the left shoulder, Four bearded figures, two on each side, are found
in association with the deity, The second represents the ‘scene of
Godhana-harana by Brahma. A multilated central figure inthe scene
is Sri-Krisna seated on a couch or stool with female figures, no doubt
Gopis, on both sides, and with a herd of cows on the pedestal. A little
bearded figure is to be found in the right top corner, witnessing the
whole scene The bearded figure should be identified with Brahma.
The third image to be found on the southern side represents perhaps a
form of Durga. It holds in the upper right hand achakra, in the lower
right a club, in the upper left a sankha and in the lower left a long bow
saranga). The figure on the pedestal is defaced, but it seems to be a
tion. The attributes in the hands may tentatively lead to an _ identifi-
cation of the deity with Vaisnavi, but the flion-mount isa_ distinct
410 HISTORY OF ORISSA
cognizance which associates the deity with Durge who ts also known to
have such attributes as the above in one or other of her innumerable
forms. The fourth figure is a six-handed Nataraja holding in the
uppermost two hands a snake, in the middle two a trident and a dambaru,
the lowermost two showing dance poses. Nandi is shown on the
pedestal along with two human figures holding musical instrumeiits.
Various representations of Siva are also to be found in the vadas, but
their characteristics are too damaged to be made out,
The Sun Temple at Konarka: The Sun Temple at Konarka, ‘‘the
grandest achievement of the Eastern School of Architecture’, is situated
some twenty miles in a north-easterly direction from Puri, Grand in
conception and great even in its ruin, the stupendous undertaking stands
with its disfigured beauty in a desolate tract of ever-dritting sands. The
Orissan devotional! architecture which made an humble beginning in the
rock-cut caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri in the second century B.C,
had a history of fifteen hundred years when the temple at Konarka came
into being. It is no wonder that the accumulated experience of the past
were utilized to make the edifices a maivel of the temple architecture.
In shape the temple however did not make any bold departure from
other sikhara temples of Orissa. The Vimana or the main temple which
enshrined the presiding deity has fallen off, but what remains at present
enables us to reconstruct the whole. it was a sikhara or rekha temple
like the temples of Lingaraja at Bhubaneswar and Jagannatha at Puri
and had a Jagamohana and a Natamandira. The Jagamohana is the only
Structure which has survived in complete form, but of the other two
only small portions have come down‘o us. Some portions: of the main
temple have fallen off in recent times, because ~‘‘When Stirling and
Fergusson visited the temple in 1822 and 1837 respectively some part
of the Rekha to the helght of one hundred and twenty feet had been
still existing.”” The Natamandira is situated to the east of the
Jagamohana and there is anintervening space of thirty feet between the
two structures, Numerous figures holding musical instruments have been
carved on the former: which indicate that it was a dancing hall and not a
Bhogamandapa as some scholars are inclined to take it to be,
As is usual with all important Ganga temples, both the Vimana
and Jagamohana stood on a high plinth constructed in two tiers up to
a height of fifteen feet and six inches. Of the Vimana (the main temple),
nothing has now been left except a small portion above the plinth and
the garbha-griha or cella, a perfect square in shape, With a beautifully
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 411
carved pedestal without the presiding deity which is missing. The
doorway of the structure which was to the east, has been blocked up
giving the cella the appearance of a well. As a vistor stands facing the
east, his attention is drawn to a step-like masonary which wasaé socalled
corbelled arch usually found above the door way ofa temple and was
meant to reduce weight on the lintel.
The hieght of the Vimana is now matter for calculations. If
the temple strictly followed the proportions to be found in the existing
prototypes in Orissa, its height, as calculated by Mr. M.M. Ganguly,
would have been as follows ;
The existing height of the lower plinth “is 137-2”
The existing height of the upper plinth is 2°-4""
The existing height of the Jangha is 13’-6”
According to the proportions found in other temples, the height
of the Bada is the height of the Jangha multiplied by 13/3.
Therefore the height of the Bada of Konarka was 132’ by 13/3 i, e.
58°-6".
According to the proportions found in other temples the Rekha
portion is twice as high as the Bada. Therefore the height of the Rekha
of KOnarka was 582° by 2i.¢e.,117’. Worked on these proportions the
height of the crowning members i.e,, Amlaand Kalasa etc. would have
been 20 kathis i.e. 36’.
Therefore, the total height of the temple was 227 feet. It may
be noted that the Jangha is.really a part of the Bada and so its height
has not been included in the above calculations, The calculated height
of the main temple will not appear inconsistent or great in view of the
fact that the height of the present temple of Jagannatha at Puri
is 214°-7"",
The joint structures of the Vimana and Jagamohana were
conceived in the form of a Ratha or wheeled car, and have therefore
been based on an immense terrace with 24 giant wheels, being as it were
dragged on by seven richly caparisoned steed, the remains of which
still exist on both sides of the eastern doorway. The Jd agamohana had
three doors, each with a flight of “steps tor approach, but all of them
have now been blocked up and the interior filled with sand In cons.
truction, it follows the same principles as are to be noticed in other
412 HISTORY OF ORISSA
ypidha temples of Orissa. Its vada or cubical portion with recessed
chases supports the roof or superstructure that consists of three tiers
diminishing as they ascend, and each opening out into a platform
containing life-size statues mostly with musical instruments, which are
altogether an innovation in this temple. The whole roofis a stepped
pyramid, the first and second tiers having six steps or pidhas each and
the topmost one only five. The apex of the pyramid is crowred by a
huge amalaka or the fluted finial. The total height of the structure js
“420°.8””.
As already stated, there is an intervening space of thirty feet
between the Jagamohana and Natamandira and there stood a beautify!
sixteen-sided monolith of thirty-four feet height with an image of Aruna,
the charioteer of the sun god, atthe top, but it was removed to Puri
in the eighteenth century by the Marhattas and has now been set up in the
eastern gate of the Jagannatha temple, Of the Natamandira and also of,
the temple of so-called Ramachandi_ situated to the south-east of the main
temple, only small portions remain to tell the story of their Grandeur.
Evidences are there to show that there were other subsidiary structures
contained within the spacious compound of 875’ by 840’, but nothing
remains of them now to give us even an idea of their shape. There were
probably porticos on the main gateways and to them probably belonged
the colossal monolithic horses, richly caparisoned and there impetousity
restrained by the armed dismounted riders and also the monolithic
elephants trampling human beings under feet. These animals have been
copied from nature and are the master*pieces of Orissan plastié art. These
are, inthe main, the structural remains of Konarka, in which “each Part
precisa: its correct architectural application and the whole is assembled
in such a masterly manner that the result is an ordaisned and convincing
uniformity.”’
Verse 86 of a copper plate inscription of the Ganga king
Narasimha Il, dated iff the Saka year 1217 (1295 A. D.) states that “King
Narasimha built at Konakona (a place of great renown) a temple for the
Sun to live in with other gods,” and this has also been repeated in the
records of the subsequent Ganga rulers. King Narasimha of the verse
in the context of the reference has been taken to be Narasimha | of the
Eastern Ganga Dynasty, who, according to the chronology first worked
out by Mr. M, M. Chakravarti, ruled in Orissa from 1238 A, D. to 1264
A.D. An inscription of Narasimha: I, subsequently discovered on tha
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 413
temple of Lingaraja at Bhubaneswar, however; takes the beginning of
his reign to1240 A.D. At any rate, that the present temple of the Sun at
Konarka was built during the reign of Narasimha | admits of ‘no doubt.
This ts perhaps the only authentic fact known with certainty
about the history of this great temple. All other facts spoken of its
history by earlier writers have been based on local traditions of the
Madualapanji, the palm-leaf chronicle of Jagannatha temple at Puri, the
authenticity and the precise character of which, as already shown, are
still a matter of controversy, The daily expenditure on the worship of the
Sun god at Konarka has, for instance, been worked out in great details with
a show of accuracy by some earlier writers on the basis of the figures
said to have been supplied by the Madalapanji, though the published
version of the Panji based on three different manuscripts or any other
manuscript of the Panji. contains absolutely 1.0 reference to such figures.
The contents of the Panji, as we have already shown, vary from manu-
script to manuscript and person to person in whose custody they have
so far been discovered, and thus lead us to one evident conclusion that
many of the facts recorded in them are the products of imagination or the
results of the wishful thinking. A Sanskrit verse of uncertain origin said
to have been recorded in the Panji, is sometimes interpreted to yield the
Saka year 1200 corresponding to 1278 A.D. which is taken to be the date
of the erection of the tempie by Langula Narasimha (Narasimha l). This
date. does not fall within the reign period of Narasimha | as
ascertained from more reliable epigraphic records, nor the verse occurs in
the Madalapanji in its published version. It should therefore
be taken as a modern fabrication. It will thus appear that
information callected about the histoty of the temple from the sources
others than epigraphic, is of misleading character. But the information
supplied by the epigraphic sources is also meagre and does not take us
far. It proves that the temple was built duringsthe reign of Narasimha I,
but does not give even the exact date of its erection. There are however
evidences to indicate that it could have been built only after his success-
ful campaigns against Muslim Bengal. Narasimha I began his campaigns
against Muslim Bengal in 1243 A D.
His victory over the Muslims of Bengal and his acquisition of
the southern districts of Western Bengal must have enormously raised
his prestige in the eyes of the contemporay Hindu rulers, and augmented
414 HISTORY OF ORISSA
‘his resources, which in all likelihood enabled him to undertake the
construction of a stupendous structure like the temple of Konarka,
designed to exhibit his power, prestige, opulence, devotion and perhaps
to commemorate his victory also. We shail not be far from the truth, if we
put the beginnig of its construction between 1244 and 1247 A.D.
According to tradition the temple took twelve years to be completed,
which does not appear to be an unreasonable period assigned to the
construction of such a huge structure with all its inimitable fine carvings.
Narasimha therefore lived to see its completion and to incorporate his
ideas in the construction and carvings of the temple, His memories of the
war against the Muslims and his victory over them appear to have been
symbolised in the monolithic animal sculptures, which were originally
placed at the portals of the temple compound,
About these impressive sculptures Abul Faz! writes as
follows ;
“It (the temple of Konarka) has three portals. The eastern has
carved upon it the figures of two finely designed elephants, each of
them carrying a man upon his trunk, The western bears sculptures of
two horsemen with trappings and ornaments and an attendant, The
northern has two tigers, each of which is rampant upon an elephant that it
has overpowered,”
Abul Fazi himself did not see the temple, but based his account
on the information furnished to him by local people, which has inevitably
been inaccurate in several respects. The figures of the northern portal
described by him as tigers, arein reality lions rampant on elephants
(gaja- simhas}, which are still extant at Konarka in their mutilated
condition. The so-called horsemen with attendants were in reality two
war horses, each with a dismounted rider by the side, which, removed
from their original position, are at present to be seen in the compound,
His description only of the animal figures of the eastern gate accords
with the actual specimens which have come down to us. However, in one
respect Abul Fazi’s account is very valuable in as much as it indicates their
original positions and = thus helps us in assessing their special
significance.
Of the six animal sculptures, the two war horse, because of their
superb execution and significance, deserve our pointed attention,
in spite of years of neglect, wear and tear caused by the actions
of the elements to which they have remained exposed in the opén, Havell’s
classic eulogy of them still holds good 1
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 416
“Had it by chance been labelled ‘Roman’ or ‘Greek’, this
magnificent work of art would now be the pride of some_ great
metropolitan museum in Europe and America. Here Indian sculptors
have shown that they can express with as much fire and passion as the
greatest European art the pride of victory and the glory of triumphant
warfare: for not even the Homeric grandeur of the’ Elgin marbles
surpasses the magnificent movement and modelling of the Indian
Achilles, and the superbly monumental war-horse in its massive strength
and vigour is not unworthy of comparison with Verochhio’s famous
master-piece in Venice,”’
Whom does this Indian Achilles, depicted in euch magnificent
movement and modelling, represent ? Who is again the bearded figure,
lying on the ground with an expression of surrender and_ supplication,
on whom the superbly monumental war-horse with its massive strength
and vigour has just put its hoof. but has been restrained by the dismoun-
ted rider with his sword drawn ? Havell truly says that this sculpture
expresses with as much fire and passion as the greatest European art
the pride of victory and the glory of triumphant warfare, but neither he
nor the subsequent writers have attempted to identify the particular pride
of victory or the glory of triumphant warfare that it represents. We have,
however, reasons to think that the dismounted rider is no other than
Narasimha J, the bearded figure is most likely [zzuddin Tughral Tughan
Khan, governor of Bengal, or any of his generals defeated by Narasimha
in the battle field and thesculpture as a whole represents the pride of
victory of the Orissan King. ,
These identifications are borne out by the logic of the known
events of the Orissan History, which had preceded the erection of the
temple and also by the deviations from the established conventions to be
noticed in this particular temple in assigning position to war-horses in a.
tes‘ple complex. According to Abul Fazl’s account cited above, these
monolithic animal sculptures were at the western gate of the temple
compound, but according to another view expressed by Pandit
Krupasindhu Mishra, they were at the entrance of the Jagamohana. In
any case, these monolithic images, each measuring ten feet in length, six
feet in width and seven feet four inches in height, were not in any way
the integral parts of the temple structure and were certainly intended to
serve as free-standing guardian animals. But the war-horse as guardian
animni never occurs at the gate or the entrance of any of the numerous
temples of Orissa, nor of India. The Konarka is the last great temple
416 HISTORY OF ORISSA
to be built in Orissa, and by the time it was built, the well-established
convention had been to put a pair of lions rampant on elephants at the
gates or the entrances of all notable tempies, for which such gates came
to be known as simha-dvaras. The solitary exception in the temple of
Konarka had therefore a special significance which in context of the
known history and of the details of the representation, can only be taken
to represent king Narasimha’s pride of victory.
The rich trappings, the magnificent modelling and impetuosity
shown in these war horses, indicate that their master is awarrior of no
mean rar-k, who, with ornaments in his person, stands majestically by
their side restraining them by one hand and holding the hilt of a naked
sword in another, no doubt to kill the enemy lying on the ground. His
rank is rather evident from the double chowries (chamaras) which,
besides the quiver and the sheath of the sword, are to be seen on the
horse’s back on the either side of the saddie, and which are no doubt a
sign of royalty.
One of the horses having trampled down two enemies with
bearded faces, has put his hoof on the shield of the third. All these human
figures, badly mangled, lie in a state of agony beneath the gigantic
standing animal. Though the sculptures depicting them have now been
considerably defaced and mutilated, they should all be taken to be the
vanquished enemies of Narasimha, in spite of the fact that their correct
identification will for ever remain doubtful.
Secular figures had, as arule, no place on religious structures,
but kings, queens, builders of temples and devotees had sometimes the
privilege of being featured alongside other religious motifs. On the
temple of Konarka, however, the number of the human figures, particu-
larly those of the royal builder, ts by no means small in its innumerable
carvings, Narasimha is seen as being received and garlanded by the high
priest in the sculptures on the basement of the ratna-vedika (the richly
carved pedestal of the presiding deity), sometimes he is found as showing
his skill in archery or being swung in a dolika and sometimes he is
depicted as a worshipper by the side of the trinity represented by the phal-
fic emblem, Durga and Jagannatha with is two other associates. There
is a great deal of similarity in all these figures representing the king,
though it is difficult to say whether they represent his real portraiture or
have been idealised. in view of his frequent representations in the
sculptures of the temple, it will not appear surprising that he “has been
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 417
sculptured as the dismounted rider by the saide of these colossal warhorses
too,
The colossal elephants too carry bearded figures in their trunks
who hold short swords and round shields, but since such senvendonal
representations of the elephant with similar attributes are rather common
in the Orissan temples, it is not safe to attach any special significance
to them.
We thus get from the sculptures of the temple itself the glimpses
of the triumphant warfara carried out by Narasimha and his pride of
victory, The events preceding its erection and the age in which it was
erected, were also respo sible for much of its magnificence. In the late
mediaval period all notablo remples were more or less conveived as rcyal
abodes with the huge buildings of ostensible dimensions consisting of
main shrines, audience halls (J agamohanas), dancing hails (Natamandiras)
and dining halls (Bhogamandapas); and with ali regal paraphernalia such as
elephants, horses. cows, palanauins, chariots, gold ornaments and
utensils, silk cloths, dancing girls, musical parties; and above all rich estates
to defray regal expenditure on worship and offerings. The idea was to
allow a presiding deity to live in state as much as a king would do, alorg
with his family members for whom smaller temples were erected in the
compound of the main one. With such changed ideas prevailing i the
country about the abode and worship of presiding deities, Narasimha I,
flushed with victory and endowed with the resources of his conquests,
began the construction of this temple. So its magnificence and grandeur
can b2 understood only against its historical background.
- tn choosing a site fora grand monument Narasimha would have
inevitably been led to select Konarka, for among the time-honoured five
sacred ksetras of Orissa, viz. Puri, Konarka, Bhubaneswar, Mahavinayaka
and Jajour, the fast but one was always obscure and no grand monument
He had therefore to make a choice from among the
remaining four, of which Puri and Bhubaneswar had already maanificent
temples built by the preceding Orissa. Kings and. Jajpur, too, appears
to have had a similar grand monument that has been replaced by the
present Viraja temple of the comparatively late period. Of the far-
famed sacred places, only Konarka was thus left for his choice, where
in the presence of the rolling and roaring sea Narasimha lavished his
allon a magnificent monument designed on an over-ambitious scale, in
which imaginajion and execution wanted to outstrip each other and in
ever stood there.
418 HISTORY OF ORISSA
which religious necessity and human vanity mingled together in an
attempt to accommodate each other.
Originally the spacious compound contained within it the main
temple, the Jagamohana Or the porch, the Natamandira or the dancing
hall, the so-called Mayadevi or Ramachandi temple and some othar
subsidiary structures of which the plinths are in existence. Of these,
Jagamohana or the porch is in complete condition, but the rest have left
onty the remnants. We have already spoken of the architectural peculiarities
of ihe temple. We should now turn to the identification of the so-called
May adevi or the Ramachandi temple.
To the south-west of the main shrine there stood another temple
with an attached Jagamohana of which only the lower portions exist
at present. From the points of importance, beauty and perhaps height,
this temple was only next to the main shrine of the sun god. It was
late Mr. Bishan Swarup who first identified it as the temple of Mayadevj
on the groundthat ‘‘The name of the goddess is given in the third
record of the Puri temple as Mayadevi.’’ On the assumption § that the
temple was dedicated to the Buddhist deity Mayadevi, mother of
Gautama Budha, Mr. Swarup also Jaunched upon a long discussion of the
Buddhist influences supposed to be found in the sculptures, the rituals and
the festivals of the Konarka temple. No reference to Mayadevi as one of the
deities of Konarka has, however, been found in any of the manuscripts of
the Madalapanji subsequently discovered, nor the name occures in the
published version of the same work. In all likelihood, Mr. Swarup,
who had no knowledge of the Oriya’ language, was supplied with a
false account of Konarka as having been given in acopy of the Madala-
panji or the third record of the Puri temple ashe calles it, by a dealer
of spurious historical materials, which had unfortunately been so much
inevidence since beginning of the British rule in Orissa, when there
began a demand for historical documents. It is also surprising that the
identitication based on such dubious materials continued to be accepted
by all subsequent scholars writing upon Konarka, without questioning
the validity of the presence ofa Buddhist deity in the compound of a
purely Hindu temple built in the middle of the thirteenth century when
Buddhism had completely been ousted or superseded.
But one Orissan historian, late Pandit Krupasindhu Misra, has
not accepted this identification made by Mr. Swarup, though he has
not questioned the latter’s source of information. According to Pandit
Misra this temple was that of Ramachandi. Assigning reasons for this
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 419
new identification, he observes that several local people gave him the
name of the deity formerly enshrined in this particular temple, as
Ramachandi, and that there is also alocal tradition which supports this
tradition. According to this tradition, when this temple was being
desecrated and destroyed by Kala Pahar general of: Suleiman Karrani of
Bengal, the goddess Ramachandi with a pitcher inner hand left the
temple on the pretext of taking her bath inthe Liaknia Muhana of the
sea not far from Konarka. Kala Pahar waited for some time for the
return of the goddess and then himself went to the Liakhia Muhana
only to find that the goddess with the pitcher was floating in the sea.
The purport of this tradition is that on account of the exigencies arising
out of the attack of Kala Pahar on Konarka, the image of Ramachandi had
to be removed to the Liakhia Muhana.
The same tradition however occurs in a slightly altered form in the
Madhya Parva of the Oriya Mahabharata by Sarala Das, composed in
the reign of Kapileswara Gajapati. In both the version Ramachandi is
represented as having left her abode with apitcher in her hand on the
pretext to taking her bath in the sea and subsequently floating in it and
thus outwitting her aggressor. But the main difference in both is that in
the earlier version recorded by Sarala Das, the name of the aggressor
appears as Bada Chudanga, while in the latter heard by Pandit Misra, the
name is Kala Pahar, After the Muslim conquest of Orissa in 1568 A. D.
when Kala Pahar committed several acts of vandalism, popular traditions
made him a symbol of destruction and attributed to him all damages and
destructions to be noticed in the Orissan images and temples, regardless
of the real agencies through which such damages and destructions were
actually caused. Inthe story connected with the removal of the image of
Ramachandi from Konarka to the Liakhia Muhana, we find the same popular
process at work,
As we have already’ stated, Sarala Das, who wrote his
Mahabharata more than one hundred years prior tq the acts of vandalism
committed by Kala Paharin 1568, makes Bada Chudanga_ responsible
for the removal of the image of Ramachandi. This Bada Chudanga can
be no other than Ananta Varman Chodaganga. founder of the Ganga
dynasty in Orissa. One of the sons of Ananta Varman Chodaganga,
Attahasadeva, had ason who also borethe name of Chodaganga. In
order to distinguish between these two Chodagangas Sarala Das
designates Ananta Varman Chodaganga as Bada Chudanga or
Chodaganga the elder, which no doubt points to the accuracy of his
420 HISTORY OF ORISSA
knowledge about these historical persongages. In several other Orissa
traditions King Chodaganga has been represented as opposedto Sgkta
worship in Orissa. [n view of this fact it would appear most probable
that it was due to the apathy of Chodaganga to Sakta worship that the
image of Ramachandi was removed from Konarka to the Liakhia Muhana,
an obscure locality inthe neighbourhood of Konarka, where it is to be
actually found at present. There was therefore no image of Ramachandi
at Konarka proper or inthe shrine of the sun god there, when the present
structures were built by Narasimha !, a distanct successor of Ananta
Varman Chodaganga.
Pandit Misre’s theory that the temple was that of Ramachandi ts
thus untenable. What was then the name of the presiding deity of
this temple ? Very likely there has been a confusion between Chhayadevi
and Mayadevi, because according to the time-honoured custom, a
temple of Chhayadevi, consort of the sun god, must have _ originally
existed in the compound of the shrine- A study of the medieval Hindu
sculptures of Orissa convinces us that in the thirteenth century it was
binding on all builders and sculptors to represent all main male deities
along with their female consorts, As we have already seen, even the
dikpalas or the guardian deities carved on the outer walls of the temple
structures, which had originally noconsorts, by their sidesin earlier
tamples, came to be represented on the later Ganga monuments along
with their female counterparts. Indrani, Yami and Varuni, for instance,
are found side by side their male consorts with the same attributes and
the same mounts. Onthe temple of the Sun at Konarka such female
counterparts of the guardian deities were also certainly represented, an
evidence of whichis furnished bythe image of Varunani the only
survival of eight such images, which has now been exhibited in the
National Museum, New Delhi. This female deity has wrangly been
identified as Ganga, but that it was the female counterpart of Varuna.
the guardian of the ‘vest, is evidenced by the mount makara and the
pasa or the noose, the latter being the characteristic attribute only of
Varuna, for which he is also otherwise known as Pasi. In the compounds
of all main shrines in Orissa there are also temples for the female
counterparts of the presiding deities, which in point of importance are
only next to the main edifices. Inthe temple compounds of Jagannatha
at Puriand Lingaraja at Bhubaneswar, the temples of Laksmi ang
Parvati are respectively to be found at present. The temple of Parvati,
as its architectural and sculptural peculiarities indicate, was a structure
erected during the Ganga Period, which indicate that the Ganga builders
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 421
provided temples for the female consorts of the presiding deities in such
shrines as had originally no such provisions. In view of these facts it
will be most unreasonable to think that the great temple of Konarka, which
represents the culmination of the temple architecture in Orissa, had
Originally no provision in its compound for an abode of Chhayadevi, con-
sort of the Sun god, In fact we shall have to identify the so-called temple
of Mayadevi as that of Chhayadevi.
In this connection we may also take into consideration an
incidental reference to Chhayadevi to be found in the Oriya Mahabharata
by Sarala Das, which, as already stated, was composed in the reign
of Kapilesvara (1435-67 A.D.). In the Virata Parva ina long invocation
put in the mouth of Kichaka, Sarala Das refers to the Sun god at
Konarka as ‘‘Chhayadevivara” i e. the consortof Chhayadevi, inairectly
hinting that the Sun god lived there along with his female counterpart,
Chhayadevi. There will thus be little doubt that there was a
temple for Chhayadevi in the compound of the present Konarka temple,
of which the remains are now to be found to the south-west of the main
shrine.
Of all the structures built inside the spacious compund, only
the Jagamohana or the porch has come downto us incomplete form.
Consequently a question has always been posed whether the other
structures including the main one, were at all completed. The first to
raise such a question was Mr. Arnott and the last to support it has been
Mr.» Percy Brown who makes the following observation in this
connexion :
“There are fairly clear proofs that it was never quite completed
as before the ponderous stones that formed the upper portion of the
tower could be put into position, the foundation began to give way.
Some of the large sculptured blocks intended for the summit lie at
the foot, not only unbroken, but unbruiseg; whereas had they fallen
from such a height they could not fail to show signs of serious damages or
fractures,”
Mr. Brown’s conclusion should however be treated with greatest
caution. Mystery surrounds this monument not only with regardto the
cause of its fall, but also with regard to the disappearance of
innumerable sculptured and architectural parts, and images originally
forming the stupendous structure, which after its fall must have formed
a huge heap of debris. Even when Stirlling and Ferguson visited the
422 HISTORY OF ORISSA
temple in 1822 and 1837 respectively, a part of the tower to a height of
120 feet -vas still existing. No definite records exist about the clearance
of the debris; about the removal of colossal animal! sculptures from their
Original positions at the portals to the centre of the compound; about the
disappearance of the door-frame andthe Navagraha slab of the main
temple, which must have been in blue chlorite and as beautifully carved
as those of the Jagamohana still in existence, and about the disappear-
ance of the images of the guardian deities and their female counterparts,
all executed in blue chlorite, of which only that of Varunani exists as the
single survival. The fact remains that the locality has never been carefully
excavated with a view to examine the finds with reference to the different
parts of the fallen structure A few stray undamaged blocks to which
Mr Percy Brown draws our attention, can by no means constitute a
conclusive proof that the temple was never quite completed. ‘Such
undamaged blocks as are to be found at present, can very well be taken
to be spare or rejected specimens, of which several examples can even
now be seen as lying in the close vicinity of some completed temples at
Bhubaneswar
Mr. Brown’s theory cannot thus be accepted. There are several
evidences of convincing character which show thatthe temple was
completed and the presiding deity was under worship. it cannot be
imagined that the Jagamohana or the porch which has come down to us
in complete form, had been completed before the completion of the main
temple. Such a process would mean putting the cart before the horse
and therefore is not noticed as a constructiqnal peculiarity in any of the
numerous temples of Orissa. It may be mentioned that the shrine was
the main consideration of the builder and the porch was meantonly to
shelter the faithful. Besides, had the maintemple actually collapsed
before it was completed and consecrated, the successors of Narasimha |
would not have referred toit with pride as an achievement of their
worthy predecessor- But as we have already stated, reference to this
temple occurs in all Ganga copperplate grants, the last being that of
Narasimha IV, dated in the Saka year 1308 corresponding to 1384 A.D.
This indicates that even afteralapse of more than acentury and a
quarter, it continued to be remembered by the Ganga kings as a
noteworthy achievement of their distant predecessor. A part of the
verse containing the reference has been interpreted in two different
Ways. According to an earlier interpretation, the king Narasimha built
at Konakona (a place of great renown) a temple for the Sun to live in
with other gods, but according to a later, he built for the Suna temple
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 423
in order that he (the king) would five in heaven with other gods by
virtue of this religious act. The latter interpretation appears to be
more correct, for, as is well known, temples were built by people with a
view to attain religious merits. Besides, the first interpretation makes
the Sun god a secondary deity of the shrine, whereas he is actually the
presiding deity of it. The erection of this temple by Narasimha was
thus considered by his successors as an act of piety also and this act
not have been attributed to him, had the temple collapsed
of piety could
nsecrated and the image
in course of its construction before it could be co
installed.
The latest reference to this temple in the copperplate inscription
of Narasimha IV shows that the temple might not have fallen nor the wor-
ship of the deity discontinued at least up to 1384A. D. This proposition
is also supported by another literary evidence to be foundin a Sanskrit
work, Tirtha-chintamani by Vachaspati Mishra. Vachaspati Mishra‘s work
contains in usual orthodox manner the descriptions of most of notable
sacred places in India along with those in Orissa. With regard to the
sacred places of Orissa he shows his detailed ecquaintance with their
topography, names of the temples, types of worship and mantras used in
them’and the festivals held in honour of the deities. He must have also
studied the sacred literature connected with the Saiva shrine at
Bhubaneswar, as is evidenced by the occurrence in the Tirtha-chintamani,
of two verses of the twenty-eighth chapter of the Svarnnadri-mahodaya,
a Saiva work, without any change whatsoever. He also shows his
detailed knowledge of Konarka and prescribes the foilowing procedure for
pilgrims for approaching and” worshipping the presiding deity of this
temple.
“Then, with flowers in hand and speech restra
temple of the Sun and after having made thre
ined one should go
to the e circumambulations,
enter into it and worship the Sun.”
Internal evidences to be found in the Svarnnadri-mahodaya
‘ndicate that it could not have been composed priorto the fourteenth
century and the Tirtha-chintamant which borrows two verses from this
k, cannot therefore be earlier than the same century. The Tirtha-
is a work of inferior literary quality and as such its author
Vachaspati Mishra cannot be taken identical with his name-sakes, the compo.
ser of the Bhavadevabhatta Prasasti and the well-known philosophical
wri.er of Bengal, both of whom have been considered to be the notable
authors.
wo!
chintamant
424 HISTORY OF ORISSA
In the Virata Parva of his Mahabharata Sarala Das in an
invocation put in the mouth of Kichaka tells us that the sun temple was
broken because of a curse given to the Sun god by Gautama. The reference
indicates the Konarka temple had fallen by the middle of the fifteenth
century when the poet wrote his Mahabharata. About the cause of its fail
we can only guess, Some persons think that it collapsed as a result of the
earth quake, but this would have occasioned, as Mr. M. M, Ganguly has
pointed out, vertical cracks in the temple and horizontal ones in the floor,
of which no evidence isto be found at present. Most likely it collapsed
due to the sinking of the foundations in sandy sea-beach. An instance of
such collapse is to be found in the great temple at Khiching in Mayurbhanj,
which has now been reconstructed with the main cause of its collapse
discovered.
The Ananta Vasudeva temple of Bhubaneswar: A commemora-
tive inscription was originally attached to this monument, but it was
later detached and sent +> England where itis now preserved in the
hall of Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London. It
was first edited by Mr. Barnett in the Enpigraphia Indica, Vol. XIII
pp. 160-5. It is stated in the epigraph that a temple was built for
Sri Krishna and Vala-Vasa (Valarama’ on the bank’ of Vindusarovara by
Chandrikadevi, daughter of Anangabhimadeva Ill in the Saka year -1200
(A. D. 1278). The date of the completion of the temple has been given
in verse 13 as ‘‘vyoma-viyat-phanindra-rasana-chandra”’ (vyoma=0,
viyat=0, phanindra-rasana=2 and chandra=1. Reversing the digits we
get 1200). The epigraph further discloses that Anangabhima married
his daughter Chandrika to Paramardideva, the ornament of the Haihaya
famiiy, but Paramardi, after having successfully fought with the enemies
of Narasimhadeva I, ultimately went to heaven. It seems that the
husband of Chandrika fell fighting on the battle field and after his death
the widowed lady built the temple of Anmanta-Vasudeva for Achyuta
for whom she is represented to have developed a devotion from her
childhood.
The plan of the Ananta-Vasudeva temple (A.D. 1278) differs
considerably from that of the other temples. The main temple stands
on acruciform platform, a peculiarity whichis the first of its kind ina
dated temple, and has athree-chambered frontal adjunct consisting of
the Jagamohana, the Natamandira andthe Bhogamandapa. Three
small pidha temples in alignment with the central niches were on the
northern, eastern and southern sides of the Vimana. of which only the
eastern one is in situ andthe othertwo have left only the ‘emains of
} ART AND ARCHI!'ECTURE 425
their plinths. Prof. R. D. Banerjee thinks that they were used as propylaea,
but most likely they were side structures containing deities cor esponding
to the onesinthe central niches. The Vimana and the sikhara have
almost the sama designs as those in the Meghesvara, Itis a sapta-ratha
temple and the designs in the pilasters consist of niches and complete or
incomplete miniature sikharas. The niches in the central pilasters are
occupied by the Vaisnavite deities, the presiding deities of the shrine
being Valarama and his brother Sri Krisna.
The Natamandira is an open hall. but Bhogamandapu is
comparatively closed. Certain constructional peculiarities inside these
Structures are worth mentionining. The Natamandira contains in the
interior the so-called eight corbelled arches. evidently to reduce the
weight of the super-structure on the walls. ard the Bhogamandapa has
only two such devices above the entrances, evidently for the seme
purpose. The high plinth, the judicious use of the corbelled arches and
the three-chambered porch, all indicate an architectural advancement in
the Ananta-Vasudeva, but it lacks the grace of the Brahmesvara temple,
the base of its Vimana being comparatively small and the sikhara stiff
and straight. Moreover, although itis one of the later temples of the
place, it has suffered from more wear and tear, the damages being no
doubt due to the inferior type of sandstone used in the building.
The Ananta-Vasudseva temple being a Vaisnava shrine, the cult
images appearing on it are necessarily different from those of the Saiva
temples. ,But there are some images which are common to the temples
bath the sects. These images are those of the dikpalas or the guardian
tieities which appear, asin the Brahmesvara and the Meghesvara, not
only on the Vimana but also on the Jagamohana of the Ananta- Vasudeva,
in all these temples the characteristics, attributes and mounts of these
deities are almost the same, but the innovation that is to be found in the
Ananta-Vasudeva is that here they are represented with their female
counterparts, Indra, for instance, appears along with Indrani, both being
carved one above the other ard both havirg identical characteristics,
weapons and mounts. The appearance of the female counterparts of the
guardian deities on the Bhubaneswar temples has an important bearing
which help us in fixing up the chronology of the temples.
Of the other cult images that appear on this temple, mention may
be made of the images of the Boar and Dwarf incarnations of Visnu which
are respectively enshrined in the southern and northern niches, These
426 HISTORY OF ORISSA
images have been badly mutilated, but what remains of them indicates
that they are in no way different from their prototypes of the fate medieval
period. On the northern side of the Jagamohana five balustrades, that
make up the window, have each an image on its outer face. These images.
on the northern side make up a group of five consisting of Rama,
Laksmana, Sita, Hanumana and Vibhisana, Inthe identical position on
the southern side there were also five images consisting of Sri-Krisna and
Gopis, but three of the balustrades have somehow become detached and
have now been utilized in a miniature temple on the eastern bank of
Vindusarovara in the near vicinity. A few other cult images like Laksmi
and Sarasvati appear on the Jagamohana near the balustraded window in
the north, but they possess no special iconographical features worthy
of note.
The Temple of Parvati inside the Lingaraja Compound : It is
situated to the north of the main temple of Lingaraja and has, like the
Ananta-Vasudeva, a three-chambered frontal complex consisting of the
Jagamohana, the Natamandira and the Bhogamandapa. Prof, R D,
Banerjee has taken it to be a contemporary of the Lingaraja. The
differences in the art and architecture of both the temples are, however,
so obvious that they cannot possibly be taken to have belonged:‘to one
and the same period. The temple of Parvati stands on a high plinth,
but that of Lingaraja rises abruptly from the ground level. The Parvati
temple is sapta-ratha in plan, while the Lingaraja is pancha-ratha. As
apparent from the same type of stone and the continuity of the same type
of decorations all the three chambers forming the frontal complex in the
Parvati were built along with the sanctum, but in the Lingaraja, the
Natamandira and the Bhogamandapa represent later additions. The sculp«.
tures, particularly the scrolls in the Parvati temple, are typical of the
Ganga epoch, and when they are compared with those of the Ananta-
Vasudeva, the Chitresvara, the Sari Deul andthe Yamesvara, most of
them are found not only similar but also almost identical. The overcrowd.
ing of too many decoritive designs in all available spaces of the walls is a
characteristic of the art in the Parvati temple, which is not to be noticed
in the great Lingaraja, The art of the Lingaraja is noted for a bold.
execution of the decorative designs and their judicious Spacing, while
that of the Parvati is remarkable for the minute decorations, chiselled
with great precision, resembling the carvings on the ivory or woodwork
which, On account of their exuberant details, seem to lack a sense of
space. These are the obvious difference between the art and architecture
of the two temples and so, the temple of Parvati with all evident
; ART AND ARCHITECTURE 427
characteristics the Ganga monuments can be placed in the Ganga
epoch, probably a near contemporary of the Ananta-Vasudeva,
The Yamesvara of Bhubaneswar : \t isa fairly large-sized temple
situated on the left side of the road to the Khandgiri. It bears all the
peculiarities of a Ganga monument. It stands on a high plinth and had side
structures in front of the nichas containing the side deities, It shows
advanced architectural featursin being sapta-ratha in plan, in having
corbelled arches and iron beams and saven pilasters. Ithada yahang-
stambha which stood in the intervening space between tha Jagamohana
and Natamandira. of which only a stump remeins at present. Of
the Natamandira nothing remains now except the plinth. Its general
plan seems to have followed that of the great temple of Konarka where
the Aruna Stambha stood in the intervening space between the
Jagamohana and the Natamandira. In its sculptures it shows the female
counterparts of the guardian deities both in the Vimana and the
J agamohana, and in the Navagraha slab, Ketu with a sword and a shield
and Brihaspati with a beard. The scrolls which decorate all available
spaces of the pilasters are analogous to those appearing on the Ananta-
Vasudeya. In most cases they consist of creepers with full or half-
medallions enclosing leaf designs and animal figurines, such as elephants,
bears, and deer, The present temple of Yamesvara occupies an earlier
shrine. There are two more lingams inside its compound, which are found
fixed toa level much lowerthan that of the present temple. in the
south-east corner of its compound, the corner portion of an earlier
temple fs still to be noticed if the midst of the ruins of a laterite
structure, which was most likely being used as the kitchen of the present
temple.
The Chandesvara temple : It stands near Tangi inthe Puri district.
Even though it is in ruin it seems to be one of the best temples of Orissa,
bearing the characteristics of the Ganga period. ,|It is of almost the same
height as the Brahmesvara and like all Ganga temples stands on a plinth
which however resembles a lotus. It is a pancha-ratha temple, but its
sculptures indicate that its date lies between the Meghesvara and the
Ananta-Vasudeva. On tho walls guardian deities appear with their female
counterparts, an iconographic development which is shared by all notable
Ganga temples. The planet slab which has fallen down, but still to be
found in the temple compound, shows inits surviving portion Vrihaspati
with a beard, which is also an iconographic trait of the Ganga temple
428 HISTORY OF ORISSA
sculptures The alasa-kanyas which have escaped destruction and
pilferage show remarkable artistic excellence, and the erotic figures and
amorous couples to be found on the structure are similar to those of the
Ganga templas. One remarkable sculpture of the monument is a
representation of a hermit carrying on his shoulders a beautiful woman.
Another is a alasa-kanya with a goose pecking the lock of her hair, but
the most outstanding and remarkable sculpture of this temple was that of
Kama discharging an arrow from his bow through the breasts of a most
beautiful woman. Two women sitting at the feet of Kama, appare: tly
represented Rati and Priti {tt was amarvelous sculpture unparalleled in
the plastic art of India. The present writer visited the temple on 12-3-1951,
but now h2 hears that this marvelous sculpture has been stolen away.
The loss of this image unique in conception and execution, is a great
loss'to Indian heritage A detached panel lying in the temple compound
shows tho s'ory of Sri Krishna’s birth It depicts Vasudeva carrying the
child Sti Krisna through the river Yamuna under the protection of Ananta
Naga. The panel was there when the present writer visited the shrine but
itis not certain whether it is still there now. This piece of sculpture was
also unique in the temple dacorations of Orissa, as no second scene of
this type is to be found in any other Orissan temple. Another architectural
fragment depicted the scene of Godhana-harana by Brahma, which was
similar to that to be found on the southern facade of the Meghesvara
at Bhubaneswar. itis a pity that the priceless objects of art of this
most beautiful temple are gradually disappearing.
The Bhaskaresvara of Bhubaneswar : It stands about a quarter
mile to the west of the Meghesvara. The local people generally make a
confusion between these two temples and assign the name of one to the
othar. The Bhaskaresvara contains a huge Siva lingam, nine feet high
and twalva fagt five inches in circumference, which has _ characteristt-
cally been described in the local sacred texts as Vrihallingam and which,
as we have already shown, is in reality the remnant of an Asokan pillar.
So far as ihe shape of the sikhara is concerned it is the only one of its
type tn Orissa and tne avowed purpose of its builder has beento shape
it like a pagoda and to provide a permanent stone model for the wooden
pagoda (rutha) which ts annually used in the car festival of the plac::,
It is a plaintempie, but the images in the side niches andafew chaitya
arches carved onthe body of the structure indicate that it was most
likely builtin the Ganga period. The present structure stands on the
site of an earlier temple and there are distinct indications of the earlier
materials having been used in it. °
; ART AND ARCHITECTURE 429
The Mitresvara and the Varunesvara : These two groups of
temples are situated to the east of the Yamesvara, A few surviving
sculptures on them and their general architectural style enable us to.
place them in the Ganga period. Each of these groups has a spacious
tank to the south of their compounds. The tank to the south of the:
Varunesvara compound is known as Papanasini which has been highly
extolled in the orthodox texts; but at present it is full of weeds and is
being gradually silted up.
The Chitresvara: |!t is otherwise known as Chitrakarini and is
Situated to the north of the Lingaraja within close distance. Like the
Brahmesvara, it has four smaller temples in the four corners of the
compound. The main temple was one of the most beautifully decorated
monuments of the period, but on accaunt of a bad type of stone used
init, it has suffered from smmense damaces. it is a sapta-ratha temple
and has the guardian deities along with their femate counterparts on the
Vimana. Both in the Vimana and the Jagamohana the erotic figures
are found in large numbers. The pilasters of the Vimana have been
profusely decorated with the various designs peculiar to the Ganga art.
Just * above the northern window of the dagamohana there is a panel
depicting the scene of Godhanaharana as givenin the Harivamsa and in
the correspondir.g position on the southern side the scene of Siva’s
marriage has been represented.
The Sari Deul: It is situated just behind the Jagannath
Ballabha Matha on the southern side of the Vindusarovara. The temple
bothin dimensions and workmanship, is in no way inferior to that of
Ananta-Vasudeva, but with houses, surrounding it on all sides, it is now
relegated to an obscure corner. It is atypical example of a sapta-ratha
temple and its art and architecture piovide ample evidence to indicate
thst it belonged to the Ganga period The pilaste:s have been over-
crowded with numerous scroils containing the favourite designs of the
Genga art. The guardian deities appear with their female counterparts
both on the Vimana andthe dJagamohana. !n the Navagraha slab we
fi-d both Brihaspati and Sukra as bearded figures. Like the Chitresvara
it also contains a number of erotic tigures, one of which gives an
indication that the temple was acilose contemporary of the great Sun
temple at Konarka. It represents a nude fer.ale figure standing with her
legs wide apart over a phallus below. a motif that frequently occurs in the
temple at Konarka, but is not seen among the erotic sculptures of other
temples except the Chitresvara. A panel above the window on the
430 HISTORY OF ORISSA
southern side of the J agamohana contains an elaborate scene of elephants
and their riders, which most likely represents a royal procession,
Mention may be made, inthis connexion, about the temple of
Vakresvara that stands almost opposite the Yamesvara on the right side
of Khandagiri Road. It is now a deserted structure and in a very decayed
state. It is important, however, in having a nava-ratha plan, which is
a further advance on the sapta-ratha plan of the monuments of this epoch.
Apart from this and also. the fact that it consists only of the
sanctum and the Jagamohana, the temple exhibits the principal characteri-
stics of the Ganga monuments and may, on legitimate grounds, be placed
In this epoch, possibly during the later days, ag the elaboration of the
ground plan would seem to indicate. As the only example of a navaratha
temple at Bhubaneswar. it represents a further development in the temple
design and deserves proper care and conservation.
Besides the temples mentioned above, the Ganga period also
witnessed the erection of a jarge number of smaller temples. In the
compound of the Lingararaja alone there are about a dozen temples which
bear some of the Ganga characteristics. Two other groups of temples,
the Somesvara and the Gosahasresvara seem to have been erected during
this epoch. The temple of Bhavani-Sankara and several unnamed ones
to be found intheclose vicinity of the Sari Deul, in the compound of
the Charitable Dispensary at Bhubaneswar, on the right side of the road
to the Khandagiri, in the open field behind the Doodwaltla Dharmasala, in
the paddy-fields to the east of the town and along tke bank
of the river Gangua, may also be included in the list of the Ganga monu,
ments. Some half-ruined temples standing at the foot of the Dhauligiri ‘
also bear the Ganga characteristics, The surviving examples of this period
are therefore the largest amorig the Bhubaneswar temples.
Monuments of the Suryavamsi Period (1435-1549 A.D.)
The Papanasini and Kapilesvara After the Gangas, the glorious
period of temple-building activities in Orissa was over, but the spirit
lingered on during the succeeding period of Suryavamsi supremacy which
also witnessed the erection of some notable temples in Orissa The haif-
ruined porch standing near the Papanasini tank still bears an inscription
referring itself to the reign of Kapilesvara (\.D 1435-1467) which proves
beyond doubt that the structure belonged to his reign. It, however, does
not contain enough evidence to enable us to form a clear idea about
F ART AND ARCHITECTURE 43T
the peculiarities of art and architecture of the period, It seems that
the dynastic change did not result in any great change in architectural
style, but in sculpture a definite set-back is to be perceived. The
decorative female figures which adorn the half-ruined porch, merely
represent the crude imitations of their earlier prototypes. Here and there
the sculptor’s art has however risen above the ordinary stanard and has
created some fine specimens, The inscribed slab that contains the.
elephant procession and animage of Nataraja carved on the northern
wall of the structure, represent, on doubt, fine specimens of art of this
period.
The only othet notable temple at Bhubaneswar, that seems to have
belonged to this period is that of Kapilesvara. situated on the bank of
the Gangua about a mile to the south of the Lingaraja, The remains of
an earlier temple still to be found there prove that the present temple
occupies the site of an earlier monument. The shrine as well! as the
adjacent tank also find frequent mention in the orthodox literature. Like
the important Ganga temples, it has a three-chambered frontal complex,
but the late date of the temple is more evident from its cult images.
Mention should particularly be made of the image of Kartikeya, which is
shown ‘with dambaru and trident, attributes which are unknown even in
the images of the latest temples of the Ganga period. The Nataraja figure
in the Kapilesvara is dancing on the back of the bull, a motif that we find
in the Papanasini porch. The sculptures are analogous to those of the
Papanasini in geneal style and it is possible hence that the Kapilesvara, as
we see itnow, belongs to the same epoch.
The temple of Kapilesvara appears to be the last notable
monument to be built at Bhubaneswar, After the fall of the Suryavamsj
dynasty art and architecture seem to have languished on account
of the lack of royal patronage. There is a tradition that the temple of
Ohavalesvara standing on an island of the Mahanadi, was built by
Kapilendradeva. A similar tradition also credits Psataparudradeva with the.
building of the temple of Varaha at Jajpur.
Temple Sculptures
General Characteristics : Though vast in number, the temple:
sculptures in the ultimate analysis reduce themselves into some broad:
classes. They can even at once be divided into two broad Categories,
namely the cult images and the decorative motifs. The first category:
432 HISTORY OF ORISSA
includes the representations of gods and goddesses and episodes from
their lives and the second a variety of subjects or objects introduced to
‘beautify the structures or to create a religious atmosphere about them.
The decorative motifs embrace within their scope the male and female
figures, erotic sculptures, semi-divine beings such as Gandharvas, Nagas,
Yaksas, Kinnaras etc. griffins, enigmatic figures of amusing character,
fauna and flora, scrolls and arabesques, fables and stories, chaitya arches
and lotus medallions and others of similar decorative character. Most of
the temples of Orissa, particularly the early onas assigned to the early
medieval period, were decorated with these motifs and with them they
stood as the epitomes of beauty, breathing a religious fervour and
serenity around them.
Erotic Sculptures : Of these decorative motifs erotic sculptures
scarcely make their appearance in the early temples but they occur in
profusion in late Ones, particularly in the great temple of Konarka. Because
of thelr profusion in this particular tample and because of their revolting
character, these erotic figures have claimed greater attention and have
come in for greater criticism than any other classes of decoration. One
notable writer of indian architecture, Mr. Percy Brown, has evens gone
to the length of doubting the survival of the demoralised race of people
who were responsible for carving them in stone and who, according to
him, might have carried into practice the gross vulgarties displayed by
these figures. These sweeping remarks however betray a flack of know-
ledge of the origin and purpose of these plastic obscanities and also in
Orissan history. Mr. Brown further attempts to strengthen his remarks by
contending that the present people of Orissa wiil be hardly capable of*
raising a stupendous structure like the Konarka temple, but he does not
tel] us as to which part of India or the world will at present be capable of
producing an exact replica of Konarka (Percy Brown, Indian Architecture,
Buddhist and Hindu Period, first edition, pp. 126 27).
f
To judge a matchless monument of the past against the background
of the present, is to miss the whole perspective of its study. Mr, Brown’s
theory is also not borne out by the known facis of the Orissan history.
The Ganga period, of which this matchless temp'e was a product, was
followed by an equally or evena more brilliant period of the Orissan
history and it was ushered in by Gajapati Kapilgndradeva, who was a so,,
of the soil (Journal of the Astatic Society of Bengal. Vol. LXIX, 1900,
P.175). The empire establish d by him atone time extended from the
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 433
Ganges inthe northto the Kaveriin the south ‘Further Sources of
Vijayanagara History. Vol. 1, p. 120) and that too at a time ‘when Orissa
was sandwiched between the powerful Muslim and Hindu states both in
the north and south. The people of this eastern coast of I:dia showed
their last vitality in the Gajapati period and so, if a cnange of catastrophic
character as imagined by Mr. Brownis to be sought in the Ori;san
history, it should be sought in the post-Gajapati period in the sixteanth
century and not before it, but the temple of Konarka was built in tne
thirteenth century. The Orissan history does not record any such catas-
trophic change before the sixteenth century, but in the drama of the rise
and fall of the civilised races of the world events unknown to history and
unknownable by the ordinary standard of huinan knowledga, have played
no small part and the past and the present of many Peoples are by no
means of consistent. Orissais no exception to this freak of human
history.
Actuated by a modern spirit of research. scholars have perhaps
attached more significance and more evil infiuence to these erotic figures
than their creators and the vast majority of the faithful, visiting the temple
shrines, could have ever dreamt of. These figures are by no means an
isolated phenomenon in the temples of Konarka and of Orissa, although at
Konarka they occur in profusion. But profusion is a characteristic of the
art of this temple and it shows no. stint. in respect of any type of
decoration. Obscejiie or erotic figures ‘occur on the temples of Khajuraho
in Central India, at Madura, in certain of the eleventh century temples of
the Deccan, as for instance at Balsane in Khandesh and _ in the Asvera at
Sinnar in the Nasik district.” They occur on they wooden Rathas of the
Pengali Vaishnavas and have been kept in some modern Shrines of Bengal
(R. D. Banerji—History of Orissa, Vol. tl, p. 401). They decorate the
modern Nepalese temples of which a wooden temple built by the Nepalese
near the Observatory at Banaras is a notable example. In Orissa they are
absent from the earliest temples, but they first make their appearance on
the temples assignable to the Bhauma Period (eightia-ninth century A. D.),
which was dominated by the Mahayana form of Buddhism that fostered
Tantrism. The present writer has theretore, held the view that their
occurrence onthe Orisan temples is due to the Tantrik influence ( Archaeo-
logical Remains at Bhubaneswer, p. 130 tf;. Dr. N.R. Ray, an eminent
scholar of Indian art, makes the following observation on them :
“The present writer can bear witness to the fact that he has seen
Oriya villagers of the present day look at the panorama of life stretching
434 HISTORY OF ORISSA
\
before their eyes on the walls of Konarka with as much unconcern and
detachment as belong to the figures themselves, while the middle-class.
educated students either shrink or glance at them through a corner of
their bashful eyes |’ (The Struggle for Empire, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,
pp. 653-54).
Decorative Female figures : Among the other decorative motifs
of the Orissan temples the female figures that occur on them are the
most beautiful products of the Orissan sculptors. Each of themis like
a piece of love poem writtenon stone, which occurring alongside the
serious scenes of religious significance, the stereotyped forms of cuit.
images or the obscene figures of voluptuous poses, provide a diversion.
and relief to a discerning visitor. The origin of the decorative female
figures goes back to remote antiquity. They are first noticedin the
Jaina and Buddhist stupas. The railing pillars of the Buddhist stupa at
Bahrut, of the Bodhi tree shrine at Bodh Gaya and ofthe Jaina stupa
at Kankali Tila near Mathura, have yielded a large number of decorative
female figures which are now preserved in serveraf of the museums in
india.
There may be noticed certain feature which link the femal figures
of the early monuments with those of the Orissan temples. In these two
classes of monuments separated by centuries the figures have been mostly
depicted with trees by their sides and in both they stand in torana-bhanjika
or sala-bhanjika poses. Again they are found decorating their own persons,
holding beautiful objects or engaged in some kind of feminine pastime.
That many of them in the early monuments represent semi-divine beings
is proved by the inscriptions on railing pillars of the Bahrut stupa, whictk
describe them as Yaksis. Herein the temples of Orissa, the supernatural
character of these female figures is proved by the fact that most of them
have been represented as standing on lotuses, and sometimes with lotuses
serving as Canopies over their heads. Their semi-divine character is thus
indicated by the manner of their representation.
In Orissa these decorative female figures are known as alasa-
kanya, aterm which may indicate womenin_ idle mood, but in north
India they are known as sura-sundaris or the beauties of the heaven.
Many of these figurse represent conventional poetical ideas to be found
in Sanskrit literature. That an Asoka tree blossoms at the touch of the
feet of a beautiful woman, is a conventional! poetical idea which is to be-
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 435
found in several Sanskrit works like the Meghaduta, Malvikagnimitra
‘etc. and this conventional poetical idea has been executed in stone by
the ancient artists of Orissa. In fact, for inspiration and for achieving
grace and elegance in their creations both the poet andthe artist had to
borrow ideas from the same common source, viz, the Sanskrit literature.
We do not however, go to the fength of suggesting that certain motifs
or forms have been inspired by a particular poet or poets like Kalidasa
or Bhavabhuti. All that is intended to be said i: that certain well known
poetical ideas were widely current in the periods when the temples were
built, and that the sculptors have depicted themin stone to lend charm
and elegance to their creations. It is also to be moted thatthe sculptors
in reproducing these ideas have been inspired by their beauty and
appropriateness rather than by a desire to depict the real life of the society
in which they lived
Although these female figures are conventionai, they are not
completely devoid of human sentiments. The females holding babies,
plucking flowers or fruits, writing love letters, putting on ornaments, or
engaged in similar feminine pastimes, that we find in the Orissan
temples, are not always devoid of human sentiments, although such
sentiments are of universal and ideal nature,
Chaitya Windows : The Chaitya windows or arches form a
very large part in the decoration of the Orissan temples.In fact, in the
earlier temples all important cult images except the parsva-devatas and
religious scenes are found in the medallions or shallow niches enclosed
by the Chaitya arches. The form of the window orarch has changed
from period to period and, therefore, such changes possess a special
chronological significance. In the earlier temples they are to be found
in post-Gupta forms and in the later ones they are seen in highly stylised
forms.
Miscellaneous Motifs : The lotus medaliions and foliated vase
capitals are the distinguising features of the earlier temples belonging
to the early medieval period and in later ones they have become stylised
so much $9 that they have become merely the semblances of their
earlier models in the earlier temples like the Parasuramesvara and the
Svarnnajalesvara the lotus medallions consist of lotus petals shown in
full profile with corollas atthe centres, butin the later great temples
jike the Lingaraja and the Konarka they are totally absent. Alongside
these decorative motifs occur the semi-divine figures like the Nagas and
436 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Nagis holding garlands in their hands, the flying Vidyadharas, the
corpulent Yaksas and the bearded Siddhas descending from heaven.
Secular Figures : The secular figures are rarely represented on
the temple structures, but an exception has been made in the case of royal
personages, builders of the temples, ascetics and worshippers who have
been allowed to appear alongside the gods and goddesses and semi-
divine figures The musicians and dancers too have been allowed to
decorate the edifices. Artistically the grills of the Parasuremesvara
temple with dancing figures appeared to be so excellent to Mr. Percy
Brown that he has described them in following words :
“But one portion stands out as beinga product of exceptional
merit, namely the two stone grills one on each side of the west doorway
(Pilate | XXI. Figs. 2-3). These represent figures of young dancers and
musicians with trumpet and with shawn, lute and cymbal so grouped as
to form perforated stone windows, In some respects these panels might
be reproductions in stone of one of Della Rabbia’s glazed terra-cotta
reliefs, excelling even the work of that famous Florentine in their vigour
and rhythm, and evidently the creation of one who left this brilliant work
of art as the sole record of his inimitable genius Ibid, p. 120,” ~
Most likeiy Mr. Brown did not notice the grill fixed to the
laterite wall in the Kapilesvara temple at Bhubaneswar, or else he would
not called those in the Parasuramesvara a sole record of inimitable genius
of one Orissan artist, for, the figures of the Kapilesvara piece in their
vigour, rhythm and linear treatment far excel their parallel at the
¢
Parasuramesvara. «
Zenith of Decorative Art: The decorative art in the temple
structures in Orissa reached its zenith at Konarka. Speaking of the
sculptures of the Konarka temple the same critic, Mr. Percy Brown,
Says :
‘Few building can boast of such an unrestrained abundance of
plastic decoration as this vast structure, every portion of the exterior
being moulded and chiselled either in the form of abstract geemetrical
ornament, conventional foliage, mythical animals, fabulous beings half
human and half serpent coils, figures satanic and figures divine, of every
conceivable motif and subject known to the Indian mind andina
technique which ranges from pattern cut with minute precision of cameo
to powerfully modelled groups of colossal size’.
J ART AND ARCHITECTURE 437
We have already quoted above Havell’s appreciation of the
monolithic war horses of Konarka. They are indeed the marvels of Indian
sculptures.
Major Centres of Art and Architecture
The three major centres of Orissan monuments viz. Bhubanes:var,
Puri and Konarka have so far engaged our greater attention. They are
situated at convenient places which can be easily approached and the
monuments in them are ina comparatively better state of preservation.
This is the reason why the art and architecture of these places have
always got a larger share of the attention of all scholars, There are,
however, other major centres, the monuments which have not received
the notice they deserve. A fuller survey of such centres is precluded by
the limited scope of this work, but to give an idea of immense archaeolo-
gical remains of Orissa we give below a brief survey of them which may
lead to their proper study.
Jajpur: As amajor centre of art it is only comparable to
Bhubaneswar and had originally as many temples as the latter place had.
The.Jifference now to be found in their number is due to the fact that
the monuments of Jajpur have mostly perished or have been destroyed,
whereas the Bhubaneswar ones have come down to us in large numbers,
To make a systematic study of what has survived at Jajpur one must
spend months or even years at the place.
The pilgrime guides -prepared in oriya by some local scholars
indicate that there are at present on less than one hundred living shrines
in and around. Jajpur, each of which had originally an ancient temple,
but only a less than half a dozen of ancient structures have come down
tous. The fact is that vandalism wes rampant here, which is indicated
rot only by the archaeological remains but also by the literary evidence
furnished by the Bengali Sunya Purana quoted in Dr.D.C Sen’s History
of Bengali Literature. The great.mosque now standing at Jajpur which was
erected in the reign of Aurangzeb, has been wholly built of the stones taken
from the Hir.du temples. The images of saptamatrikas, Garuda, the colossal
Padmapani and a number of other images now to be found of the S,D.0.’s
quarter as the protected monuments at Jajpur, bear the clear and definite
signs of deliberate breakage.
But though the ancient temples were deliberately destroyed, the
shrines represented by them coluld not be wiped out of their existence.
438 HISTORY OF ORISSA (
At each of most of these shrines asmall moderntemple is now to be
found and in these temples anclent decorated architectural pieces and the
images are now to be found as later fixations or collections. These
remains provide evidences and pointers to trace the growth of temple
architecture of the place, The ancient sculptures are not only to be
found in the modern tempies of the place, but also in other later monu-
ments. They are found fixed to the bridge of Athara Nallah over the
Mandakini river flowing in the neighbourhood of the town and to the flight
of steps In the Brahma Kunda tank.
We have already spoken of the remains of atemple at Kalasapura
which, as the local people say, was the original shrine of Viraja, the
presiding deity of the place, whose origin, as already discussed, goes,
back to the remote antiquity of the Mahabharata Age. The ruins of
Kalasapura possibly represent a flat-roofed Gupta temple, but the earliest
piece of the archaeological objects at Jajpur is perhaps the present image
of Viraja itself. Itis a Mahisamarddini and in its iconography it is analogous
to the same image to be found on the Gupta temple of Bhumara.
The existence of the temples similar to those of the Pdiasu-
ramesvare group and the Sisiresvara-Vaital group of Bhubaneswar at Jajpur
is attested to bya number of sculptural survivals at the latter place. The
fragmentary specimens depicting Siva’s marriage, Annapurnna giving alms
to Siva, alasa Ranyas and amorous couples standing cross-legged as in the
Parasuramesvara and Vaital temples, funish clear pointers to the fact that
the temples of the very early periods did exist at Jajpur. These fragmentary
pieces also provide the close correlation of the art that flourished at both
the centres. They not only show close similarity, but sometimes border
on identity giving an impresion that the sculptors of both the places were
reared in the same tradition.
The temples of Varaha, Trilochanesvara and Siddhesvara are
now the only structures that stand in a comparatively good state of
preservation. Of the three, the first was erected by Prataparudradeva
according to a local tradition. The second in all appearance was a
monument of the Ganga period and the third too was a Ganga temple
and has still an inscription reterring itself to the reign of the Ganga king
Narasimhadeva IV (Epigraphia India, Vol. XXIX, p, 10,55 and plate),
At the Siddhesvara site there was an earlier temple, the parts of which
are still to be found in large numbers in the compound of the temple,
ART AND ARCHITEGTURE 439
which clearly indicate the Bhauma style of decoration. The Trilo-
chanesvara has been remodelled and in the process much of its originality
has been lost. The temple of Varaha stands in its original form bearing in
Its body some earlier pieces of sculpture, of which the scene of
Annapurnna giving aims to Siva is one.
As stated earlier, the loose sculptures are to be seen in all parts.
of this place. They are found in large numbers in the compound of the-
Akhandalesvara temple and at the village Narasimhapura. The Narasimha-
pura collection is of entirely Jaina images. We have already spoken of
the sapta-matrikas and other images preserved in the compound of the
S.D.0’s quarter, One most noteworthy monument of Jajpur is the
monolithic pillar, known as Subha Stambha, which, as we have pointed out
earlier, was a Garuda Stambha possibly erected by Yayatil of the Soma-
vamsis dynasty, Jajpur was the capital of both the Bhaumas and the
Somavamsis and it also continued to be a place of great importance during
the rule of the Gangas and the Suryavamsis. The archaelogical remains at
the place therefore consist of the relics of all these periods. The remains
also prove that Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism co-existed at Jajpur in
the aierent periods of its history,
The Ratnagiri Area : We have already referred to a fragmentary
stone inscription in cursive Gupta script found by the late Mr.R, Chanda
in Ratnagiri and published by him in his Memoirs os Archaelogical
Survey of India No. 44, which takes the origin of the Buddhist establish-
ment hefe to fourth-fifth century A. D., if not earlier. While speaking of the
stulptures of Ratnagiri Prof. R. D. Benerjee says that they are “characterized
by naturalism, perfect equipoise, combined with a very high standard of
idealistic excellence’ (History of Orissa. Vol. Il, p. 387). As is well-
known, these are the characteristics of the Gupta art, but all scholars have
assigned the earlier images of the Ratnagiri area to a period starting from
the Bhauma rule in the eighth century A.D. We are, therefore, to presume
that the Gupta tradition of art continued in this isolated area to a very late
period or scholars have not taken pains to distinguish between the Gupta
and the early medieval sculptures of the area We are of the opinion that
the second presumption is perhaps correct. The Ratnagiri area consists of
the Ratnagiri itself and the adjacent Udayagiri and Lalitagiri hills of the:
Cuttack district. We have already observed that the idemification of the
area with the Puspagiri Vihara described by Yuan Chwang, is not
supported by the recent excavations there. The vast ruins to be found
440 HISTORY OF ORISSA
in these hills have proved to be a varitable mine of beautiful Buddhist
sculptures and several specimens taken from them have now found place
in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, Patna Museum and the Musee Guimet at
Paris. A collection of sculptures along with a door-frame was also removed
from this area to Cuttack by Mr. John Beams and most of the specimens
of the collection are now to be found in the modern shrines at Cuttack
near the Ravenshaw College and at Bania sahi. Prof. R.D. Banerjee observes
that in his time the area served as a quarry for railways and the only
locality from which the collectors still found it ‘possible to cart away the
priceless objects of art for their collections.”” This observation no longer
holds good as the area has now been declared to be a protected one, but
before protection was accorded to it, most of its beautiful sculptures had
been removed by the antiquity- collectors. Here excavations were carried
on between 1957-1960 by Mrs. Devala Mitra of the Archaeological Survey
of India and the summaries of the results published in Indian Archaeology
of these years with the photographic reproductions. The excavations
unearthed one brick stupa and a stone monastery along with a number of
antiquities including the beautiful Buddhist images. Further excavations
in the area are likely to yield greater results.
\*
Khiching : We have already referred to the monuments cf Khiching
which has been mentioned as Khijjinga—-kotta in the Bhanja copperplates,
it is situated at a distance of sixteen miles from Karanjia, a Sub-divisional
Headquarter of the Mayurbhanj district. At present three ancient temples
are to be found here and of them the oné knewn as Kotai Tundi seems to
be the earliest. It has been restored and reconstructed, but some originak
sculptures still existing, indicate that it was a monument of the ninth-tenth
century A.D. The largest temple of the place, which too has been rebuilt,
enshrines the presiding deity of the place, Khijjingesvari or Khichingesvari
which has no'v been further corrupted into Kichakesvari. Itis as high as
the Brahmesvara temple of Bhubanes:var and in sculptures and construc—
tional! peculiarties it is analogous to the Brahmesvara. It is a pancha-ratha
temple with the pagas fully developed and with the iron beams originally
used in its ceiling. The parsva-devats, ihe Chaitya arches, the amrous
couples, the obscene figures, the scrolls and the arabesques still to be
found in the original parts of the temple clearly indicate tnat it was a close
contemporary of the Brahmesvara and the Lingaraja of Bhubaneswar.
An image of Lakulisa, still to be found on the temple, appears with a
yoga-patta tied to his knees, and it Is completely similar to the image
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 441
of the same deity appearing on the Lingaraja temple. We shali not be
far from the truth if we assign the temple to the last partof the tenth
century or the first part of the eleventh century A.D. While discussing
the history of the Bhanja rulers of Mayurbhanj we have already shown
that the copperplate grants mentioning Khijjinga-koita, are assignable to
the tenth.eleventh century A.D.
The place has still the remains of the two ancient forts now
known as Kichakagada and Viratagadu, which were apparently the
royal residences of ancient Bhanja rulers, The latter was excavated
and the brick structural remains unearthed along with a number of
antiquities such as potteries, torracotta figurines, stone figurines. beads
and other objects. Among the tron objects discovered the three-
pronged iron nails are most peculiar. They were used fortaming wild
elephants. When the wild elephants trod over them they struck into
their feet and consequently they limped and could not run.
The place was dotted with low lying mounds, most of which
have been excavated and antiquites including stone images discovered
from them. One mound, after excavation. revealed the remains ofa
stupa with a casket of ashes enshrined in it. The stupa was evidently
a Buddhist one.
There is a site-museum at the place maintained by the State
Government of Orissa, which houses a large number of sculptures.
Besides the Brahmanica! deities, there are also Buddhist and Jaina
images in the collection. We have already referred to an_ inscription
engraved on the pedestal of an Avalokitesvara ‘image, which refers itself
to the reign of Rayabhanja. Thereis also a beautiful image of Dhyani
Buddha with a representation of the Bodhi-tree above his head. Among
the Brahmanical images mention may be made of the colossal images of
Siva’s Dvarapalas, Chanda and Prachanda, Arddhanarisvare, Hara.
Parvati, Ganesa, Visnu etc. The museum also houSes some most beautiful
alasa-kanyas which evidenty formed parts of some smaller temples no
longerin situ. In the courtyard of the museum several sculptured parts
of some smaller temples have been preserved. The Saiva shrine of
Khiching seems to have originally eight temples of which seven lingams
are still to be traced at the place and one is known to have taken toa
village known as Kesaribeda in the neighbourhood of Khiching and
enshrined therein anew temple, The largest temple, now rebuilt, was
originally a Saiva shrine probably enshrining the colossal image of
Arddhanarisvara now preserved in the museum. The Bhanja rulers later
442 HISTORY OF ORISSA
changed their faith and so, the present deity of the great temple, which
is a Chamunda, came to be the presiding deity of the place.
The sculptures and the temples of Khiching, even though they have
followed the general characteristics of the Bhubaneswar ones, have some
specialities of their own. None of the temples had a Mukhasala or a porch,
recognized to be an indispensible part of a shrine in the temple structures
of tenth-eleventh century A.D. In this respect the Khiching temples share
this characteristic with the temples of the Bankura district and the
temples that once existed at Venisagar in the Singhbhum district, which
is only four miles from Khiching The sculptures of Khiching were the
products of a local school of art which followed in general lines the art
characteristics of Bhubaneswar, but had the specialities of its own, The
temples and sculptures of the place are all found in blue fine-grained
chlorite, whichis of more enduring nature and capable of receiving finer
ornamentations. All competent critics are agreed that temples and
sculptures of Khiching are amongst the finest products of Orissan art and
architecture. The temples restored and rebuilt by the late Maharaja
Sir Pratap Chandra Bhanj Deo, are now in the best state of preser-
f
vation, \
The archaeological remains of Venisagara referred to above.
clearly indicate that the temples and sculptures of Khiching and this
place were contemporary and analogous, At Venisagara there were alse
eight Saiva temples of which none has come downto us, but each has
left its sculptures and a lingam. The tefnples at Venisagara too had no
porches. The present writer wrote an article entitled The
Archaeological Remains at Venisagar inthe Journal of Bihar Research
Society, Vol. XLII, in which he has explained the correlation of the
archaeological remains of both Khiching and Venisagara, At Khekparta
near Lohardaga in the Ranchi district there is an ancient temple standing
ona hillock, which is characterized by the Orissan spire, sculptural
decorations and the paga arrangements similar to those of the Orissan
temples. It was also an astayatana Saiva shrine and besides the main
temple there are still seven miniature shrines at the foot of the hill, The
present writer has noticed in the Simdega Sub-division of the Ranchi
district several small stone temples which have also followed the Orissan
temple style. Evidently the Orissan temple style travelled far beyond the
limits of Orissa.
Mukhalingam : The temple style of Orissa also travelled beyond
its limits in the south. In this connexion Dr. Dehejia makes ihe following
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 443
4
observation about the Madhukesvara temple of Mukhaligam situated in
the Srikakulam district of Andhra :
“The vibrantly sculptured, large astaparivara Madhukesvara
temple stands at Mukhalingam on the banks of the Vamsadhara river. It
is situated today in north-Andhra, but its architectural designs and its
decorative features certainly warrant its inclusion in the Orissa group,
although it displays certain features that set it apart form the standard
Orissa temple (The Early Stone Temples of Orissa, 1978 p. 92°’).
The Rathas of Mahavalipuram and the early Pallava temples
of Kanchi certainly existed in the south when the Gangas built their
temples at Mukhalingam, but Gangas chose the Kalinga-type for
erecting their monuments atthe place. As Dr. Dehejia obeerves, in all
the four temples still to be found here, they have all-followed the Orissan
type of architecture. Of the three standing at the foot of the hili,
the Mukhalingesvara was the main shrine, but it has been rebuilt in such
a way that its original formhas been lost. It has a_ three-chambered
porch with several inscriptions on its walls, one of which refers to
Jatesvara alias Kamarnnava, son and successer of Chodaganga, who ruled
form AwD. 1147 to 1156 (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXi, Verse 10 P. 163).
From this epigraph it is evident that the temple existed in the middle of
the twelfth century A.D., but it seems to have been erected much earlier.
There are smaller shrines in the compound dedicated to the dikpalas such
sas Agni, Varuna etc. The main temple appears to be greater in height
than the Brahmesvara temple at Bhubaneswar.
ss The Madhukesvara temple seems to be the earliest monument of
the place, When the present writer visited it in 1969 it was covered
with a thick coat of plaster, but recently it has been removed and _ its
features have been fully described by Dr. Dehejia. The front facade,
now fully exposed, reveals the decorative designs similar to those on the
front facade of the Parasuramesvara. It may be dated back to the seventh
or eighth century A.D. °
The temple of Somesvara is a smal! pancharatha structure with
no porch. On the sikhara of the front facade thereis a well-preserved
Nataraja quite similar to the ones to be found in the Muktesvara temple
at Bhubaneswar. The cult images to be still found on the structure are
similar to those of the Muketasvara. As inthe Muktesvara the figures
of the bearded Saiva ascetics with yogapattas tiled to their knees, are
444 HISTORY OF ORISSA
found onthe vadas In the gandi the bhumis are marked by hafl-
amalabs. All these evidences indicate that the Somesvara is not far
removed in date fromthe Muktesvara which was built inthe tenth
century.
Mukhalingam was the early capital of the Gangas and the
architectural style and tradition that grew up here were later utilised by
the Ganga rulers in building their temples in Orissa when they
transferred their capital to Cuttack. When Chodaganga conquered
Orissa about 1110 A.D., Orissa had already a long tradition in the
temple building. The Ganga builders combined the architectural features
of Mukhalingam with those of Bhubaneswar and Jajpur and produced
most massive, cOmpact and strong temples, but the arch-type of the
combination remained essentially Orissan in form.
Ranipur-Jharial : It is situated in the Titlagarh Sub-division of |
the Bolangir district. According to the local tradition the placa had
originally one hundred and twenty temples, but when Mr. Beglar visited
it in 1874-75 there were fifty-seven temples in various stage of preserva-
tion (Cunningham’s Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Vol. XIII,
pp. 128-132). Ranipur-Jharial may aptly be described as the Bhubaneswar
of the Patna-Sambalpur region. The Somesvara, the largest stone Cemple of
the place, contains an inscription of Gagansivacharya which has. already
been referred to in Chapter XVII under Section Saivism. Mr. K, N.
Mahapatra has thrown considerable light onthe origin of this shrine
(The Orissa Historical Research Journal Vol, ttl, No. 2, pp. 65-75). This
temple and other smaller ones still axisting herein ruined .condition
were no doubt the structures of the early Somavamsi period and may .be
assigned to the ninth-tenth century A.D. The place became famou§
under the name of Somatirtha and found mention in the Vamana Purana.
It was predominantly a Saiva shrine, but there were also Vaisnava and
Sakta temples here, of which the temple of sixty-four yoginis is most
remarkable. The temple of sixty-four yoginis is a rare monument of the
pjach and the other examples are to be found at Bheraghat near Jabalpur,
at Khajuraho in Bundelkhand and ai Hirapur near Bhubaneswar,
Vaidyanatha : The place is about eight miles from Sonepur in
the Bolangir district. Tnetemple of Kusalesvara standing in ruined
condition is a most remarkable moriument. There is also another tempiea
known as Kalesvara standing on the bank of the river Telin the close
Vicinity of the Kusalesvara. The Kalesvara isa pancharatha temple and
is similar to the Muktesvara of Bhubaneswar. its niches, the Naga and
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 445
Nagi ‘columns, scroll works, alasa kanyas and half-amalakas on the gandi
provide clear evidences thatthe temple was built about tenth century
A.D on account of the erosion caused by the river its foundations have
already been affected and it will not maintain its existence for long, if it
is not protected. The main shrine of the Kusalesvara has been rebuilt
and in the process its originality has been lost, but the porch stands in
comparatively good state of preseivation. It does not follow the type of
architecture that we find in the porches of the Orissan temple. In
building the porch, the builders certainly followed the Central Indian
Style and not the Orissan style. The porch still contains the marvellous
images of dancing Ganesa, dancing Siva, Hari-Hara, Sesasayi Visnu,
Kartikeya riding on peacock and the alasa-kanyas such asthe female
with a mirror, the female with a parrot sitting ona stand, mother with
child etc, These images donot follow the iconographic and stylistic
features of the similar images to be found on the other temples of
Orissa, These exotic features led Dr. Charles Fabrito think that the
monument was a very early one, but there are clear evidences to show
that it was built by the Telgu Choda ruling family of Sonepur towards.
the last part of the eleventh century A.D. There isa clear reference in
one copperplate record that Vaidyanatha (now known as Kusalesvara)
was the titulary deity of the Telgu Choda ruling family (Ep. Ind.,
Vol. XXVIII, p. 284). Thereis also still a piece of stone used for
preparing sandal-paste for the deity, which contains the inscription
Chhindakasya in the script of eleventh-twelfth century A.D. We have
already discussed the history of the Telgu Choda family of Sonepur and
have shown that they were originally the feudatories of the Chhindaka
Naga rulers of Bastar. The Sonepur region was held by them as a part
of their kingdom. The above-mentioned stona seemsto have been
donated to the temple by a member of the Chhindaka Naga family of
Bastar.
The Prachi Valley: About this valley of the Puri district Prof.
G. S. Das makes the following observation :
“The Prachi is one of the oldest rivers in the coastal region of
Orissa and is considered to be the most sacred bythe Orissan people.
it has its origin from the river Mahanadi inthe obscure past and _ while
surveying its dead course towards the source we observed that originally
it branched off the Mahanadi close to Daka-amba about two and half
mifes north-west of the historic medieval fort of Sarangagarh. It has now
been completely silted up at the place of its orgin where one can notice
446 HISTORY OF ORISSA
today large sand dunes and.!agoon.like pools in the midst of forest. The
silting up of the Prachi might have given rise at the close neighbourhood
to a branch river Katjori which, asthe name_ indicates, was originally a
small streamlet that could be bridged with the help of wooden planks.”
Prof. G. S. Das has published the results of his explorations in
the valley of this dried up river in his monograph Exploration of the
Prachi Valley, 1958. The explorations revealed a number of ancient
temples and a number of Brahmanical and Buddhist sculptures in the
area. A list of most important ancient temples is given below :
Svapnesvara: itis standing at Adasapurin an_ utterly ruined
condition. It has a small tower with a small a@malaka crowning the top,
Prof. Das assigns itto the seventh century A.D, which does not seem
to be far from truth. Although the monument does not bear sculptures,
its structure indicates that it was still in the formative stage,
The temple of Laksmi Nrisimha at Amaraprasadagarh : It is also
in the decadent stage and we may agree with Prof. Das in assigning it to
the eighth century A. D,
The Gramesvara temple at Lataharana : It is assigned“o the
ninth century A. D.
The Isvaranath temple at Jiunti: It has been assigned to the
ninth-tenth century A. D.
The Bahana temple : The Bahana, temple that stands at, Jiunti,
is now in an utterly ruined condition, It also seems to be one of the,
earliest temples of Orissa.
The Varahi temple at Chaurasi: We have already spoken of its
age and characteristics.
Besides the above temples the sculptural remains of the runined
temples are also to be traced in the different parts of valley, They are
to be found in the area in large or small collections, and in these
collections the Buddhist and Jaina images are also to be seen.
Ayodhya : Situated in the Nilagiri Sub-division of the Balasore
district Ayodhya contains important Buddhist ruins which have not yet
been properly noticed. The outskirts of the village are dotted with low
mounds indicating that several small Buddhist shrines existed here, and
J ART AND ARCHITECTURE 447
when they were ruined the best images from them have been removed and:
kept at several places of the village. One important collection of Buddhist
images is to be found in the private custody of a village and the magni-
ficent images of Tara and Marichi have become the common property of
the villages. Marichi image contains an inscription recording the well-
Known Buddhist creed ye dharma hetu prabhava etc. in the script or the
eleventh-twelfth century A.D. Evidently the monuments of the place
belong to that period. The private collection mentioned above, contains
several beautiful images of the Euddhs and Bodhisattvas and ond panel
depicts the birth scene of Gautama Budhha. All the images to be found
in the village are. like those of Kiching in Mayurbhanj, the most beautiful
products of a local school of art. One small image of Avalokitesvara was
taken from the collection by the present writer and preserved in the Orissa
State Museum. The products of the school of art are also to be seen in the
Nilfagiri town itself. One modern temple there contains on its wall some
Mahayana Buddhist images of considerable beauty and of important
inconographic interest. Evidently the Nilagiri area was dominated in the
eleventh-twelfth century A.D. by a Mahayana school! of art.
S,
4 Other Centres of Art
Narendrapur: The village Narendrapur near Gadi in the
Balasore district has still some ruins of archaeological interest. A huge
image of Varahi which is as large as the one now preserved in the
compound of Sub-divisional Officer's quarter at Jajpur, is the presiding
deity of the place, but it has also several Siva lingams and ruined
shrines.
Palia: Thevillage Paiia of the Balasore district has still a
temple of the sun already referred to. It seems tobe a monument of
the eleventh century. Its door jambs contains most beautiful
sculptures.
Kupari: Itis situated in the Bhadrak Sub-division at a distance
of about nine miles from Agarapara. Mr. John Beams, who visited the
place in 1871 A.D., refers to certain Buddhist monuments and images
there, but the present writer who visited the place in 1951 found
nothing of Buddhist origin. All temples and images still to be found
here are Brahmanical, some miniature temples of Siva, one Visnu image,
one open hall with six monolithic laterite pillars, one beautiful image
of Durga clearly exhibiting the Bhauma characteristics of art and
448 HISTORY OF ORISSA ;
iconography and two broken slate plaques are the main archaelogical
objects of the place. All of them are of Brahmanical character. So Mr, John
Beam’s description of them published in the Journal of Asiatic Society of
Bengal, Vol, XL, 1871 p. 247 cannot now be accepted, We have already
observed that Kupari is a corruption of Komparaka mentioned as one of the
donated villages referred to in the Neulpur Copper Plate Grant of Subha-
karadeva |. The archaeological remains of the place evidently belong to the
eighth century A.D.
Mahantipada : The village Mahantipada is in the close neigh-
bourhood of Agarapada. It has a Saiva temple which has been modernized,
but in front of the shrine there is a beautiful bull, made of blue chlorite, the
pedestal of which contains an inscription referring itself to the seventh anka
of Gajapati Purusottamadeva, The inscription also gives out that the bull
was donated to Linganathdeva by Kesavaji Das on the day of Asadha Sukla
Guruvara, evidently falling in the seventh anka or the fifth regnal year of
the aforesaid Gajapati.
Vaidakhia: Situated on the border of Anandapur and Bhadrak
Sub-divisions, it has still a large number of Jaina images. <
Khadipada: Reference has already been made to this place
from which six large-sized Buddhist images were removed to the Orissa
State Museum. One of them, an Avalokitesvara Padmapani, contains
an inscription referring itself to the reign of Sabhakaradeva |. There was
not doubt a Buddhist temple or a stupa at the place, We have. already
stated that Gohiratikara, a site in the close neighbourhood of Khadipada,
was the capital of the Bhauma-karas. The place is only five miles from
Jajpur.
Remuna: The temple of Ksirachora Gopinatha that stands here
at a distance of about sight miles from Balasore, is a modern One; but the
image of Gopinatha is certainly much older than the time of Sri Chaitanya
who visited it as is evidenced by the Gaudiya Vaisnava literature. The deity
had originally no image of Radha associated with it. It is not unlikely that
an exploration or excavation in the area will bring to light the remains of
an earlier temple which has been replaced by a modern one.
. The Bhadrakali Shrine : \t is situated at a distance of about five
miles from Bhadrak. We have already referred several times to an
ART AND ARCHITBCTURB 449
inscription found here and assignable to the third century A.D. which
refers to Parnnadevati, evidently the earlier name of the deity now
known as Bhadrakali. An exploration in the area is likely to‘bring to
light the archaeological remains of a very early date.
Sola .apura: ‘tis about seven miles to the east of Jajpur and it
contains a number of Buddhist and Brahmanica! sculptures. It is already
stated that Solanapura is one of the two villages granted to a number of
Brahmins by Subhakaradeva! of the Bhauma dynasty in his Neulpur
Copper Plate Grant. It is also mentioned inthe Ratnagiri Charter of
Karnnadeva, the last king of the Somavamsi dynasty, as_ the place of
residence of Karpura-sri, his erstwhile queen. It is a historical place
which is likely to provide materials for the history of the Bhauma and
Somavamsi dynasties.
Hatadiha: It is in the close neighbourhood of Jajpur and has.
still a colossal image of a Jaina Tirthankara already referred to. The
image must have originally a shrine, the remains of which are iikely to
be discovered in the area,
Diavwasala area : Several villages of the Dharmasala Police
Station in the Cuttack district contain the Brahmanical and Buddhist
archaeological remains which have not yet been properly examined, On
the Duburi hill in the close neighbourhood of Niladeipura sasana there
was a Buddhist stupa Of which about fifteen railing pillars with sockets
in them and one coping stone are still to be found here with a head of
ruins close by. There is also a fragment of a stone door jamb-decorated
with dwarfs climbing up a creeper and conventional lotus buds and
wavy scrolls.
At Daksina sasana not far from Niladeipura the temple of
Vatsesvara stands and inits precincts a small image of Varaha lifting
the earth, a Mukhalingam with four faces sculptured on it, a beautiful
Garuda image and a beautiful Ganesa image are still to be found.
According to the local tradition Kapilendradeva, the founder of the
Suryavamsi dynasty, established the sasana and built two templ s, one
for Visnu and the other for Siva. The archaeological remains here
support the local tradition. At Uttara’'sasana thetemple of Kapilesvara
is found to have been built on the ruins ofan ancient one. It has. still
the images of Ganesa and Durga of the early temple, but the most
interesting scalpture of the place is a panel containing an elephant
procession, Aroyal figure is seen mounted on the biggest algphant
450 HISTORY QF ORISSA
with a parasol held over his head by an attendant sitting by him. There
are three other elephants in the panel which follow the biggest one with
riders on each. The temple of Gokarnnesvara on the river Brahmani not
far from Dharmasala, has practically become a museum of Brahmanical
and Buddhist images. It has the Brahmanical images like Kartikeya,
Ganesa, Nrisimha, Varaha and Sri Krisna with gopis and also the
Buddhist images like Avalokitesvara, Parnna-savari, Dhyani-Buddha,
Tara and some Buddhist Tantrik images not yet identified, The
collection of the sculptures to be found in the Gokarnnesvara compound
was made by the Raja of Madhupur, who evidently brought them from
the Ratnagiri area and the neighbouring villages. At the village Chahata,
not far from Dharmasala, there was a group of Sapta-matrikas almost in
tact and with important iconographic features. The entire group has been
removed to and preserved in the Orissa State Museum, A brief survey of
the archaeological remains of the Dharmasala area reveals that the locality
had considerably building activities during the periods of the Bhaumas,
Somavamsis and Suryavamsis. |
| The Lower Brahmani Valley : We have already referred to the
colossal image of Ananta-sayi Visnu, measuring thirty-two feet igr length,
which has been carved on the stony bed of the river Brahmani at Sarang
near Tailcher. We have also spoken of the colossal image of Visnu
measuring fifty-one feet and six inches in length, which is to be found at
Bhimkand, eighteen miles from Talcher. The temple of Svapnesvara neat
Talcher has also already been noticed. Along the valley of the Brahmani
the important centres of art like the Ratnagiri area ‘and the
Dharmasala area also flourished and they too have been briefly noticed
above,
Amaravati : There is still a shrine known as Amaravati or
Indrasthana at a place inthe neighbourhood of Chhatia, which still
contains the beautiful: images of Indra and Indrani and also some
Buddhist sculptures that seem to have belonged originally to the Ratnagiri
area and to the Bhauma age. The images of Indra and Indrani however
bear the characteristics of the late Somavamsi age or the early Ganga
period. We have already seen that Amaravati is one of the five important
Katakas or forts established by Chodaganga. Close to !ndrasthana
the ruins of a fort are still to be found. Not far from Amaravati the
beautiful Visnu temple of Jalauka, already noticed, is to be found. At
Ganesvarapur in the close neighbourhood of Jalauka the * remains of an
ancient temple, evidently built in the Ganga period, are also to be seen.
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 451
Salipur Area: Along the bank of the river Chitrotpala which
flows in the neighbourhood of Salipur, important Buddhist remains con-
sisting on Buddhist image and structural remains, are to be traced. Of late
the area was excavated by the Department of Archaeology, Government of
Orissa, which resulted in the discovery of important antiquities not yet
published. At the village Vatesvara on the Chitrotpala a beautiful image
of Mahisamardini which seems to have originally belor.ged to a shrine,
is tobe seen. At Kisanapur the historic temple of Chatesvara, which is
definitely a beautiful monument of the Ganga period, is tobe found. It
had originally a commemorative inscription known to scholars as the
Chatesvara Inscription ((Epigraphia Indica, Vol, XXIX, p. 125). which as
already discussed, throws considerable light on the history of the Gangas.
The temple was erected by Visnu, the Brahmin minister of Anarngabhima-
deva Ill, and it is under his orders that the cc mmemorative ii.scription was
engraved. Only two miles from Kisanapur in the north-westernly direction
the remains of a Jagannatha temple is to be found at Gopinathapur.
A commemorative inscription originally attached to the shrine is still to be
found in the compound of the shrine. (Journal of the Asiatic Society of
Bengal, Vol. LX!X, 1901, p. 175). The inscription discloses that the temple
was built by Gopinatha Mahapatra, a general of Kapilendradeva. The
importynce of the epigraph has alredy been discussed. It records the
conquests of Kapilendradeva and also furnishes us with the important
information that he was born in Udradesa or Orissa in Ksatriya family of
the Solar Line.
. Kendrapara: Kendragara. the Sub-divisional head quarter, had
also an important collection of Buddhist and Brahmanical images in the
possession of the local Zamindar family from which the late Mr, R. Chanda
was allowed to take some specimens to the Indian Museum, Calcutta.
Similarly there was also a collection of sculptures, evidently taken from the
Ratnagiri area, in the possession of the local Zamindar of Mahanga. A most
beautiful image of Avalokitesvara is the noteworthy image of the place.
which is to be seen at the door of a modern temple.
The Jhankara area: Tha famous shrine of Sarala that stands at
Jhankara, has at present a modern temple, but there is also a ruined shrine
not far from it, which is pointed out by the local people as the original
ssat of the goddess, The present writer has seen the ruins and has come
to the conclusion that the original shrine in all probability was construc-
ted in theeBhauma epoch. The temple of Dharmesvara situated at the
452 HISTORY OF ORISSA
village Pipalamadhava near Tirtol also seems to be an earlier shrine and
it still contains some sculptures much earlier to the date of the present
temple. It has also a colossal image of Visnu known as Nila Madhava.
Chaudwar : Chaudwar was one of the five great forts built by
Chodagangadeva and according to the tradition was the earliest capital
of the Gangas in Orissa from which Anangabhimadeva III transferred it
to the area now known as Barabati, situated on the other side of the
river Mahanadi. Chauadwar seems to have originally a number of temples
but they have all been ruined, leaving to us some structural and sculptural
remains. !n the shrine of Kapalesvara not far from the Textile Mills, a
modern laterite temple is to be found The door jam bs, the Navagraha slab,
the image of Gaja-Lakami on the door sill and the images of Chanda and
Prachanda with Ganga and Yamuna at the bottoms of the jambs alf
indicate that the earlier temple that once stood here, belonged to the early
Ganga period. The parsva-devatas Kartikeya, Ganesa and Parvati, which
have been utilised in the modern structure also furnish the iconographic
piculiarites pointing to the same conclusion. The temple of Vaidyesvara
which is to be found inside a Matha, now contains a few sculpture of an
elder structure which seems to have belongen to the tenth century A.D,
These sculptures of stone bear kumbhas, kirttimukhas, diamond-shaped
designs and Gaja-~Laksmi which have all their affinities with the earlier
temples of Bhubaneswar, There is another shrine at Chaudwar known as
Uttaresvara which was also a Saiva temple and which has come down to us
in a Comparatively good state of preservation. It is built of laterite but the:
door jambs and the lintel are of chlorite containing images and scrolls
to similar those to be found in the Ganga monuments. There-is also a
monument at Chaudwar known as Vadhi or Parabhadi which represents a
round and raised pillared hall with seven pillars of laterite still in situ. It
appears to have been a Buhdhist shrine as its name Vadhi indicates. Vadhi
seems to be a corruption of Bodhi.
The late Mr. P. Acharya observes in his Odisar Pratnatattva O
Anyana Pravandha (Part |, Orissa Sahitya Akademy, 1969, P. 31) that he
had seen at Chaudwar three masks of brass in 1927, of which one was
removed to the Indian Museum. Calcutta: but when he next went to the
place after some years he found no trace of the remaining two. Evidently
they were sold or stolen away.
The Cuttack City: The city of Cuttack was the capital of the
Gangas and of the subsequent ruling dynasties up to the é@nd of Hindu
ART AND ARCHITECTURE > 453
rule in Orissa in A.D. 1568. There is little doubt that the city had
originally number of Hindu temples. but none has survived in its
ancient form. A ramble through its different parts, however, reveals the
existence of the sculptural and structural remains of the ancient temples,
now used at latter fixations or kept in loose collections. Small modern
shrines have cropped up in the various parts of this old city with these
survivals as the objects of worship. There is no doubt that the fort of
Barabati contained ancient temples, at least of the Ganga period. The
Nagari Plates of Anangabhimadeva I{I refers to the erection of a
Jagannatha temple here, which has not come downto us. Sarala Dasa
refers to the Visvesvara temple on the bank of the Mahanadi at Varanasi
(Cuttack), but on its site we now find a modetn temple with the name
Gadagadesvara. The parts of the earlier temples are found to have
been used on the embankments onthe both sides of the ditch which
still surrounds the fort of Barabati.' Toynbee records the removal of
stones from the Barabati. for building the False point, one hospital
and the road leading to the Railway statior, These stones seem to have
Originally belonged to the ancient temples. The survivals of jhe ancient
monuments have also been used in comparatively later temples, an
Instance of which is to be found inthe Raghunathaji temple of Cuttack.
The eatlier specimens, when closely examined, reveal the fact that they
Originally belonged to the temples of the Ganga period. One free-standing
stone pillar with human figures standing cross-iegged and with the
‘bhirttimukhas similar to those of the Bhauma temples. was discovered at
Cuttack, and removed to the Orissa State Museum where it is to be found
now. This piece of archaeological evidence indicates that the ancient
Monuments of the eighth-ninth century also existed at Cuttack,
Evidently Cuttack was a:place of importance even during the Bhauma rule
in Orissa.
Niali : The village Niali is situated onthe road that has
branched off from the National Highway at Phulanakhara. The
temple of Sobhanesvara existed here and had originally a commemorative
inscription recording its erection during the Ganga a period (Journal
of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XVIN, 1931. p.119 ff.). The
poet Udayana who composed this epigraph was also the composer of
the commemorative inscription attached to the temple of Maghesvara
at Bhubaneswar, which was built by Syapnesvaradeva, the preterin:
law of the Ganga king Rajaraja Il (A.D. 1170-1194). So, it is evident
that the temple of Sobhanesvara was built towards the last part of the
454 HISTORY OF ORISSA
4
twelfth century. In the village of Madhava there is a Jagannatha’ temple
which is traditionally attributed to Anangabhimadeva III.
Patia: The temple of Sikhara-Chandi situated in the close
neighbourhood of this village is found with a flat roof like the temples of
the Gupta period, but bereft of sculptures, it does not provide definite
evidence for ascertaining its age, At the village of Kalarahanga, an
ancient temple is reported to be existing.
Chansathi Yogini Temple of Hirapur: Situated at a short
distance from Bhubaneswar this unique temple remained unknown for
long till it was discoved by Mr. Kedrnatha Mahapatra in 1952.
Mr. Mahapatra also later published an article on the shrine in the Orissa
Historical Research Journal with the photographic reproductions of the
Yoginis. We have aiready referred to this monument and to a similar
shrine at Ranipur-Jharial. One great difference between them is that the
Hirapura Yoginis appear with their respective mounts, whereas Ranipur-
Jharial images have no such attributes, The Hirapur images are the
marvellous pieces of art and are comparable to those of the Brahmesvara
and the Lingaraja and were evidently the creations of that period. It
seems that the Somavamsi rulers, when they lived in Orissa, created this
shrine or helped the creation of itin the model of the Raniput-Jharial
shrine which lay in their original seat of power.
The Dhauli Hill: We have already referred to the temple of
Vahirangesvara situated on the western side of the Dhauli hill. All evi-
dences still to be found on this temple, now restored, indicate that it was
a monument of the Bhauma period. Onthe top of the eastern side of the
hill a large ancient temple, now rebuilt and renovated, is to be found. The.
surviving evidences on the body of the temple clearly indicate that it was
acontemporary of the Lingaraja and Brahmesvara group. A small
modern temple by the side of the Vahirangesvara temple now houses a
beautiful image of Ganesa asits presiding deity, This deity is strikingly
similar to the image of Ganesato be found inthe southern niche of the
Lingaraja temple as Its parsva-devata, An inscription referring itself to the
reign of Santikaradeva | still exists at Dhauli and provides a clear evidence
that the building activities started here again from the reign of this
Bhauma king.
The Konarka area: While discussing the history of Konarka we
have already spoken of a number of Saiva and Sakta shrines situated in
the area. The area is full of antiquities and systematic Survey is
; AKT AND ARCHITECTURE 455
likely to result in the discovery of the remains of ancient temples and
sculptures. About five miles of Konarka the archaeological remains north-
east of the village Kuruma, were of late excaveted by the Department of
Archaeology, Government of Orissa, which resuled in the discovery of the
Structural remains of a stupa and several Buddhist images. Near
Nimapara on the road to Konarka the village Alaka is reported to have
possessed a number of Brahmanical images.
The Khurda Area: In the neighbourhood of Khurda some
ancient temples are reported to have existed, of which the temples of
Somesvara at Budhapada and Gapinatha at Kakudia ave worth mentioning.
The Banki area: The present temple of Charchchika is not very
ancient, but the shrine is of a very early date. Dr, Mahatab mentions the
existence of a very early temple of Mahisamardini at Vaidesvara in the
area,
Banapur area: Dr, Charles Fabri in his History of the Art of
Orissa gives the following account of the important Buddhist antiquities
in the neighbourhood of Banapur.
‘“ “The other most interesting site is at Achitrajpur, about 13 km.
from the Banapur town in the district of Puri, Here, on amound of ruins,
obviously of a circular stupa, stands a modern temple, into which
several ancient Buddhist images have been fixed, including the Buddha
shown in Plate XXVI(p.44).”' He also reports the existence of several votive
stone stupas at the site and one image of Tara which has been taken from
it to the Godavarish Vidyapitha fiot far from the modern temple of Achitraj-
*pur. From Banapur a large number of metallic images of various Buddhist
deities with lebels recording their names on their pedestals, were recently
removed to the Orissa State Museum where they have been preserved
The site of the former Banapur High School was also the tind spot ofa
set of copperplate of the Sailodbhava dynasty, The Daksa
Prajapati temple of Banapur, as its architectural and scu!ptura!
features indicate, is a monument of the Ganga period. The presiding deity
of the shrine is a Bana-lingam. a sakti without a lingam, which apparently
gave the place the name Banapur. Ancient Naga images similar to those
discovered at Bhubaneswar, are reported to have existed in the area of
Banapur. At Ranpur the presiding deity, now worshipped under the name
Mainaka Devi, is in reality an image of Mani Naga. The areas of Banapur
and Ranapur are certainly the promising of sites for the discovery of
archaeological remains going back to the first century B.C. or the first
century A.D.
456 HISTORY OF ORISSA
The Baudh area: We have already spoken of the temples at
Gandharadi and Baudh. There is also shrine with the colossal image of
a Dhyani Buddha built in sectins, which is definitely a Bhauma technique.
We have suggested earlier that this shrine of the Buddha apparently gave
place the name Baudh.
Nilamadhava of Kntilo : The present beautiful temple of the
place in Khandapada does not seem to be ancient, but the shrine
apparently represents an earlier site.
Banesvara Nasi: Banesvara Nasi of the former state of Nara-
simhapur is an important site where a large number of Buddhist and
Bramanical images are still to be found,
Talmul in Angul : Here a ruined temple of Mahisamardini with
some other archaeological remains is still to be found. The place has
found mention as Talamura’ in the fTaltali Plate of Dharmma-
mahadevi (Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXI, No. 3,1945. p. 213). The
archaeological remains of Talmul should therefore be assigned to the first
half of the tenth century A. D,
Chaddha: The village situated about twenty-two miles( from
Sonepur and not far from Binika, contains the beautiful temple of
Kapilesvara with beautiful sculptures. Binika has been identified by
Hiralal with Vinitapura of the Somavamsi copperplate grants.
Apparently temple of Kapilesvara belongs to the early Somavamsi
period. ; ;
Saintala: The village of Saintala, situated at a distance of
eight miles from Bolangir, contains the remains of ancient temples. The
main site of archaeological interest is the temple of Chandesvari
Thakurani. It is a modern temple, but it stands on a mound with the
parts of stone temples buried or scattered allround. There were at least
two ancient temples in the present site. This is proved by the
two sets of door jambs of unequal length and width, now utilised in the
modern temple. The site apparently belonged tothe early Somavamsi
period.
Belakhandi: Belakhandi, not far from Saintala, is situated in the
former Kalahandi state. Here excavations were carried out by Mr. K.N.
Mahapatra which resulted in the discovery of several Brahmanical images.
Dr. Mahatab mentions rhe existence of a Siva temple at Mohanagiri in
Kalahandi and assigns it to the eighth-ninth century A.D. (Odtsa Itthasa |,
1977, p. 280’.
e ART AND ARCHITECTU RE 457
Patnagarh : The place was once the capital of the former Patna
State and contained a number of Hindu temples, of which the survivals
have been used in the modern temples of the place. The late Mr. P.C.
Rath in the Journal of Kalinga Historical Research Society Vol. I, No. 2
and 3 observes that the art specimens to be found here are similar to
those of the Ratnagiri area in the Cuttack district.
Narasimhanatha : Itis situated on the southern slope of the
Gandhamarddana hill in Padmapur with an inscription in proto-Oriya
characters referring itself to the reign of Vaijjaladeva during which it
seems to have been built. The palasography of the -inscription indicates
that Vaijjaladeva flourished in the fourteenth century A.D. It is a
charming place and it has a special attraction to tourists.
Naikpada : The village is situated within a short distance from
Badagaon which contains a very early temple already noticed in this
Chapter, The village is about eight miles from Bhanjanagar in the Ganjam
district. It has still a ruined temple and a very large number of Brahmanical
images assignable to the tenth-eleventh ceniury A.D,
Purusottamapur : This place, not far from Berhampur, has the
most fanyous temple of Sundaramadhava which, according to tradition,
was erected by the Gajapati Purusottamadeva (A.D. 1467-1497) to
commemorate his victory over the king of Kanchi, The area has also
several other temples, of which the Tumbesvara contains an inscription
teferring itself to the reign of Anangabhimadeva III.
Budhakhol : It is about five kilometres from Buguda and has
Buddhist caves and images which seem to belong to a very early period.
4n the Ghumusar Sub-division there aré a number of temples such as
Viranchi-Narayana at Buguda, of Raghunath at Nalagaon, and of
Buddhalingesvara at Sorada, but the dates of these monuments have not
been properly determined. They all seem to have been built by the Bhanja
rulers of Ghumusar.
The Krisnagiri hill : Situated between Khallikot and Athagarh the
hill has a number of caves at its foot. The temples of Jhadesvara and
Muktesvara are to be found here. At the entrance of the Muktesvara there
is an inscription of Chodagangadeva, dated in the Saka year 1034 corres.
ponding to 1142 A.D,
Palur : The famous temple of Batesvara stands at‘ Palur which
represents a most ancient city. On tha basis of architectural and
iconographic features the Batesvara may be assigned to the tenth century
A.D.
458 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Mahendragiri : We have observed earlier that the Gokarnnésvara
shrine here may represent one of the earliest monuments of Orissa. In
this area the temples of Yudhisthira, Arjuna, Bhima and Kuntiare elso to
be found.
The above account of the monuments of the Ganjam district has
been mostly taken from an article entitled The Antiquities of Ganjam
published in the Proceedings of the Orissa History Congress, 1977, by
Mr. A. K. Rath.
Nandapura : This was the capital of the Silavamsi rulers of
Jayapur (Jeypore) and now contains a number of monuments noticed by
Mr. Vidyadhar Singhdeo in his book Nandapura, Cuttack, 1939. Though
the district of Koraput has a number of ancient monuments and sculptures,
it has not yet been archaeologically surveyed.
The Jaina site at Subei : About the monuments of the site
Dr: Dehejia makes the following observation in her Early Stone Temples of
Orissa (p. 103):
“Standing in picturesque isolation in the midst of scrub forest in
the Koraput district is a Jaina monument near the village Subei“ Within
an oval enclosure with a low wall all alround, is a series of some ten
small shrines, but the entire site is much damaged and only two of the
shrines are still standing.”’ After a study of the structural remains she
comes to a conclusion that they belong to the earliest phase of temple>
building in Orissa.
Paintings 5
The paintings on the perishable materials belonging to the pre‘
Muslim period in Orissa have not come down to us. The rock paintings
at Manik Mada, Gudahandi, Yogimatha, Ulapgarh and Vikramkho! contain
drawings in Red Ochre on bare stone surface representing hunting scenes,
which are akin it style and execution to Mirjapur and Singhanpur that
have received recognition. The paintings of some sort appear to have
existed in the caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri, but they have all been
effaced beyond recognition. The only mural painting that has survived in
a tolerable state of preservation is to be found at Ravanachhaya at
Sitabhinji in the Keonjhar district. We have already spoken of the
importance of the remains of the paintings.
The paintings onthe western wall of the Jagamohana of the
Laksmi temple in the compound of the Jagannatha temple. at Puri, seem
to belong to the Ganga period. It depicts the victory of the Vaisnava.
ART AND ARCHITECTURE 459
saint Ramanuja over the Buddhists in Orissa (D. N. Pathy—Souvenir,
Third Purba Bharat Sanskrutik Sammelan, 1976, p. 122).
In Orissa we find at present plenty of pata-paintings, ganjapas
and palm-leaf paintings but none of them can with certainty be assigned to
the period covered by this w@rk.
oy
10.
11.
12,
13.
14,
15,
16.
17,
18,
19.
20.
21.
2S
R.L. Mitra
M, M. Ganguly
R. Chanda
N. K. Bose
Percy Brown
Bishan Swarup
Keupasindhu Misra
Havell
Vidya Dehejia
R, C. Mazumdar
Government of Orissa
K. C. Panigrahi
K. C. Panigraht
K. C, Panigrahi
P. Acharya
S.C. De
Charles Fabri
Select Bibllography
History of Orissa, Vol, |
Odisa Itihasa, 1977
History of Orissa, Vol. |
Archaeological Remains at
Bhubaneswar.
Antiquities of Orissa, Vols. | and II
Orissa and Her Remains
Memoirs of Archaeological
Survey of india, No, 44
Canons of Orissan Architecture
Indian Architecture, Buddhist and
Hindu (First Edn.)
Konarka
Konarka (Oriya)
Indian Sculpture and Painting
Early Stone Temples of Orissa
The Struggle for the Empire
(Bharatiya Vidyabhavan)
Orissa Review, Orissa Monuments
Special, 1949,
New Light on the History of
Konarka, The Journal of the Bihar
Research Society, Vol. XLII, Parts
Hl & iV, 1957
itihasa O Kimbadanti
(Utkal University)
Viraja Vaktrita-mala, No. 1. (1973)
Odisar Pratnatattva O Anyanya
Pravandha (Orissa Sahitya Aka-
demi), Parts | & I!
Proceedings of the Indian History
Congress, 1949.
History of the Art of Orissa.
19. Colonial and Cultural Expansion of
Kalinga
Introduction : In the Sanskrit literature the people of Kalinga
have been spoken of as brave (Kalingah sahasikah), evidently due to their
martial character and maritime adventure, It is not known when the
coastal people of Kalinga and also of other parts of India began their
maritime activities and cultural expansion, but it seems that by the third
century B. C, when Asoka conquered Kalinga, Kalinga had already acquired
wealth and power through maritime trade and colonial expansion, Kalinga
was the last country to resist and challenge the growing imperialism of
Magadha and its resistance at the time of Asoka when the whole of India
including Afghanistan, Baluchistan, Kashmir and Nepal was within the
Magadha empire, indicates that it was great in resources though smail in
extent. The stubborn resistance offered by the people of Kalinga to the
growing imperialism of Magadha cost them, in the words of Asoka, one
lakh of persons killed, one lakh and fifty thousand carried away as prisoners
and many more that number dying of starvation and disease that followed
‘n the wake of the terrible war fought in 261 B.C. The overall picture®
presented by Asoka’s description of the Kalinga war leads us to the
conclusion that Kalinga was great in power and resources, which were
apparently derived from its maritime trade and oversea colonies, of which,
no history is available to us. Again after the Kalinga War, Kalinga played
the part of an aggressor against the Magadhan empire within a century or
so in the reign of Kalingadhipati ‘ahameghavahana Kharavela, who
attacked Magadha twice, humiliating the Magadhan king Vahasatimita and
bringing back to Kalinga the honoured seat of Kalinga Jina on the
second occasion. The persistent rivalry between the small kingdom of
Kalinga and the mighty Magadhan empire shows that the former derived its
power from the seas, which enabled itto continue its struggle against the
latter.
Since‘sthe time of the Buddha, if not earlier, the trade
intercourse between India and some Asiatic countries Is indicated by the.
life story of the Buddha himself. The two traders who met Gautama
COLONJAL AND CULTURAL EXPANSION OF KALINGA 4617
Buddha at Bodh Gaya and were the first to receive his recepts, are said to
have been the Udras or the Burmese. The Buddhist Jataka stories, the
story book Vrihat-Katha and Kautilya’s Artha-Sastra refer to {ndia’s
maritime trade and foreign products. The Puranas, particularly the Agni
Purana, give us the Indian names of some islands in South-East Asia. The
Buddhist text Niddesa (the second century A, D.) describes the life story
Of an adventurer and the various difficulties and torments that a sea-sailor
experiences. The Sanskrit drama Kaumudi-Mahotsava similarly speaks of
the advantures of a sea-sailor. The Ramayana and the Mahabharate
mention the products of Burma and the Malaya Penninsula. The
Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta refers to Ceylone and other
islands.
Factors leading to maritime activities : Thus from the early times
the Indian peoples, among whom the people of Kalinga were one, were
engaged in maritime activities. The factors that motivated such activities
were many. The lure of foreign trade was no doubt the main factor, but
to this we should add the spirit of adventure, the establishment of colonies
and kiggdoms and the spread of religion and culture, The pressure of the
population in some parts of India sometimes led to the migration of people
to forelgn lands from such parts. As a result of this vast process lasting
for several centuries Indian culture and colonization spread to Ceylone,
Burma, Malaya Penninsula, Siam, Kambuja, Java, Sumatra, Borneo, Bali etc.
The History of greater India was practically unknown until quite late in the
first pdrt of the twentieth century when the painstaking researches of some
‘scholars have thrown welcome light on this otherwise dark aspect of the
Indian history. They have studied the archaelogical remains of these
foreign countries, particularly the inscriptions often found in Indian script
and language, and the existing monuments providing affinities with similar
Indian monuments. They have also siudied the names, languages,
customs, manners and religions of these countries and have discovered
links with their Indian prototypes. The result ha> been the widening of the
scope of the Indian history in which the cultural contributions of India to
other parts of Asia had hitherto remained unknown. In building up a
greater India, the Indians of the entire coastal line, »41z. of Gujarat, Malbar,
Tamilnadu, Andhra, Kalinga and Banga made their respective contributions
and it is not always possible to escertain the share of each in such
contributions. We are to deal here with the share of Kalinga as it has
been ascertained and accepted by scholars,
462 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Activities in Burma: The people of Kalinga (Orissa) entered into
lower Burma in large numbers, settled there permanently, changing even
the names of cities and some parts of Burma. The change that took place
in Burma as the result of a steady flow of immigrants from Orissa, have
been very aptly described by Dr. Nihar Ranjan Ray in his Brahmanical
‘Gods in Burma (pp. 84-85).
‘‘In Thalon i.e., the ancient Rammanadesa, the land par excellence
of the Tailangas, the !ndian, at least the Brahmanical elements, was
imported decidedly from Orissa, the ancient Odra or Kalinga. The ancient
name attributed to old Prome is Srikshetra, so often mentioned in the Mon
records as Sikset or Srikset, and by the Chinese pilgrims as Si-li-cha-ta-lo;
and Srikshetra is the holy land of Puri on the ancient Kalinga coast. The
name Srikshetra given to old Prome may be apocryphal, but attribution
itself is significant, however late it may be. The old name for Pegu is
Ussa which is but a form of Odra or Orissa. It is difficult to disbelieve
that Pegu colonized from Orissa or was once dominated by a people who
migrated from Orissa. Indeed these classical names are but survivals of
actual colonization from the original countries inhabited by the colonists
themselves. The latter authorities who used those names did not satisfy
their whims alone but their origins. Lower Burma is the land of afpeople
who were and are still called ‘‘Tailangas”. The term used as early as 1107
A.D. in Mon records is but a deviation of ‘Telingana’ or ‘Trikalinga’ a name
used to mean almost the whole of the Andhra-Kalinga zone. Likewise the
earliest colonization of the Malaya Peninsula and Java had probably been
made from Kalinga, for the Hindus of the Peninsula and the islands were
and are still known as ‘Kling’.
t
The same scholar also discussed in detail the indebtedness of the
Burmese art to the Indian art, particularly to the Orissan art :
“It was this intercourse of Pagan with tne outside world that
inaugurated the classical period of the history of Burma. Emigrants from
all parts of India, Eastern India and Orissa, the Chola country and Ceylone
as well as the colonies began to pour in incessantly in the wake of mainly
trade and commerce. Her innumerable monuments, when closely analysed
and examined, reveal influences from Bengal on one side and Orissa on the
other (p. 36).”
“Figure No. 2 which shows an artistic combination of Indian
and local elemente and is undoubtedly one of the best of the early stone
COLONIAL AND CULTURAL EXPANSION OP KALINGA 463.
sculptures found in Burma, seems to belong on artistic grounds to an
earlier period, most probably to the first half of the eighth century A.D.
The two examples from Thalon, now housed in the Rangoon Museum, are
decidedly Indian in form and composition as also in execution, done no
doubt locally by Indian artist or by artists trained under Indian masters.
They seem to have very intimate artistic affinities with the most recent
finds of Brahmanical and Mahayanist divinities from Orissa by Rai Bahadur
Rama Prasad Chanda, B. A., now housed in the Indian Museum (p. 47),”
“Bas-relief (Fig. 20) in high technical as well as artistic efficiency
brings out in prominent relief its affinity with the early medieval sculptures
of Orissa (pp. 57~58).”
The extent of Orissa’s contributions to the cultural expansion of
Indian in Burma can easily be imagined from the above observations.
Srikshetra with the capital Prome became a stauch Hindu kingdom and the
kings of the Hindu ruling family that established itself there, bore such
names as Hari-Vikrama, Simha.Vikrama and Surya-Vikrama, which are
distinctly Indian names and which are found in the Burmese inscriptions
both ity Sanskrit and Pali. Asa result of tndian colinization both Brahmani-
cal Hinduism ard Buddhism flourished side by side in Burma, but it is the
Mahayana form of Buddhism that ultimately gained scendancy over the
Brahmanical Hinduism.
Kalinga’s activities in other countries : Malay Peninsula, Java,
Sumatra, Borneo and Bali, the group of island situated in South-East Asia,
and also the Malaya Peninsula received from early times streams of Indian
immigrants but by the fater half of the eighth century A. D. when an
empire built by the Sailendra dynasty, that included these islands and the
Malaya Peninsula. the streams were at their height. A common geogra-
phical name Suvarnadvipa was applied to Malayasia. Many scholars are
of the opinion that the Sailendras were a branch of the Sailodbhava
dynasty that ruled in Orissa in the seventh century A.D. “‘Anorher signi-
ficant fact about this time is the adoption of a new name, Kalinga, for
Malayasia at least by foreigners (The age of Imperial Kanauja. Vidya
Bhavan. p. 414)."" The Chinese called the islands Holing which is a trans.
cript of Kalinga and as Dr. Nihar Ranjan Ray observes, the Hindus of the
Malaya Peninsula and Java were and are still known as ‘‘Kling”’ which is a
variant of Kalinga It will thus appear that, although «colonists from
different parts of India entered into the Malay Peninsula and this group of
islands the colonists from Kalinga predominated among them. Since the
464 HISTORY OF ORISSA
Sailendra dynasty of Orissa established a vast empire in South-East Asia,
the people of the home land of the imperial dynasty must have been
encouraged to migrate into these parts in large numbers, changing in course
of time their culture and religion including their original names.
The Sailendra Empire +The history of Sailendra empire is very
imperfectly known, but the names of some kings of the dynasty, that are
known to us from inscriptions, clearly show their Indian origin. Such names
of the Sailendra kings as Maharajadhiraja Visnu, Dharanindra, Sangrama
Dhananjaya, Samaragra-Vira and Balaputra-deva are no doubt purely
Sanskritic. The accounts of the Arab writers of the ninth and tenth
centuries A. D. testify to the prosperity of the empire and refer to its naval
supremacy which controlled the sea-borne trade between China and
western countries, It is the maritime trade that made the people of the
empire prosperous. The empire maintained trade relations with China and
references to it are to be found in the Chinese annals. The Sailendras
introduced a new type of alphabet which was of Indian origin and built
splendid monuments in Java such as Barabudur, which is still one of the
finest monuments of the worjd. F
As a result of the steady colonization of South-East Asia a new
type of civilization which is definitely of the Indian origin prevailed there.
it is difficult to ascertain the exact share of the Kalingan people in the rise
of this new civilization in Greater India» put it is to be presumed da they
had a large share in it,
Society : The Indian colonists introduced the caste system into
these regions, but it took a different form there. The society was mainly
divided into the four castes viz the Brahmanas. Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and
Sudra, but the numerous sub-castes to be found in india were not its
feature. The caste system was not rigid and intermarriage was permitted
among the four orders, but rhis permission was subject to the rules to be
found in the Indian Smritis. Accordingly, ‘“‘While a man may marry a
girl of his own or lower caste, a woman may only marry one of equal or
higher casts (The Age of Imperial Kanauja. p. 433).” The Sudras were
not despised or considered untouchable. The Brahmins were not unques-
tionably superior to all other castes; their superiority being very often
challenged by the Kshatriyas. Women occupied a respectable position
in the society, enjoyed a great dea! of freedom, had no purdu and used
to have a say in the choice of their husbands. Though monogamy was
COLONIAL AND CULTURAL EXPANSION OF KALINGA 465
the prevalent type of marriage, polygamy also existed. Both men and
women did not cover the upper parts of their bodies, In the island of
Bali women do not use upper garments even today.
Religion : Both Hinduism and Buddhism, the two great religions
of india, prevailed side by side in these colonies. The Brahmanical gods
like Brahma, Visnu and Siva were being ‘vorshipped and the composite
forms of the gods such as Tri-murti and Siva-Visnu were aiso known. As
a matter of fact the whole of the Puranic pantheon was known to these
regicns. Arrangement existed for the recital of such sacred texts as the
Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Puranas. Other sacred texts, both
of Hinduism and Buddhism, were also being studied. At present Islam
has predominated in Java, Borneo and Sumatra, but Bali still maintains
its old religion and culture.
The art 1} The art of Java where we still find a large number of
magnificent monuments, was definitely influenced by Indian art The
plain square interiors, vestibules, diminishing storeys and turrets which
are some of the characteristics of the Javanese temples, have affinities
with the similar features of Indian temples. Some favourite motifs
of the.indian temples such as makaras and Kirt:mukhas are also to
be found in the decorative art of Javanese temples. Tne most notable
Javanese inonument to be found at Barabudur, which -still excites the
wonder and admiration of the world, is unique in conception, though
the subject matters of its decorations are Indian in origin. The monument
consists of six terraces of which the lower three are Square and the upper
three circular. The sculptured panels of the stupendous monument,
which number about 1500, mostly depict the life of Gautama Buddha and
Jataka stories, It was built during the period of the Sailendra supremacy
towards the close of the eighth or beginning of ninth century A.D.
Literature Inscriptions frequently refer to the different
branches of literature such as philology, philosophy, political science
and epics. The authors of thé inscriptions show an admirable knowledge
in all branches of the Indian literature such as the Vedas, Vedantas,
Puranas, Dharmasastras, Buddhist and Jaina texts, grammar, metre etc.
The perfect type of knowledge exhibited by the authors of the inscrip-
tions, indicates that they maintained close contact with the land of their
origin.
Orissan traditions relating to maritime activities : We have
already observed that the exact share of Kalinga’s contributions to the
466 HISTORY OF ORISSA
growth of a vast culture in South-East, Asia cannot be determined. in
Orissa itself the history of its maritime activities and cultural expansion
has been completely forgotten, though reminiscences of the sea voyages
still cling to the folk-fore of the land. Numerous stories speak of the
merchants (Sadhavas) who went on sea voyages with their flotilla (boitas)
and returned home with treasures, In the monthof Bhadrava ‘August-
September) a particular festival known Khudurakuni Osa, 's observed
throughout Orissa, and at the end of it a story is recited to those who
observe fast during the occasion The.story relates to a merchant family
consisting of seven brothers and only one sister named Tapoi who was
the youngest of all, The seven brothers, after entrusting their beloved
sister to the care of their wives, wenton a sea voyage with their flotilla
(boitas). and after a long period of absence returned home with their
boats filled with treasures. Their wives welcomed them at the port by
burning lamps and blowing conch-shells, but to their surprise the
brothers did not see their beloved sister in the company of their wives.
On enquiry they came to know that, because of the ill-treatment of all
her sisters-in-law except the youngest one, Tapoi had left home in a
miserable condition The brothers took prompt steps to bring Fer back
and to punish all their wives, except the wife of the youngest brother
who had been kind to their sister, But alas, on the moment of her
victory Tapoi breathed her last. It its said that the particular festival
referred to above originated since the day of her death. Another story
relates how the son of a king forcibly took away Lilavati, the beautiful
wife of a merchant, while he was absent on a sea voyage,
Many stories like the ones mentioned above, still current in
Orissa, are reminiscent of the sea voyage of the by-gone days. There
are also Certain customs peculiar to Orissa, which appear to be reminiscent
of ancient sea voyages. On the full-moon day of Kartika (October-
November). while taking their bath in rivers ard tanks in the morning, all
Oriyas, men and women, have even now the custom of floating miniature
boats made of the barks of the plantain trees or of paper with the lamps
burning inside them. The custom appears to be symbolic of the sea
voyage which was genesally being undertaken in the month of Kartike
when the rainy season comes to aclose.
The different kinds of commodities in which the ancient people
of Orissa used to trade in foreign countries, are not known to us, One
kind of pumpkin, known as boitikakharu or boitalu in Orissa, which, as
Its name indicates, was certainly a sea-borne vegetable brought from
foreign countries in boita or boats. This vegetable known as Kumda.‘in
COLONIAL AND CULTURAL EXPANSION OF KALINGA 467
Bengal and Kadu in north India, has acquired a permanent place among
the vegetables and is used even in the temple of Jagannatha at Puri,
indicating its entry into Orissa ata remote time. It is to be noted that
the vegetables of recent arrival, such as potatoes, tomatoes, cabbages
etc. are not used in the offerings of the Jagannatha temple.
References in Arab and Persian Geographies : The Arab and
Persian writers of the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. throw interesting
and welcome light on the sea ports and sea-borne trade Of Orissa during
this period. ibn Khurdadhbih, ton Rusta and the anonymous author of
Hudud al Alam refer to the Bhauma kingdom of Orissa in the ninth-tenth
century A.D. and tell us that the Bhauma ruler maintained a large army of
300, 000 men and did not consider anybody superior to himself. They
mention, as already shown in Appendix Il. the main parts of the kingdom
as Mahisya (Midnapore), Jharkhand (hilly tracts), Orissa (Orissa proper),
Ganjam (South Orissa) and Andhra (a part of the Telgu-speaking territoty),
and speak of thé’main ports such as Kalinganagar, Ganjam, Keylkan, Al-
Lava and Nubin of which the last three have not been identified. About
the main products of Orissa we are told that ‘Extremely large elephants are
foung here, such as in no other part of India. From it come large quanti-
ties of pepper and rotang. Inno place of Hindustan are fresh aloes found
but inthe (Possession) of the kings of Quamrun, The countries produce
arge quantities of good cotton which grows on_ trees yielding their
produce during many years, The product of this country is white conch
which is blown like a trumpet and is called shank (K. C, Panigrahi-Chro-
nology of the Bhauma-Karas and Somavamsis of Orissa, Madras, 1961,
pp. 64.72)’, We are further told that Nubin was situated on the frontier
of the Bhauma kingdom and ‘‘The provisions and corn (ghalla) of Sarandib
Come from this town.”” We have already stated that the port Nubin has
not been identified, but we learn from the accounts of the Arab and Persian
writers that it was the main port for the sea-borne trade with Sarandib,
which is no doubt a corruption of Suvarnadvipa, a general name given by
the Indians to the Malay Peninsula and the island such as Java, Sumatra.
Borneo and Bali. The Arab and Persian writers thus furnish us with the
valuable information that in the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. Orissa
carried on brisk maritime trade with South-East Asia.
The 3medieval temples of Orissa supply us with a few panels of
scu!ptures pertaining to her past maritime activities. One such sculpture
is now preserved in the Ashutosh Museum of the Calcutta University,
468 HISTORY OF ORISSA
and another discovered by the present writer and now exhibited in the
Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar, depicts a series of boats in which
elepharits are being carried, apparently to a distant land. Only a part of
this frieze has been preserved. The waves of the sea have been indicated
by the zigzag lines with half-shown fishes, crabs and crocodiles (Journal
of Asiatic Society Letters, Vol. XVII, No. 2, 1951, pp. 114, plate 1X),
Activities in Ceylon : Orissa also maintained cultural contacts
with some foreign countries, in which no maritime trade was involved.
From the Buddhist work Dathavamsa of the third century A.D. we come to
know that Danta Kumara, a prince of Ujjain married the daughter of king
Guhasiva of Kalinga and received from him as dowry the tooth relic of
Gautama Buddha, which was being worshipped in a stupa in Kalinga since
the days of Guhasiva’e predecessor Brahmadatta. Danta Kumar then took
it to Ceylon where it was enshrined in a stupa. In 795 A.D. the Chinese
Emperor Te-tsong received an autographed manuscript of the Buddhist
work Gandavyuha, a part of the Avatamsaka. from the king of Orissa who
‘had deep faith in the Sovereign Law’’ and whose name has been trans.
lated as ‘‘the fortunate monarch who does what is pure, the lion,” This
Orissan king as we have already seen, is generally identified with the
Bhauma ruler Sivakara Unmatta Simha who was the maker of the Bhauma
kingdom in Orissa, The king Indrabhuti and the Buddhist saint Padma-
prabha ‘vere also the men of Orissa and it is through their efforts that the
Vajrayana form of Buddhism spread to Tibet. Thus the small kingdom of
Kalinga or Orissa played a vital role in the spread of Indian culture and
colonies in foreign lands.
Select Bibliography
1. R.D, Banerjee History of Orissa, Vol. |
2. H.K. Mahtab Odisa Itihasa, 1977.
3. R.C. Mazumdar The Age of Imperial Kanauja ( Bharatiya)
Vidya Bhavan).
4 N.R. Ray Brahmanical Gods in Burma.
5. R.C, Mazumdar Suvarna Dvipa.
6. K.C. Panigrahi Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and
the Somavamsis of Orissa,
INDEX
A
Abdul Shah—240 Alavukesvara temple—398
Abhaya mudra—316, 348, 367, 395 Alberuni’s account of—94
Abhidhana Rajendra—41 Altfada—183
Abhimanyu— 108, 109, 114, 116 Allahabad Inscription—5
Abhinava Baranasi Kataka—1 78 Allauddin I!—196, 222
Abhinava Yayatihagara—111, 113 Allauddin Husainshah—229
Abul Fazl’s account of —144 Allauddin Khiliji—237
Acharya Silabhadra ~ 308 Alexander—213
Achutarajapur, bronzes of-—458 Alopa—351
Achutananda Dasa, Poet—232, 246, Amalakasila—370, 372, 379, 397,
294 446
Addhanki—197, 224 Amarakantaka—377
Adhyaksas—-256 Amaravati—156, 224, 450
Adibhanja— 139 Amaravati Kataka—260
Adinaéara, identification of—19,100 Amatya -251
Adiparva of Mahabharata—231, Amita Toshala—6
258, 274, 288, 326 Amaoghosidhi - 318, 386
Adisimha, king of Magadha—50 Amritesvara temple of Holal— 371,
Agarapara—329 373
Aghoraghanta — 332 Amoghavarsa — 73, 83, 148
Aghoris—318 Amubhattara—264
Agni—321, 402, 443 Amukta Malyadeva—224, 226
Agravals—259 Amara ~ 127
Aguniathat—259 Ananda Tirtha—172, 173
Ahmad Shah Sultan—195 Anangabhimadeva Il—
Ahmed Sheran - 160 113, 120, 127, 156, 160, 162, 163,
Ain-i-Akbari of Abul Fazl—260 164, 178, 181, 186, 225, 258, 288,
Ajivikas—301 312, 351, 407, 424 452
Ajnabhaogika—251 Anangabhimadeva |II—159,160 320,408
Akbar—242 ; Ananga Vajra—311
Akhandalesvara temple—302, 439 Anapata-Reddi, King—182
Alaka, village—455 Annapurna image -174
Alasakanyas—393, 427, 434, 438, Ananta—345
441, 445° Ananta Dasa—232, 294
Ananta Gumpha—36, 301
Anantagiri Fort -225
Ananta Naga—428
Ananta Sakti of Kathamukham—
272
Anantasayi Visnu of Saranga—450
Anantavarman Choda Ganga-
deva—124, 157, 419, 420
Ananta Vasudeva Temple—60, 120,
163, 267, 322, 334, 340, 343, 345,
393, 400, 405, 406, 407, 408, 424,
425, 427, 429
Anargha Raghava Natakam—273,
339
Anavema, Reddi king—182
Andhras—5
Anga —6,350
Anga sikhara—390, 402
Ansupalaka—178
Anta-Mahamatra—14
Arab and Persian Geographers—
87, 94
Aramabag—171, 186
Ardhanarisvara—381
Arikamadu— 17
Arjuna—235
Arjunagita—294
Aruna—412
Aruna stambha— 427
Asanapata Nataraja—129
Ashoka—250, Kalinga war of,
11-14, 12,18 Edicts—19-21, 28,31,
34, 257, 264, 270, 281, 282, 292,
297,298, 303, 304, 305,306, 350,
356, 357, 361, 363, 364, 368
Ashoka Jhara tank—305, 359,
361, 363
Ashoka tree—434
Asi —259
Astadasa Atavirajya—144
)
Astadasa Goddrama — 144
Astartsis—396
Astyatana temple - 442
Asurgarh, Kalahandi—265
Asvadeva, King—296
Asvamedha sacrifice—54, 105, 114,
315, 319
Atavikas—14
Athagarh—260
Athara Garjata— 89
Atharanala —438
Atidha—351
Auddiyan— 308
Avalokitesvara—318, 386; of Khadi-
pada—387, 441, 447
Padmapani of 448, 450;
of Mahanga—451
Avatamsaka—77, 311
Ayodhya -— 302, 309, 446, 447
Ayodhy apura—109
Ayodhas—342
Ayuktakas—252
B
Bada Chudanga — 419
Badagada—366
Badagaon temple—376, 379
Bada Khimedi -—8
Badajena—259
Badari—273
Baghada - 3
Bahalada—2
Bahalul-Lodi—228, 245
Bahamani—197
Bahasatimita, king—22, 27, 298
Bahuti-—-296
Bahuvalendra—341
Baidakhia— 302
Baidipur—2
Bakhtyar Khilji—287
Bajapeya sacrifice—54
(
Bala—~269
Balabhadra — 216, 222, deity—258,
336, 338
Balachandra Mahapatra—204
Balarama, deity—-226, 247, 347
Balarama Dasa, Poet—232, 242, 273,
291
Balarjuna Sivagupta, king—76
Banapur—309, 455
Banesvaranasi—456
Banjania—138
Barabati fort—178, 179, 453
Baranasi—316
Baripada—3, 141
Baroda—316
Basarh Bhakish—361
Basava Bhupala—199, 215
Baud temples, of —456
Baudha Gana o’ Doha—286
Bayazid—242
Belkhindi—456
Bellama—193, 194, 195, 197
Bellamakonda—224
Berhampur—334
Bhabananda Pattanayak—231
Bhabani Sankara temple—397
®Bhadrachalam — 237
Bhadrak—30
Bhadrakali—348, temple of 448, 449
Bhagabata of Jagannatha Dasa—289,
293, 294, 324
Bhaktamala—Krishnadasa Babaji—
278, of Naraji—277, of Chandra.
datta—278
Bhaktavijaya of Mahipati—278
Bhakti*Bhagavata of Kavi Dindima
103, 312, 318
Bhanjanagar—149
Bhanjas of Khinjali—134-138, of
Khijjiagakotta, 138-145
Bhanudatta—60
)
Bhanudera I—172, 174, II of 175,
176, If of 176-182, IV of 124,
126, 183-185, 231, 299
Bharahut— 302, 306, 364
Bharatimatha—317, 369, 370
Bharavi—270
Bhaskara Varman, king—58. 67,
Bhaskaresvara temple— 305, 306,
313,314,315, 357,358,363,366,369
Bhasvati Karana—272
Bhasvati Ratnadipik—272
Bhasvati of Satananda—339
Bhataparoli—351
Bhavadeva Bhatta—423
Bhaumakaras dynasty—64.86,
chronoiogy of 69-74, era of 70,
genealogy of 74-75, administra-
tion of 252
Bhumra Gupta temple—428
Bheri—259
Bheraghat—-444
Bherighosha—13
Bhima, king—66, temple—371
Bhimaratha—106
Bhimata—133, 283
Bhikari Dasa—-273
Bhitara Bhandara Adhikayi-255
Bhogas—30
Bhogapura— 254
Bhojas—239, 240
Bhojakas—23
Bhojapuris—286
Bhramara Kutta—193
Bhubaneswar— 54, 3003 6.317
320,331,340 345,356,359, 363
Bhujavala-—117, 118,
Bhumi mitra—31
Bidar—197, 202, 214, 236, 260
Bijapur—229
Bijighosha—259_
Bijilikhan—225
Bindu Vilva—278
Birapani of Mangalakostha—308
Bisara Mahanti—244
Bodhgaya—302, 306, 364
Bodhan Mahapatra—225
Brahma—54, 321, 322, 331, 409,
Brahamadatta—41
Brahmagiri— 17, 64
Brahmananda Purana—9
Brahmesvara temple—266, 319, 367,
388, 390, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397,
398, 402, 404, 409, 425, 427, 440,
443
Bhrikuti—402
Bhrihaspati—30, 38
Brihaspati Mitra, king—30, 31, 32
Brihat Kalpa Vrita—40
Brihat Samhita—145
Brindavana Dasa—272
Bhadra, q ieen—227
Budha Bhattaraka, God—266
Budhalenka—255
Bughaldevi— 160
Burhan-i-Ma’ Nasir—196, 206, 212.
C
Chakata—333, Saptamatakas of—450
Chainbasa—1
Chaitanya—228
Chaitanya Charitamrita—269.
Bhagavata— 312
Chaitanya Dasa—273
Chaitanya Mangala of Jayananda--
230
Chakra—343
Chakradharapara—1
Chakrapratapadeva—248
Chakravartini—119, 275
Chakresvara—394
Chalukyas —241, 249
Chaitya—428
Iv
)
Chaitya—389, arches of, 393,
435, 440
Chamaras—416
Chamunda 331, 332,333,of Varital
temple—382, 391, 442
Chamupati—259
Chanda—395, 452
Chandalas—66
Chandashoka—113
Chandihara—108
Chandipurana—288, 291, 292
Chandesvara temple—427
Chandesvari Thakurani—456
Chandraditya—116
Chandragiri—199, 200, 205,217
236,
Chandragrama—105
Chandragupta 11—11, 31, 32,38
213
Chandralekha—159
Chandravali—17
Chandravalidevi—218
Chandrikadevi—162, 163,267,464
Charanaray ana—383
Charchika—335, temple of-.445
“Charu—266
Charyapadas —2&6, 287
Chatesvara inscription of-120,
161, 181, 251, temple of—42
Chatia—322, 450
Chatisagada—97
Chaurasi—334
Chedis, dynasty—22, 251
Che.li-talo—7, 62
Chhaya—335, 420
Chkiti—49, 260
Chilika lake—177, 178, 244
Chindakanagas—445
Chinnema—268
Chinsura—169
(
Chitrakarini tample—429
v )
Dandi Mahadevi—74, 84, 85, 91
Chitraprasasti of Sarangadeva—316 Dandivrita—290
Chitresvara temple— 425, 426, 429
Chitrotpala, river—62
Chodas —109
Chodagangadeva—5, 6, 99, 101,
Danta Kumara—-41
Dantapura—24
Darubrahmagita—293
Dasaratha— 17
110, 128, 152, 154, 158, 159, 160, Dathavamsa—9, 304
171, 172, 178, 181, 186, 204,
Delhi—237
253, 320, 334, 338; 339, 407,408, Demetrios - 37
420, 421
Chodamahadevi — 175
Chola dynasty—250
Dengaposi ~ 2, 44, 314
Desaksapatala —251
Devadatta, king —- 109
Chouduar — 156, Kataka of -260, 452 Devagiri - 237
Chudanga Kataka — 260
Chulla Kalinga—9
D
Dahala—-8, 102, 108, 148
Dahum - 81, 88, 91, 92, 93
Daitapati—340
Dakireni - 254
Daksapr@apati temple — 455
Daksina Koshala—- 49
Daksina Sasana - 449
Daksina Toshali—6, 7
‘Dalabehera - 259
Datari — 244
Dalya-—157
®amana of Erandapalla — 43
Damodara, river —243
Damodarapur—252
Damvaru - 410, 431
Danai Vidyadhara — 240
Danapati—266
Dandaka bhukti - 77, 86, 101
Dandanata—251, 290
Dandanayaka—252, 254, 259
Dandarata — 256,259
Dandapariksa—256
Dandaparika—252, 254, 259
Dandasi—252,
Devanampiya—12
Devanandadeva—142
Devapaladeva— 79, 370
Devarakonda — 181, 185, 196, 197,
200, 235, 237, 238, 260
Devarastra—4
Devaraya— 183
Devendra Varman Rajaraja |-124
Devi Gosvami - 82
Devipadahara tank —56
Denlagaon fort—260
Dhalabhum — 90, 248
Dhanadeva, king - 32
Dhanurjaya Bhanja -118
Dharakadeva —117
Dharanidhara Dasa —-270
Dharanivaraha —- 140, 146
Dharma Ghosa — 13
Dharmakandarpa—110
Dharama Mahadevi—84, 136, 202,
456
Dherma Mahamatta ~- 250
Dharma pravartana mudra—316,
369
Dharmaraja—53
Dharmaratha, king—106, 107, 108
Dharmasala, area of —449
Dharmesvara temple —452
vi
Dhavalas —- 149
Dhavala bhumi—147
Dhavalesvara—178, temple of —431
Dhauli—4, 14, 17, 25, 29, 159, 356,
454, Elephant of -15, 361, Cave
inscription of -133, R. E. of 298,
Excavation of 347, 348
Dhritipura—138
Dharuvanandadeva—142, 143
Dhruvastuti—293
Dhupa—247
Dhyani Buddha—386, 456
Digabhanja — 140
Dikpalas — 334, 402, 406, 425, 443
Disabhanja—45, 74, 134
Draksatama — 241, 320
Dramila ~ 59 *
Dravida —271
Drimila, s/o. Matanga — 56, 58
Dvarapala -395, 441
Dvarika — 335
Duburi hill of - 449
Dumduma ~ 36, 366°
Dunnia-3
Durga - 340, 341, 399,409, 410,447
Durgacharya -416
Durjaya Bhanja - 115, 116
Duryodhana — 8, 327
Dutaka-251
E
Ekamra — 57, 345, 346
Ekamrachandrtka— 394,
Ekamra Purana — 56, 58, 60, 314,
317, 344, 345, 345, 394
Ekanamsa — 340, 343
Erandapalla—»d
Euthydemos— 37
F
Fakr-Ul-Mulk Kerimuddin
Langhji -68
Fanams—268
Fauja—127
Ferishta—197, account of—211, 215
Firuz Shah Tughluq—1/76, invasion
of -177, 178, 182, 188
G
Gada—320, 343
Gadanayaka—259
Gaganasiva—319, 414
Gajapati Pagoda—268
Gajanistaranagita — 296
Gajantakart murti— 318
Gajasimhas - 388, 402, 414,415
Gajastuti —293
Galamadhava, king - 335
Ganadanda-— 138
Ganadeéva — 195, 199
Ganapati, Chola king — 164, 167
Ganda madas - 267
Ganda vyuhas—77, 109, 311,
Gandharavadi -105, 115, 137, 321,
385, 456
Gandharvas — 299, 432
Gandhatapati —105
Gandhvati, river ~-314
Ganesa, immage of - 216, 385, 392,
399, 402, 445, 450, 454,
Ganesa-Gumpha — 36
Ganeswarapur temple — 450
Ganga, river-52, goddess ~ 381
Ganga, dynasty — 151-189
Ganga kings, early ~ 48-49
Ganga Madas — 267
Ganga Fanams -268
Gangadasa vilasa charitam of
Gangadhara -198
Gangadhara — 199, 20!
Ganga Vamsanucharita—126, 183,
185, 193
Gangesvara — 124
( vii )
Gangua, river,—430, 431
Ganja—90
Garga—316
Garuda—437
Gauda — 60, 67
Gouri Mahadevi—85
Gouri Temple—319, 329, 393
Gautama—424
Gautama Buddha—305, 307, 335,
447
Gautamiputra Satakarni — 40
Gavala, demon - 58
Gaya —303, 306, 330
Gayada Tunga—145
Gayasadin—175
Gayasura —330
Ghumra ~— 259
Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq—175
Girinagara — 28
Girnar—19
Gita Govinda, of Jayadeva—273,
274, 375, 324, 325, 326, 328, 347
Godavari river— 47, 77, 87, 159,
170, 181, 236, 241
Gokarna — 124
Gokarnesvara, deity—49, 58, 371
Golkunda—239
Gopal, king—70
Gopinatha—1 25, 258, 329
Gopinathapur—329
Gopinatha Ray —246
Govardhana—275
Govinda III, king—78, 79, 148, 338
Govinda Vidyadhara ~ 222,230,239,
240, 241, 242
Gramahata — 254
Gramadevati — 349
Gramesvara temple—446
Gramika—254
Gudari Kataka- 191
Guhadeva Pataka—6
Guhasiva — 41, 68, 330
Guhesvara Pataka—41, 330
Gulbarga— 217
Gupta Bhagavata-——293
Gurjara—109
Guruja—259
Gurvaya-tana-—31 7
H
Hammira—278
Hampi—198
Hamsesvara temple—78
Hanumana— 321, 323, 376
Hara-Parvati—369, 441
Harappa—313
Hare Krishnadeva Gajapathi—273
Hari bhadriya Vriti—296
Hari Chandana—259
Harischandra—241
Harihara—321, 342, 445
Hariharapura —141
Harivamsa—318, 330, 429
Harud-al-Alam—88
Harsha Charita of Bana—315, 426
Harshadatta— 109
Harshadeva - 83
Harshavardhan —52, 53, 58, 60, 308
Hathi Gumpha Inscription —
5, 10, 22, 24, 25, 29, 34, 265,
266, 290, 297, 298, 300, 301,
363, 364, 365
Hayapti- 198
Himalaya, mountain — 52
Hirakand — 9)
Humayun Snah Bahamani — 207
Humvira—197, 198, 199, 200, 203,
204, Bhoga of —207, 208, 210,
211, 212, 219,220,237,232,255,
Hushanga Shah~-183, 184, 185,
190, 191, 228
Hussain Shah — 222
( vili )
|
Ibn Khurdadhbih, account of
—72-73,82, 86, 87, 88, 90
Ibn Qusta—92
Ibrahim Sanjankhan — 196
Hiyas Shah - 187
Indra — 425
Indrabhuti—310
Indradyumna—310, 335, 336, 337
Indramitra—30, 31
Indrani — 333, 425
Iindraratha— 106, 107, 112
Indravati, river—48
Indresvara temple—394, 396
Itihasa O’ Kimbadanti—~ 129
Isvara Nayak—210
J
Jagaddeva—259
Jagamohini—227, 269
Jagannatha, image of—79, 156, 164,
190, 191, 204, 209, 216, 220,
222, 231, 232, 244, 247, 248,
255, 256, 262, 268, 273, 288,
312, 335, 336, 338, 341, 342,
343, 344, 345, 346
temple of Puri—42. 105, 124, 125,
178, of Barabati—i78, 179,
188, 203, 217, 239, 243, 244, 247,
288, of Baripada, 302, 347, 349,
405, 406, 408, 412, 413, of
Cuttack-453
Jagati—307
Jagatsimha—309
Jaiminibharata—210, 234
Jajnagara— 160, 168
Jajpur— 156, Kataka of—260
Jalan Khan—196
Jalandhara —308
Jalauka—322
Jalendra —310
Jalesvara Siva temple — 231
Janardana— 344
Jangha —399, 402, 411
Janmejaya |, king—78, 83, 84, 96,
97, 99, 101, 104, 109, 110, 112
137, of H-148
Janudara~ 127
Japa — 312
Japamala — 386
Jarasavara— 335, 336
Jatabhara —- 395
Jatamukuta - 395
Jatakas— 303
Jatasvara— 158,
deva—443
Jathi—259
Jatugriha— 326
Jaugada—4, 14, 304, 305, 356
Jaunpur—207, 237, 238
Jayadeva, poet—247,248, 324, 330,
Nepalese king of—6/ ‘|
Jayananda-142
Jayannama, king—140
Jayapura— 142, 143
Jayasimha—6, 146
Jayasrama Vihar—307
Jayavarmadeva—90
Jayavijaya-Gumpha—364
Jena—259
Jharakhanda—/7,86,89
Jhulana —343
Jivadeva Kavidindima, author of
Bhakti Bhagavata—279
Jnanapura — 327
Jnanasidhi—339
Junakhan—176
Jyotibhanja—1 39
alias Kamarnara-
(
K
Kadamba—326
Kadambagube—319
Kadampariri—25, 36, 299
Kakharuadeva—230
Kalabarga—127, 217
Kalachuri Ratnapura—160, 161
Kalamukha—318
Kalapahada—242, 243, 244, 255,
419
Kalrohanga, Village— 454
Kalasa—390, 391
Kalasa Chautisa—289
Kalasapura—370, 438
Kalasi—306, 356
Kalapa Vriksa—396
Kalpi—237
Kalyana Sundar murti—396
Kalesvara temple—444
Kali—332
Kalidasa—435
Kalinga—4, 39, 78, 108, 264, 281,
282, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300,
303, 304, 305, 330, 350, 362,
371, 372, Kalinga nagara of 5,
. 23, 49, 64, 91, 151, 152, 156,
254, 255, 265
Kaliyadalana—322
Kaluadeva—230
Karma—3/0, 428
Kamaladevi—1 76
Kamarnavadeva Ii! 158—159, 160
Kamarupa—308, 338
Kambhamrmet fort—229
Kamboja— 6
Kanaka Bhanja—137
Kanakagiri-fort—225
Kanakalekha story-—332
Kanaphula-—268
ix )
Kanauja-—105
Kanchi—14, 109, 214, 216, 217, 236
Kanchi Kaveri tradition—215, 219,
221
Kanhupa—311
Kanhai Khuntia—231
Kani—390, 399
Kaniska |—37, 64
Kankana—269
Katimala —268
Kanyakubja—351
Karala Kundalas—332
Kapalikas—317, 331, 332
Kapalini—332
Kapila—316, Rauta of 184, 190
Kapilendra—1 92
Kapilendradeva—125, 126, 183,
184, 188, 190-208, 192, 208, 215,
218, 219, 230, 231, 235, 236,
255, 256, 260, 262, 268, 432, 448,
Kapila Samhita—316, 317, 346, 394
Kapilesvar, King—-288, 289, 317,
421, temple of 316, 394, 419,
430, 436, 449, 452, of Charadh
456
Kapoteswara temple—231
Kara Kandu—-9
Karamanikapur—165
Karana—254
Karanjia—440
Karna, Kafachuri, king—109
Karnadeva, King—6, 87, 98, 101,
103. 109, 110, 111, 149. 155, 188,
237, 253, 349
Karnakesari— 101, 103, 110
Karnata—109
Karpurasri, queen—111
Kartikeya—68, 369, 378, 383, 385,
388, 390, 392, 399, 401, 402, 409,
431, 445, 450
Kasiagarh —260
Kasidasa Purohita—125
Kasi Misra—231
Kasturi Kamodini—158
Kasy apa — 336
Kausambi—331
Katasin—168
Katimekhala—269
Kaumari—333
Kaurashya—316
Kausalyaganga tank—153
Kaveri river—125, 207, 403
Kavira—346
Kayarohana—316, 317
Kesarikella—109
Kumara Samesvara ~ 114, 115, 116,
117
Kedaresvar temple—157, 319, 320,
379, 398
Kendrapara—450
Kenduli, village—276, 277
Keralaputra—250
Kesaribeda—441
Kesava Koili of Markanda Dasa —
289
Ketavaram—-224
Ketu Varman—260
Khadgatunga, king—145
Khadipada— 312, 448
Khakhara temple—334, 379, 384,
403
Khalikote—260
Khanavachana—286
Khandagiri—36, 303, 319, 366,367,
427
Khandariya temple— 373, 400
Khandika country—34
Khan-i-Azim—195
Kharavela, king—11, 23, 24, 25,
27,.37,,39; 125,251, 257, 276.
282, 296, 298, 299, 300,301,349,
350, 362, 564, 365, 368
(
x )
Khiching—2, 3, 138, Museum of
140, 265, 302, Temple of 333,
Monument of 440, 442.441, 442
Khichingesvari—141
Khijjinga—1 39
Khijjingakotta—8, 134, 440, 441
Khijjingesvari—141, 440
Khimedi—260
Khinjalimandala—8, 349
Khqani-i-Muazzam Ahamed Khan
—179
Khuntia—259
Khurdha area—455
Khwaja Muhammed Gawan—197
Khwaja Zahan—1 82, 196
Kichakagada—141, 334, 441
Kichakesvari—440
Ki-ling-kia (Kalinga)—61
Kinnaras—432
Kiratas—7, Kirata and Arjuna—376
Kirttimukha—381, 390, 391, 393,452
Kirttivasa—56, 57, 58, 187, Kataka
of 191, 393
Kokalla !|--—107
Kolavatidevi—267, 319, 400
Kommedevi—1 76
Komparaka—78
Konarka—167, 188, 325, 335, 342,
405, 412, 429, 432, 435, 436, 454,
Noe
Kondapalli—210, 212, 219, 225, 229,
230, 260
Kendavidu—182, 183, 185, 194, 195,
214, 218, 221, 223, 225, 226, 227,
229, 235, 236, 237, 238, 260, 288,
293, 407
Kongoda—54, 63, 76, 90, 91, 108,
188, 257, 284, 308, 377
Kong — Yu-to (Kongoda)— 61
Kosala—4, 7, 64, 78, 83, 96, 102,
105, 106, 108, 111,137, 188, 284,
Kosam—17, 265
Kotasame fort—243
Kotasimha — 165
Kotisamigarh—260
Kotitirthesvara—397, 403
Kottabhanja— 140
Kottura—5
Krishna, river—43, 47, 181,204
226, 236
Krishna, God—274, 275
Krishna Dasa—231, 273
Krishnadeva Ray, king—207, 215
220, 229
Campaign of—223, 226,227,
228, 248,260,263, 267,325
Krishna Gopiballabha—325
Ksemankaradeva — 77,78,82
Ksetra~—3
Ksirachora Gopinatha of Remuna—
329, 448
Kudepasiri—282, 299
Kulachandra—131
Kulotunga nadas—267
Kumaragiri—182, 183
Kumara Kapilesvara Mohapatra—
- 203, 209, 219
Kumaramatya—4, 19, 251, 253
Kumaraparvata—301, 364
Kumariparvata—24, 29, 300. 364
Kumbha—275, 390,399,403,452
453
Kumrahara—33
Kunta—259
Kupari— 447
Kuruma village—455
Kusalesvara temple— 444
Kushanas— 42
Kushana Coins—265
Kusika — 316, 317
Kutaitundi-temple—440
Kuvala—5/7
Kuvera—318, 39f
xi
)
Kuvera of Devarastra—43
Kuvja Visnu Vardhan—58
L
Lakhnauti—168,169
Lakhnor—165, 167
Laksmana—425, 426
temple of Khajuraho -373
Laksmikara=-70, 77
Laksmi-Narayana—343
Laksmi Narasimha of Simhachalam
Lakuta—395, 409
Lalatendu kesrai cave inscription—
131, 303
Lalita—340
Lolitahara—80
Lalitavistara—303
Lomasa— 336
Lanjira village—109
Laskara—12/7
Lingaraja temple—174, 319,324,
334,342, 344, 345, 359, 394,413,
426, 435, 440
Loka vigraha—6, 43, 44
Luipa-75, 311
M
Madalapanji—42, 66,78, 79, 103,
105, 111, 113, 118, 122, 129, 148,
159, 172, 183, 184, 185, 190, 191,
193, 203, 204, 217, 218, 220, 222,
223, 230, 239, 240, 258, 285, 312,
334, 407, 413, 418,
Madana Mahadeva—313
Madas—267
Madayalingam—200
Madhava, diety — 345, village—454
Madhavacharya—172
Madhavaraja I!—43, 53
Madhava Vijayakarya—1 72-
Madhukamarnava—156, 158, 161
( xii )
Madhukesvara temple—443 Mahasenapati—254
Madhyadesa—35 Mahasika—39
Madhyamaraja ||—53 Mahasivagupta—319
Magadha — 11, 33, 282, 286, 296, Mahasiva Tivaradeva—53, 96
297, 299, 300, 362 Mahavalachikrita—25
Magha—270 Mahavali Purana—379
Mahabharata—8, Oriya of 66—of Mahavijaya Pasada—24
Krishnadasa—144, of Sarala Mahavinayaka—418
Dasa 258, 259, 269-271, 290, Mahavira Vardhamana—296
292, 293, 325, 327, 328,330,335, Mahendra Dasa—217
419, 421, 424 -Mountain of 49, 330, 370, 371
Mahabhasya of Patanjali—33 Mahesvara— 344
Mahabharagupta— 103, 319 Mahima Dharma—313
Mahadanda Nayaka—251 Swami of—313
Mahadandasi—254 Mahtsamardini Durga of Jajpur—
Mahadeva Tritha—324, 3°9, 346 337,368, 378, of Vaital temple
Mahajanapadas—4 382, 385
Mahakalinga—9 Mahodadhi- 91
Mahakantara—43 Mainaka —348
Mahakosasala—43 64 Maithilis—236
Mahamandalas—253 Makara—420, month of 276
Mahamandalesvara—138 Makhdunah Jahan—197
Mahamandalika—254 Malava—336
Mahamatras—4, 14, 19 Malachandra—1/2
Mahameghavahanas—22 Malamvika—217
Mahanadi river—6, 62, 142,161, Malatira—329
453 Malati Madhava, Drama of eneve
Mahanta - 317 “bhuti - 332
Mahantipada— 448 Malik Andil —220
Mahapadmananda — 10 Malik Ikhtyaruddin Yuzbak— 169,
Mahapatra—193, 219, 254, 259 170
Mahapradhana—254 Malik Kafur—237
Mahapratthara - 251 Malik Qara Qash Khan—168
Maharaja—251, 252 Malik Tomar Khan —169
-Dharma Damodara—40 Mallamadas —-287
-Dharmaraja — 43 Mallapa Odeyar—- 195
~Surasarma — 266, 348 Mallikarjuna Deva —195, 198, 199,
Maharajadhiraja - 140, 253 200, 208, 209, 235, 239
Maha Ranaka —253 Mallu Khan~-224, 225
Mahasamanta— 252 Malwa — 202, 207, 237, 238
Mahasandhi rigrahi- 254 Manastkosa—293
( xili )
Manchapuri Gumpha —59, 301, 364,
365
Mandakini river—146, 438
Maridalas—392
Mandalika—253
Mandarana-fort—204, 260
Mangalagiri—230, 237
Mangalesa — 58
Maniar Matha of Rajgiri—17, 348
Maniksuta—268
Maninaga of Ranapur —455
Mansimha, General—126, 239, 259
Mantras—312, 423
Manucharita—226, 234
Manusamhita—6
Mardaraja- 259
Markanda Dasa— 291
Markandesvara temple—321
Markandeya Purana—145
Mashas — 266
Masuli Patam—311
Matanyga demon —56
Mathata, dynasty — 251
Mathura—33, 37, 283
Matsya Gandas -— 268
Matsya Madas—267
Matsyas of Oddadi—191, 256
Mattamayur — 319
Mattabhanu—125, 184
Mauryaputra—29
Maya—335
Mayadevi—418
Meghesvara temple — 160, 180, 320,
322, 395, 396, 404, 408-419, 425,
427, 428
Mekhala—6
Midnapur—50, 90
Minhaj-i-Siraj—167
Mitra—316
Mitresvara temple—316, 393, 429
Mohanagiri Siva temple—456
Mohini temple—331, 382, 393
Motijhali — 268
Mud—z268
Mudrahasta—254
Mudraraksasa—10
Mugdha Gandola Deva—148
Mugdha Tunga—103
Muhammad III—214
Muhammad of Ghazni—- 179
Muhammad Shah — 35
Muhammad Sheran—160
Muhammad Tughlaq—237
Mukhalingam—8,
Deity of 44, 45, location of 49,
64, 151, 153, 76, 186, Kaifiyat
of 203, 315, 320, of Sitabinja
368, 443
Muktesvara temple— 302, 319, 322,
333, 370, 388, 392, 393, 398, 399,
403, 406, 443, 444
Mukunda Harichandan—241, 242.
243
Mukuta—26€8
Muladeva—408
Mundesvari temple (Bihar) — 372
Munjakesa— 58
Muradabad ~— 310
Murari Misra — 273
Murunda rule—40-43
Mutukumuli— 214
N
Nabara—127
Nabhigaya—351
Nadu (Visaya)—253, 254
Naga—167, 347, 368, 397
Stambhas of —408, 432, 435, 444
Naganika~—34, 35
Nagara—254, 371, 372, 373
Nagaraja—367, 410
Nagaraka — 14
( xiv)
Nagarjuna—64, 310
Nagarjuna Konda—224
Nagi-167,397, 436, 445
Nahusa—106, 107, 108, 330
Nalanda—287, 348
Nanaghat inscription of —34, 35
Nanaka—346
Nandas—13, 23, 271, 322, 346 of
Jayapura —142-144
Nandakula—143
Nandanvaya-29 Nandaraja—
indentification of 28, 296, 297
Nannata—133, 283
Navamuni Cave inscription—131-
132, care of 303
Nandipada—285 -
Nandi Timan—334
Nandobhavas—147
Narahari Muni—173
Narahari Tirtha—172, 173, 324, 329,
346
Narasa Nayak—221, 222, 234
Narasimha, deity—231
Narasimhadeva I, King — 93, 162,
163, 164-172, 181, 186,199, 205,
240, 278, 412, 413, 415, 422, 324,
11-172, 173, 174, 309, 324, HI-174,
175, 176, IV-175, 182, 422, 438
Narasimha Misra Vhajapayi— 279
Narasimhapur—302, 439
Narendra Dhavala—147
Narendrapur— 447
Nasirrudin Abdul Mazaffer
Muhammad— 194
Natamandira—400, 405, 407, 410,
412, 418, 424, 425, 426, 427
Nataraja—381, 385, 431, 441
Navagraha—406
Slab of Konarka—422
N abar atha—430
Nayaka—259
Neulapur —448
Niali—453
Nigantha - 41
Nikaya—303
Niladeipur Sasana — 447
Nilagiri—491, area of 447
Nilamadhava— 336, of Gansaradi—
384, of Kantilo—456
Nilambara Acharya — 270
Nishanka Malla—343
Nishaparvati—396
Nityananda — 276
Padhati of Vidyakara—79
Nizam-ud-din-182 Ahmad—201
Nizam-ul-Mulk—196, 210
Nrisimha—324, 450
Nrisimha—324, 450
Nuapalli-village— 343
Nubein—93
Nuniz, account of 224, 228, 261
0
Odivisa—7
Oddiyana—308
Odra - 4, 6,.67, 68, 284
Odraka—30,78
P
Pachehiani That—259
Pada—390, 399
Padaka—268
Padapallava- 269
Padiraya, titlk—173
Padma—320
Padmanabha image of Bhimkand—
325
Padmanidhi Gandamadas —267
Padmapani—437
Padmatala—177
Padmavajra—31 1
Padmavati—216, 218, 275
Paga- 442
Pag-Sam-dJ on-zang — 308, 311
Pahada Simha—259
Pahlavas—7
Palasa—351
Palia—447, 454
Palur—260
Pattisa—259
Pana—266
Panakiya—286
Panchadi or Bhoga—251
Panchagaon—366
Pancha Pandava—314
Pancha ratha Design—385, 397,
425, 427, 443, 444
Panchasakha— 294, 313, 325
Panchatantra—283
Panchayatana design—377, Visnu
temple of Jaleuka—398
Pandavas—326
Pandu—41
Panduvamsi—96
Panjit413
Papanasini temple—430
Paramaguru—323, 381
( xv )
Parvati—57, 174, temple of 334,
343, 344, 383, 385, 392, 393,
401, 402, 420, 425, 426
Paricha—259
Paridandas—259
Parijata harana—234
Pariksa—256
Pschimadesadhikari—173
Paschima Kavata—259
Pasupati, Sect—315, 317
Pasupati temple inscription—67
Pata—390, 399
Patalaganga—237
Pataliputra—33, 40, 41
Patanjali—37
Patisa—127
Patna, Naga images—343, 368
Patra—259
Patrasuni, Goddess—-349
Pattanayaka—259
Paundrakas—6
Pavana dutam of Dhoi—114
Pavana-Gumpha—-301
Pasika——53
Paramardideva— 120, 162, 163, 320, Phulvivahi—208
323, 424 Pidha temple -388, 398, 412
Parasuramavijaya— —279 Pindika Harichandanpur — 273
Parasuramesvara temple—316, 317, Pippala Mahadeva—452
221, 373, 374, 376, 377, 378,387 Pir Muhammad Shattari—204
388, 393, 399, 443
Pistha Pura—5, 47, 254
Pargana—252 Pithunda —20
Parigha~259 Podagada—48
Parija—259 Po-lo-mo-!o-ki-li—64
Paranadevati—42 266, 348, 368, Pompasara—351
449 Potoda—142
Parnagiri -308 Prachanda—395, 441
Parnasavari—450 Prachi Valley Monuments—
Parsva Devata—390, 399, 401, 407, 445-446
409, 440, 454
Parsvanatha—296
ParSVanatha Charita ~ 332
Prachya Prakrita— 281
Pradhana —259
( xvi )
Pradhana vala—259
Pradyumno Misra—231
Prajna of Kapisa—311
Pratap Malla—117, 162
Prataparudradeva, King—175, 202,
218, 221-232, Kakatiya king, 237,
239, 248, 255, 262, 279, 345,
431, 438
Pre-historic sites of Orissa—3
Prithivi deva [l—120
Prithivi Mahadevi—72, 83, 84, 97,
102, 161
Prithiviraja—309
Prithvi Vigraha —44
Prithuloma— 56, 57
Prithura-identification of-—109
Pue sie-Pa. Ki-li—7
Purdaha—269
Puri Kushan Coins—16, 265
Pulkesin Il, King—52, 53, 58, 59,
241
Puliddasena—51
Purohita - 254 —
Purosrikarna—255
Purusottamadeva, King—204, 205,
206, 208, 221, 260, 269, 297, 448
Purvananda—29
Puskari, Capital of —48
Puspagiri-7, Mahavihara of-62, 439
Pusyagupta, Governor— 28
Pusyamitra Sunga—1/7, 22, 31, 32,
33, 34
Putapata — 252
Pyrrhua, the Turks—170
0)
Quazi Jalaluddin Kashari—1 68
R
Rabiya, Queen—88, 92
Rachakonda—181, 195
Radha, country— 76, 77, 109
Radha, deity—325, 329
Raghava—156, 159, 297
Raghubhanja Chotaraya — 240, 241,
242
Raghula—312
Raghurama Chotaraya—240
Raghuvamsa—271, 290
Raghuvamsa—2/71, 290
Rahapagas—402, 408
Rahu—388, 393
Raibanla, fort—260
Raichampati—279
Rajabhaoga—122
Rajaguru — 254
Rajamalla-1—148
Rajamundry—183, 185, 194, 195,
230, 237, 246, 194, 195, 237,
246, 260
Rajaraja |, King—110, 408,
H-159, 320, 453, II-1€0
Rajarani temple-—-393, 398
Rajasundari ~ 124
Rajasuya—25, 237
Rajatarangini—31, 32
Rajendra chola—83, 94, 114
Rajghata—17, 265
Rajgriha—17
Raktavahu, invasion of—42, 78, 79,
338
Rama—173, 310, 323, 324, 329, 376,
425, 426
Ramachandradeva—126, 129
Ramachandi of Konarka—310, 335,
418, 419
Ramacharita manasa - 110, 293
Ramananda—233, 246, 279, 346
Ramanuja —346
Ramapala— 110, 155
Ramapurva pillar~ 356
( xvii )
Ramatirtjiiam—36, 39
Ramayana of Balarama Dasa—269,
294
Ramesvara temple —305, 306, 394,
398
Ranabhanja—137, 140, 141
Ranaka Satrubhanja—136
Ranavigraha—103
Ranchi —1
Rangali, a lady—266
Rani Gumpha - 36, 364, 365
Ranipur Jharial—403, 444, 454
Rastrakutas—78, 147, 148
Rastrikas—23
Ratha—379, 443
Rati—370, 428
Ratnadeva |I1—156, 161
Ratnagiri—307, 311, vihara of-369,
384, area of -439-440
Ratnahara—268
Ratnakesari—132
Ratnapyda—117, 119, 120, 161, 170
Ratnavadika - 416
Rauta—259
Rautaraya—259
Raya—259
Rayabhanja—146, 441
Rayavachakam—261, 268
Rekha—411
Remuna—448
‘Rishikulya, river —6
Rudra - 345, 351
Rudradatta— 112
Rupamvika—217, 218
S
Sachidevi—231
Sadhupradhan Jayadeva — 277;
Sahajayana—287
Sahajiya — 286, 318, 325, 327
Sahani—259,
Sahasrasira Ravana — 291
Sainyabhita Madhavaraja — 52
Sakas—278
Sakhigopala—329
Sakhinacha—290
Salabhanjika—434
Salastambha—67
Salipura area—-450
Saluva Narasimha—200, 205, 207,
209, 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 217,
218, 221, 234
Saluva Timma—224
Samala—259
Samanta — 73, 252
Samantaraya—259
Samanta Simhara — 259
Sambhala, location of —309, 310
Sambalesvari—309, 335
Sambhukara Vajapeyi —- 279
Sambhuyasya-— 49, 50
Samkha— 320 — 343
Samkhepa Ramayana — 268
Samudra Gupta-Campaign of —43
Sanchi— 39, 302, 364, 366, 367, 371
Sandhyadhikarana—252
Sangharama—39
Sanjana Khan—201
Sankaradeva, ..Yadava King—237
Sankaragana, Kalachuri King—97,
99, 103
Sankaragiri, Fort—225
Sankhadhara—279
Santikaradeva—80, 81, 84, 133
Saptamatruka—319, 333, 391,439
Saptaratha—404, 425, 427, 429
Saptasala—321
Saptasati of Hala—329
Sara— 259
Sarakana— 329
Sarala, Goddess — 335,
Sarala Dasa — 287, 288,290, 291,
292, 324, 328, 335
( xviii )
Sarala Mahabharata (Oriya) — 234,
238
Saranatha —299, 305, 379
Saranga Garh—156, 260, 445
Saranghara Fert—176
Saraswati — 323, 425
Saraswati Vilasam—209, 210, 217,
223
Saravaraja—241
Sarideula —- 425, 426, 429, 430
Sarvasidhi, Taluk — 241
Sasanka, King —52, 53, 54, 55, 58,
60, 315
Sasukani Tanka -268
Satakarni, King—23, 11-39, 367
Satananda, Smriti writer —272, 339
Satavahana dynasty — 37
Satrubhanja— 105, 135, 136, 137,
139
Sattughnesvara temp!e—370, 374,
337
Satyaputras—250
Sa > aras—338
Savaripa—331
Saveli— 259
Sayid Ali—197
Saleukos Niktar—213
Seorinarayana—1 61
Sesasayi Visnu — 325
Snah Ismaili Ghazi— 204
Shah Mohibullah ~ 197
Shahzada — 220
Shamsuddin—179
Shanavati-village —119
Sharf-Ul-Mulk-al Ashari - 168
Shargi — Sultan—201, 202, 235
Sidhabhuti — 344
Sidhesvara Temple — 398, 438
Sidi-Badr — 220
Sikandar: Khan—196
Sikandar Uzbeg — 242
Sikhara - 372, 376, 379, 380, 390,
392, 393, 410, 425, 428
Sikei Mahanti —- 231, 243
Silabhanja—115, 133, 138
Simhachalam - 172, 173, 174, 179,
176, 182, 185, 198, 212, 225, 227
Simhadvara—416
Simhapara — 254
Simuka — 30
Singhanatha temple — 377
Singhapura — 47
Singharaju —241
Sirati-Firuz Shahi-177, 179
Sirpur~96, 97
Sirsachandra Mahapatra—225
Sisuadevas—317
Sisupalagarh — 39, 40, 265, 333, 364
Sita-173, 323, 329, 426, Devi of-
1972
Sitabinji, Paintings—44, 45, 139,
314
Sisirresvara temple of—318, 378,
380, 381, 383, 384, 386, 388, 390
Siva —- 54, 342, 344, 345, temple of
_ Baudh - 392-393
Sive Gupta—97, 101
Sivakaradeva—71, 76, 77; II-78, 80;
HI-82, 83, 84
Sivani — 333
Sivaraja- Maharaja—50
Skandapurana — 331
Solanabhanja ~ 137, 138
Solanapur—449
Somadatta — 60
Somanatha—31 7
Somavamsi—96, 116
Somesvara—106, 109, 118 120, 148;
312, temple of—430
Sompeta— 49
Sonepur — 79, 113, 310, 349
Sradha Padhati of Sambhukara—279
( xix )
Sravasti—351 Surya—321, 344
Sree Kurmanatha—160, 174, 185, Surya Vamsis—190, 233
231, 324 Susena—58
Sri Chaitanya—230, 231, 232, 247, Suvarnagiri- 13
274, 276, 277, 293, 313, 330, Suvarnapura—102, 104,115, 117,
345, 448 137
Sridhara Acharya—278 Svabhavatunga—71, 72, 99, 103
Srikarana—255 Svamidatta of Kottura—43
Sri Krishna, God of —232, 239, 246, Svapnesvara, King—160, 320, 408,
322, 323, 326, 327, 328, 330, 335. 453, temple of Knalo—377, 446,
340, 402, 403, 409, 425, 428 450, 55
Srimad Bhagavata Purana—293,325 Svargapuri Cave—301, 364
Sri Radha—247, 228, 330 Svarnadri Mahodaya—331, 345,
Sri Rama Temple—207, 235 363, 382, 394, 397, 399, 402, 423
Sri Sailam—200, 235, 237 Svarnajalesvar temple—320, 321,
Stambhesvari—173, 349 376, 435
Sterlirg, account of-——341 Syama Sundar Bhanja—273
Stupa—306, 366 T
Subhadra, deity— 222.226, 268, 341, Tabagat-i-Abkbari—223
47 T abagat-i-Nasiri—162, 163
Subhakaradeva, King I—76, 77-79, Talavara—251
105, 148, 311, 337, 388, 448- Talcher—307
449, II!-78, 148, [V-80, 102 Talesvar temple —- 380
Subhakara Simha — 71 T amaka—259
Subhakritti — 60 Tamma Bhopala —199
Subhanadeva-78, 131, 143 Tangendh - 224, 260
Subhastambha of Jaipur—322, 439 Tanjore - 199, 235
Sulaiman Karanani—242 T anka—268
Sulkis of Kodalaka—144-145 Tantra ~ 311, 312
Sultan Mahud — 221 Tantrika —318
Sumha—/7, 350 Tara— 447, 450
Sunanda, King - 47 Tarabha, village—148
Sunagara — 47 Taranatha—7, 32
Sundarapada ~ 367 Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi—176, 177, 180
Sun temple, Konark - 410-424 Tattva-Gumpha — 301, No. | &
Suryapurana—437 No. {1
Sunyata—313 Telingana— 196, 201, 260
Surasarma—42 Te-tsong— 311
Surasund ari—434 Tilopa—311
Suresvara temple of—403-404, 444 Tippamvika —217
( xx
Tippera (as Jajnagar) —174
Tirtha Chintamani—423
Tiruvannamalai —224
Trivara, King— 53
Torana of Muktesvara—389
Toranabhanjika—434
Toshali—6, 14
Tribhurana Mahadevi, Queen—/71,
72, 73, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 88,
91, 99, 102, 148, 323
Tribhuvanesvar Shrine—56, 363,
393
Trichinapolly—200, 235
Trikalinga—371
Trilochanesvara temple—438
Triratha—404
Triratna—386
Trisula—342
Triveni—~241, 242
Tughan Khan—415
Tughril Tughal Khan— 165, 167,
168, 174
Tukka, daughter of Prataparudra-
deva—218, 227
Tukka Panchakam—228
Tulabhina—293
Tula Purusa, Ceremony —241, 351
Tulasi—342
Tulasi Paricha—231
Tummanae—1 61
Tungas of Yamagarta Mandala—
145, 146
U
Ubhaya Khinjalis — 8, 135
U-Cha (Odra) - 61
Udanda Khan — 224
Udyagirt hill-22, 36, 39, 59. fort
of—199, rajya— 215, 218,221, 222,
225, 235, 26Q 265, 300, 301, 303,
307, 34, 364, 367, 376, 410.
)
Udayamana —- 50
Udayana, Poet— 453
Udaya Sila, Conquest of —-215
Uddiyana— 308, 309
Uddivisa—309
Uddyotakesari—97, 100, 108, 112,
114, 116, 131, 132, 303, 312, 319.
Udhava Dasa—273
Udra—83
Ugrasarma—67
Ulughkhan Balban—169, 175
Ujjaini—13
Umadevi—174
Umapat! deva—274
Undrakonda—260
Unmatta Kesari, King—71, 90
Unmatta Simha—279, 311
Unarika—252
Urdhva Visaya—94
Urika vali—254
Uriya Mardana—2095
Urshin—7, 87, 88
Utkal—6, 105, 108, 111, 284, 303
Uttara Kavata—259
Uttara Sasana—449
Uttara Toshali—6, 7
Uttaresvar temple—331, 370
Uttariya —269
V
Vadakela, village—149
Vadachandi Dasa— 287
Vada—380, 410, 444
Vadhamangala —25
Vadrekha-— 25, 36
Vadukha -— 282
Vagisvara — 386
Vahana Stambha-405
Vahinipati-111
Vahirangesvar temple of — 382
Vaidakhia —448
( xxi)
Vaidesvard tempie—452
Vaidyanatha—monuments of — 444,
temple—173
Vaisanavi—330, 409,
Vaital temple—318, 321, 331, 332,
333, 370, 379, 380, 381, 387,
403, 405, 438
Vaitarani river—336, 337
Vajra—318
Vajramitra—30
Vakresvara temple—430
Valahita—252
Vali—266, 321
Valivadha—370
Valiyarasimha—259
Valibharaja—92
Vamacharin—318
Vamadeva—317
Vamana Purana—444
Vandhana—399, 402
Vanga—9, 98. 109, 148
Vangopasagara—91
Vanjula Vaka—138
V4raha, deity —231,343, temple of
Jajpur-431, 439; Purana of —234
Varahi - 333, Shrine of Narendrapur
334, temple of Chawrasi 447
pVaruna — 420, 443
Varunani—420
Varanasi Kataka—104, 153, 255
"Varandi—399
Varendra—168, 172, 357
Vardhamanapur -—47
Varunesvara temple of — 429
Vasanta—390, 399
Vasudeva, deity—345, 346
Vasudeva |, Kashan King — 265
Vasudeva Ratha— 258
Vasudeva Vahinipati—253
Vasujyestha ~ 30
Vasu Mahapatra—192
Vatsa Dasa—291
Vayu Purana— 316,330
Vedhaparikrama—216
Veligalani Copper Plate—193
Vellam konda—260
Veni sagara—442
Vetala—331
Vibhisana—425
Vidyadhara, author of Ekavali - 172,
259, 278
Vidyadhara Bhanja—136, 137
Vidyakara—279
Vidyanagara—219
Vidyapati—252
Vidara—326
Vijay a—343
Vijayanagara—181, 194, 195, 199,
200, 201, 202, 207, 208, 213, 217,
220, 221, 223, 227, 229, 234, 236
237, 256
Vijapuraka —369
Vijayasena—155, 171
Vikaramaditya—147
Vikram Era—147
Vikramra Gangesvara—124, 153
Vilanka Ramayana ~ 288, 291
Vilva ~ 342
Vimala, Goddess—335
Vindusarovara—162, 318, 323, 324,
331, 333, 345, 429
Vindhya, mountain—58
Vinaya, texts—303
Vinitapura—104
Vinukonda—195, 199, 200, 214,
224, 260
Virabhadra — 138, 195, 226, 227
Virabhanudeva—173
Viranchi Narayana—324-325
Viraja—6, 68, 113, 307, 330, 131,
Mahantriya of —331, 336, 337-
340, 370, 438
(
Vira Narasimha —222, 285, 382
Virapandya —237
Vira Rajendra—124
Vira Saiva—200
Viratagarh — 141
Viresvara— 391
Virupa - 311
Virupaksa — 205
Visapati—173, 253
Visnu—321, 322, 330, 342, 343,
425, 441, of Bhimkond—450
Visnugopa of Kaschi — 43
Visnupur—167
Visnupurana —68
Visnu Sarma—272
Visnu Vardhana—58, 192, 194
Visvanatha Kavi—279
Visvavasu— 336
Visvesvar temple — 453
Vivahapadhati—279
Vrihadbhoga=253
Vrindavana— 231, 329 e
Vrisha Stambha -—342, 409
Vyaghra Gumpha—301 :
W
Warangal — 260
Wu-Cha-9
ed
Yaksa Image of ~ 366, 368, 432,
456
xxif )
Yama ~ 317 .
Yamesvara temple—317, 393, 405,
425, 426, 427, 430
Yami — 420
Yamuna—381., river of - 428, 452
Yamunapara—235
Yasoda -— 402, 403
Yasodhara Kavya—332
Yasovanta Dasa—291, 294
Yavana—278
Yavanaraja Dimita—37
Yayati-I, King—72, 79, 103, 104,
106, 111, 113, 135, 136, 137,
312, H-97, 101, 103, 107, 108,
109, 116, 253, 402, 403
Yayatikesari—103, 105, 402
Yayatinagara - 8, 99, 104, 107, 111
Yin-Cheng — 64
Yoga—311
Yogamudra - 395
Yogapatta—409, 440, 443
Yogasana ~-316
Yogosvara — 347
Yuan Chwang—7, 8, 52, 54, 56, 90,
257, 284, 308, 315
Yuptas—14
Yuvaraja, Kalachari King - 104
Yuzback, Muslim Governor — 162,
166
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